Naming the Moment | Documents | LifeMosaic naming the moment

Deborah Barndt
Ca'rlos Freire, Illustrator

The Moment Project
Jesuit Centre for Social Faith and Justice

Preface to the Second Printing
The power of a moment

•   October 1989. The crumbling of the Berlin Wall and 
developments in Eastern Europe \lave challenged us all to 
redefine the kind of democractic socialism we are 
working for.  This manual only hints at the  need for more 
visioning; we need to bring the question to the forefront. 

Midnight, Jan.  15,  1991. As I write this, it is less than two 
days away.  Never has  the concept of 'the moment' provoked 
such profound and frightening  reactions.  Around the world, 
people  await  the  'dead­line'  set  by  the  United  States  for 
Iraq  to  withdraw  from  Kuwait  'or  else.'  'Or  else'  is  not  •   December 1989. The Montreal massacre of 14  women 
clear to  anyone,  but  the  possibilities  are daunting.  Between 

students 'for being women' has exposed the deep core of 
the moment that this is  being written and the moment it will 
misogyny in our patriarchal society. Some feminists have 
be  published  and  read,  we  may  be  thrust  into  a  full­scale 
suggested that the moment process needs to better link 
the personal stories of daily oppression with our analysis 
global war. 
of structures that oppress  us. 
Now,  as  never  before,  we  confront  the  reality  of  our 
interdependence on this earth. We recognize the connections  •   July 1990.  'Oka' is  now a profound cultural symbol 
between the food we feed our children and chemical warfare 
recalling the aggressive response of Quebec provincial 
on another continent,  between the Rambo movies  we watch 
police and the Canadian armed forces against the 
Mohawk people and the new strength and clarity of First 
and  the  attitudes  and  actions  of our  leaders.  And  we  find 
ourselves  hanging  precariously  between  feelings  of powerNations people fighting for self­determination. The 
structural analysis in this manual does not sufficiently 
lessness and determination to act, between despair and hope. 
acknowledge the brutal process of colonization in our 

This  is  the  second  printing  of the  Naming the Moment 
history and the survival over 500 years of the native 
manual. The first printing has  sold out, just over a year after 
spirit, which is now teaching us all new ways of thinking 
we  published  it.  It  is  clearly  responding  to  a  deep  need 
about our relationship to  the earth and to each other. 
that Canadian groups  are feeling  for  more ongoing  political 
analysis  and  for  more  cross­sectoral  collective  action.  We  •   September 1990. The surprise election of the New 
who  have  developed  The  Moment  Project  over  the  past 
Democratic Party  in  Ontario has forced community 
five  years  are  pleased  that  our  concerns  find  resonance 
activists to re­evaluate their relationship to the governwith others. 
ment and to assess what kind of 'free space' this particular 
political moment offers for our various causes. 

Recent critical moments

I

And yet,  a year of new political developments also offers  Developments in The Moment Project

Our  own  process  has  perhaps  reflected  some  of  the 
perspective  on the ideas  within these pages. As author, I  am 
aware of the holes in  our analysis  and the limitations  of our  shifting  forces  described above.  Since the  first  printing,  we 
approach.  Events continue to shape our growing conscious- have  grounded  the  naming  the  moment  approach  in  the 
ness and,  in  tum,  to  shape the questions we ask: 
ongoing life of social change groups  across the country: 

ii

Making the moment their own
•   In June of 1989,  over fifty  activists went through a 
three­day training program in the moment methodology, 
We  are most heartened by the groups  in different parts of  
applying the analysis to  issues ranging from racism and  Canada who have taken some of the tools suggested here and  
poverty in Toronto's core to  solidarity programs with 
created  their  own  processes  and  practices.  Some  we  hear  
southern Africa and Central America. 
about indirectly, others have shared their adaptations with us.  
•   The 1989­90 Moment Workshop series involved teams  
•   The Popular Education,  Strategy and Training group  

from  13 Toronto groups in learning and applying the  
(PEST) in Vancouver involve9activists from many  
r
moment process to their work.  
sectors in analyzing the GST and developed a model  
•   In November  1990, we launched a Training for Trainers 
Program called 'Multiplying ｾ･   Moment,'  with  18 
participants who are now designing their own training 
events with various sectors. 

workshop on the Corporate Agenda which has  been  
multiplied many times over.  

New questions

a South Mrican activist who then organized a similar  
'State of the Nation' workshop series inside South Africa.  

•   Native students at 'frent University have used the  
moment process to  examine 500 years of colonial  

occupation and the actions of First Nations People  
•   The 1990­91 Moment Workshop series was co­sponsored 
toward self­determination.  
with the Ontario Coalition for Social Justice, in an effort 
to  link our cross­sectoral monthly analysis with actions 
•   The Toronto Committee for the Liberation of Southern  
being taken by popular groups loosely joined through the 
Africa (TCLSAC) ran a series of training workshops in  
Action Canada Network. 
moment methods for anti­apartheid groups, involving  

Some  of  the  questions  that  have  emerged  from  these 
•   Coalitions of social change groups have emerged from 
gatherings: 
workshops of moment analysis in Kingston,  Ontario, 
Who speaks for whom? How can the voices of those most 
and on Vancouver Island, B.C. 
affected by  a struggle be heard and their leadership heeded? 
•   I had an opportunity to use this process with the board of 
How  do  we  link  local  struggles  against  poverty  and 

the Highlander Center in the Appalachian region of the 
racism with work of coalitions against a global restructuring 
U. S., where preparation for the Persian Gulf war was  
of the economy that continues to put profits before people? 
heavy on the hearts and minds of American educators  
and activists.  
What is  the role of the spiritual dimension of people and 
communities  in  our efforts  to  create  a  more  just  society? 
It is in these various practices of political analysis that we 
How do we integrate heart and head in our analysis? 
are  developing  a  deeper  understanding  of the  struggles  we 
How do we guard against a mechanical application of the  are engaged in, the actions we are taking, and the educational 
moment methodology  and  encourage  creative  adaptations  processes that will help move us closer to our goal of a more 
that  grow  out  of  and  respond  to  specific  peoples, .places,  just society that is  anti­racist,  anti­sexist,  and democratic in 
economic, political and social terms. 
struggles? 

I

iii

Hopefully,  this  manual  can  continue  to  be  a catalyst  in 
this  process.  The  strengths  that  people  have  found  in  the 
moment approach include: 
­ the valuing of structured reflection among activists; 
­ the integration of questions of race, class, gender; 
­ the  creative  tension  between  structural  and  conjunctural 
analysis,  integrating work at  short and long tenn goals; 
the exploration of the  'free space' each moment offers, 
a more dialectical  view of constraints and possibilities; 
the participatory and collective nature  of the process; 
the integration of emotional and cultural expression; 
the cross­sectoral gathering,  linking issues and groups. 

Thanks to persons

I
I

Finally,  I'd  like  to  address  another  weakness  in  the  first 

edition. The acknowledgements referred to over 100 community activists  who  contributed to  the  collective development 
of the  moment methodology.  I  have  been  a  spokesperson 
for  a project  which  is  owned by  many  others,  who  should 
also  be credited for  the  ideas in  this  book.  I  am,  therefore, 
including  here  the  names  of  participants  (groups  and 
individuals)  in  the  fIrst  fIve  years  (1986­1991)  of moment
workshops,  to  make  more  palpable  this  sense  of collective 
effort.  

Shelly Acheson. Janice Acton. Dinora Aldana. Christine Almeida, Rick
Arnold, Mike Balkwill, Kevin Ba,.rett. Dominic Bellissimo, Elaine Bishop,
Jules Bloch. Elizabeth Bosma-Donovan. Don Bouzek. Bonnie B,.iggs.
Elaine B,.indley. Lisa Bunting, Bev Burke. Linda Burnside, Kent Buse.
Stephen Bush, Ca,.rie Butche,.. Jill Butler. Ped,.o Cabezas. Jenny Cajiso,
Bob Carty, Chris Cavanagh, Lilian Caviglia, Carol Cayenne, Pat
Chauncey. Christina Chu. Marjorie Colten, Fiona Connelly, Janice
Conway. Mary Corkery. Rosemary Coulton. Joe Curcio, Feme Cristall.
Stuart Cl'Ombie, Gerald Curry. Michael Czerny. Alex Dagg, Bill Darnell.
Tania Das Gupta. Bob Davis, Lynne Davis. Susan Davy, Sabe,.a Desai.
Alice DeWolf!. John Dillon, 'C(;ry Docto/·ow. Suzanne Doerge, Barbara

Donaldson, Tim Draimill. Angela Drake, Eleanor Dudar, Janice Dunk.
Grace Edward Galabuzi. Carolyn Egan. Fran Endicott, Lorraine
Endicott. Rachel Epstein, Nancy Farmer. Liz Feltes. Charles Femandes.
Margot Fish. Deirdre Fisher. John Foster. Steve Foster. Carlos Freire,
Deirdre Gallagher. Kerry Gearin. James Gerome. Jojo Gero/limo.
Margaret Gittens, Amy Go, Eve Goldberg. Amy Gottlieb, Jane Gurr.
Sister Gwen Smith. Marlene Hammer. Marllie Hayes. Colleen Heffron.
Jane Henson. Carmencita Hernandez. Jim Hodgson. Dennis Howlett.
Sandy Iverson. Anne-Marie Jackson.. Anna Jacobs, Johan Jacobs. Carl
James. Yvette James, Keith Jardi'le. George Kaperaneas. Bernie Keating,
Rosemary Kennedy. David Kidd. Sandra Kowalchuk. Joan Kuyek. Liisa
Laing. Frances Lankin. Ruth Lara. Jane Larimer, Eddie Lee. Panicia
Lisson. Simon Liston. Doug Little, Salome Loucas, Susan Lussier. Dawn
Lyons. Colin MacAdam, Carol MacGregor. John Maine. Ana Maria
Santinoli. dian marino. Judith Marshall. J"ynne Martens. D'Arcy Martin.
Tammie Mayes. Judy McKinley. Meri McLeod, Pam Millar. Cathy
Moggeridge, Pierann Moon. Chris Morry. Ruth Mott. Rudy Mumm. Eva
Murray. Evelyn Napier, Liisa North, Martha O·Campo. Michale O·Kane.
Vicki Obedkojf, Adongo Ogony, David Orfald. Harry Oswin. Louise
Owen. Rhonda Payne. Ito Pengo Maureen Perlmutter. Sara Peters, Gord

Peters. Fred Plaill. Susan Prentice, Heather Quirt. Thomas Rahn. Gloria
Reinberg, Diane Roberts, Kirk Roberts, David Robertson. Maria Rosa
Pinedo. Heather Ross. Jenny Rossi. Ann Rowan, Carol ROwland, Julie
Salverson. Matt Sange/; John Saul, Ann Scott. Schlomit Segal. Ligia
Segura, Yasmine Shamsie, Michael Shapcott. Jim Sheppard. Ed Sheridan.
Kate Sigu/"dson. Scott Sinclair. Kristine Sisson. Linda Slavin. David
Smiley. David Smith, Zubeida Somani, Andre Sorenson. Pat/icia Spinner.
Sandy Steinecker, Sheila Stewart, Keith Stewart. Ed Sullivan, Rhonda
Sussman. Julia Tao, Barb Thomas. Betsy Trumpener, Teresa Valde.
Mariana Valverde, Judy Vashti Persad. Susan Walke/; Tom Walsh. Jane
Warral, Sharlynn White, Laurel Whitney. Helen Woolridge. Linda Young.

iv 

And to organizations

Internationai, Political Science Dept. ofYork University, Pollution Probe,
Popular Education Strategy and rraining. Pro-Canada Network. Pubiic
It is  also  important  to  note  the  different  community  Service Alliance of Canada, Queen s University, Race Relations Dept. of
groups that these individuals represented, which reflects both  the Toronto Board of Education, Scarborough Foreign Missions, Second

the  organizational bases and the cross­sectoral nature of this  Look Community Arts, South Riverdale Community Health Centre,
St. Christopher House, St. Stephen's Community House, The Meeting
work. 
Place Drop In Centre, Tools for Peace, Toronto Board of Education,
ACTRA, Alliallufor Employment Equity, Applied Psychology Dept. ofthe Toronto Disarmament Network, Toronto Committee for the Liberation of
OnJilrio Institute for Studies in Education, Arcadia Housing Cooperative, Southern Africa, United Church of Canada, VIGIL Refugee SuPpo/·t
Balkwill & Associates, BASIC Poverty Action Group, BC Ad Hoc Network, Women Plan Toronto, Women Working with Immigrant Women,
Committee for Social Solidarity. Birth Control and VD Information Women s Studies Dept. of University of Toronto. ｮ･ｭｾ
  's Press, Women s
Centre, Canadian Union of Education Workers, Canadian University Health Sharing, Woodgreen Community Centre.
Service Overseas ­ Toronto, Canadian Crossroads, Canadian Friends
While it becomes clearer how collective an effort this has 
Service Committee, Canadian Council of Churches,Canadian Action
for Nicaragua, Catholic Committee on Development and Peace, Catholic been,  I still  take  final  responsibility  for  the  interpretations 
Children's Aid Society, CBC Sunday Morning, Central Neighbourhood offerred within these pages. 
House, Citizens for a Safe Environment, Coalition Against Free Trade
(Ontario Coalition for Social Justice), Committee for the Advancement of Deborah Barndt 
Democracy in the Philippines, Communication and Electrical Workers Toronto, January 14,  1991 
Union, Coop Housing Association, Cross-Cultural Communications
Centre, Davenport-Perth Community House, Disabled People for
Employment Equity, Doris Marshall Institute for Education and Action,
Ecumenical Coalition for Economic Justice (GATT-Fly), End Legislated
Poverty, Faculty of Environmental Studies ­ York University, Falstaff
Community Association, Foodshare, George Brown College Community
Worker Program, Grindstone Youth Coalition, Ground Zero Productions,
Hori'lOns for Friendship, Houses Opening Today Toronto, International
Centre, International Ladies Garment Workers Union, Jesuit Refugee
Service, Jesuit Centre for Social Faith and Justice, Jewish Women s
Committee to End the Occupation in the West Bank and Gaza, Kawartha
World Issues Centre, Latin American Women's Collective, Mayworks
Festival for Working People and the Arts, Metro Labour Education and
Skills rraining Centre, Mixed Company Theatre, National Action
Committee on the Status of Women, Native Studies Dept. of Trent
University, Native Canadian Centre, Neighbourhood Legal Services,
Nishnawbi Aski Nation, Oblate Conference, Ontario Public Interest
Research Group, Ontario Council for Agencies Serving Immigrants,
Ontario Environment Network, Ontario Secondary School Teachers
Federation, Our TImes, OXFAM, Parents Against Poverty, Parkdale
Project READ, Parkdale Community Legal Services, Participatory
Research Group, Participatory Policy Advocacy Group ­ MacMaster
  Christi, Pay Equity Commission, Peace Brigades
University, ｾｐ

Contents
Acknowledgements 

1  

Introduction 

3  

7  

Chapter 1 

An Idea· A Practice 

Chapter 2 

History of the Concept 

14  

Chapter 3 

An Approach:  Introducing the Four Phases 

24  

Chapter 4 

Two Examples:  Putting the Phases Together 

50  

Chapter 5 

Practice:  Naming the Moment Everyday 

77  

Appendix 1:  Dictionary of Terms 

83  

Appendix 2:  A Training Program 

84  

Appendix 3:  Resources 

89  

1 

Acknowledgements
The  Moment Project has  from  the  start been a collective 
Rick  Arnold  and  Bev  Burke  joined  Carlos  Freire  and 
project.  It  has  involved  over  100  community  activists  in  myself in the developing the overall design and outline. 
monthly  naming  the  moment  workshops  and  in  training 
The collaboration with Carlos has  been very special, built 
workshops  with  groups  applying  the  method  to  their  own 
on  three  years  of  working  together  to  translate  ideas  into 
work. 
images  through  the  publication  The Moment. Far from  an 
This manual, as an outgrowth of The Moment Project, is  afterthought, the  visuals in this manual  were a dynamic part 
thus  the  product  of  many  experiences  and  conversations  of the writing and production. 
over  the  past  three  years.  There  are  some  individuals, 
I  offer  special  thanks  to  the  Jesuit  Centre,  and,  in 
however,  who  should  be  credited  for  specific  pieces  of the 
particular,  to  Michael  Czerny,  S.J.,  for  giving  birth  and 
manual: 
constant support to the specific approach to political analysis 
Patricia Wagner of the Institute for Popular Democracy  for action which we call naming the moment. 
in the Philippines for the definitions used on pages 7 
The  deeper  inspiration  for  this  work  comes  from  the 
and 8; 
people  and  groups  who  are  fighting  on  a  daily  basis  for  a 
John Dillon of GAIT­Fly for the presentation of ideas 
more just society. We both incorporate their experiences and 
synthesized on page 11. 
feed  this  back  to them as  a potential  tool  for educating and 
organizing for social change. 
Erma Stultz for the original version of the graphics 
reproduced on pages 17 and  18, fIrst appearing in 
As readers and users of this manual, you are among these 
A New Weave (See Resources). 
people.  The  continual  line  you  will  follow  through  these 
pages  represents  our  constantly  moving  and  changing 
Pamela Millar of Pollution Probe for reviewing the 
history. The lively maple leaf is  a symbol for the conscience 
synthesis of her group's experience on pages 55­59; 
and  the  critical eye  that  you  and  others  bring  to  this  work, 
Ann Rowan of OPIRG for the reflections on  
and to our collective efforts. 
page 74.  
The  following  people  offered  critical  yornments  on  the 
manuscript  before its  final  editing:  Christfne Almeida,  Rick 
Arnold,  Bev  Burke,  Michael  Czerny,  Deirdre  Gallagher, 
Jojo Geronimo,  dian  marino,  and Denise Nadeau. 
Rebecca Kneen and  Sandra  Kowalchuk have helped  in 
the  preparation  of  the  manuscript  at  various  stages  of 
production. 

Deborah Barndt 
The Moment Project 
Jesuit Centre 
Toronto, Ontario 
May, 1989 

2  

3 

l,

I

Introduction
This  moment:  it  is  unlike  any  other  moment  in  time.  over  forty  years.  In  the  early  1970's,  residents  began 
How  can we understand what it offers  so  that we  can make  organiiing to rid the area oflead pollution. 
the best use of it? 
How  have  people  used  moments  in  the  past  to  push 
toward greater social justice? 

Through many years of hard work,  they  developed their 
own  understanding  of  the  problem  as  well  as  their 
organizational  capacity  to  fight  it.  Based  in  a  community 
One community's experience
health centre, and with the support of the local MPP and the 
In the neighbourhood  where the Jesuit Centre is  located,  Metro  Labour  Council,  concerned  citizens  pressured  for 
a  local  metal  factory  (once  a  U.S.  subsidiary)  spewed  blood­level testing.  A dangerous  level  of lead was  found  in 
lead­laced fallout  into  the  yards of community residents  for  young children. 

Notes 

4 

,

The  community  got  further  support  from  independent 
doctors  and  scientists  who  confirmed  their  findings.  These 
groups  pressured  a  reluctant  Ontario  Ministry  of  the 
Environment  to  order  the  lead  factory  to  stop  work.  The 
company  also  gathered  its  allies:  their  lawyers,  a 
multinational lead lobby, and their own medical experts. The 
stop work order was set aside by the courts. 
A provincial  inquiry resulted  in  some structural changes 
curbing  the pollution by  the factory.  Still the lead  remained 
in  the  soil  at  a  dangerously  high  level  in over  1,000 
properties  in the neighbourhood.  Children risked their lives 
by playing in their yards;  family gardens produced poisoned 
vegetables. 

The moment was ripe for this action because of a particular combination of factors. The new government officials
in power were more sympathetic. But this support had been
built over time through thoughtful organizing by community
activists.
They were ready to act because they had laid the ground
over many years. They researched, took actions, deepened
their knowledge and sharpened their organizational skills.
They built alliances with groups in the community, the
labour movement, the scientific community, and the
government. They developed their political analysis for
action.

They knew how to name the moment and how to use it to
Community­based  environmental  and  occupational  achieve their goal: to get the lead out.
health  committees  continued  their  fight.  Their  goal,  quite 
But they also knew that the fight dido't end there. The
simply, was to  'get the lead out. ' 
immediate goal was won, but the broader goal of making the
community truly healthy required a 10ng-teliO commitment.
An  important  'moment'  arrived  in  the  mid­1980's:  a 
The Soil Replacement Project offered opportunities to
liberal  provincial  govenunent  came  into  power,  initially 
educate
about other neighbourhood pollutants: the burning
coupled with an accord with the NDP. There was finally the 
of
PCB's,
odors from a soap factory, a refuse-fired steam
political space to push for more qefinitive action. 
plant. This victory became a building block for organizing
The  provincial  Minister  of  the  'Environment  was  per- other bigger battles in the future.
sonally committed to the residents' cause. In June of 1987,
And so one community has been naming and using
he pledged that the Ministry would remove the topsoil of a
thousand' properties, and he pressured the company to help moments for social change. This manual is for groups
working on their own issues in similar ways.
pay the costs.

Notes

5

Our starting point

peace movement, environmental action groups, community
service agencies, solidarity committees, health centres,
The experiences described in these pages have grown
community college and university activists, coalitions
out of a process in which community activists have been
organizing for a fair refugee policy and against free trade.
asking these questions:
It is for such people that The Moment Project offers this
How can we be more effective in our educating and
manual, in order to:
organizing?
share what we have learned so far;
How can we break down the barriers created by our

.

work on single issues or in specific sectors?
How can we construct a bigger picture of what's
happening - economically, politically, culturally - in
Canada?
How can we keep up with shifts in forces reflected in
current events?
How can we develop a clearer analysis of forces and
events that leads to more effective strategies for action?
How can we anticipate changes so we can prepare for
them and not just react to them?
How can we maintain s.ight of our long-term objectives
while working for short-term goals?
How can we build a broad-based movement for
fundamental change in Canada?

introduce the method of political analysis for action
called naming the moment;
encourage community groups to adapt the ideas to their
own work.

Canada in these times
This project reflects a particular moment in Canada's life
as well. It is 1989 and a free trade agreement with the
United States has come into effect. A regressive refugee law
has just been implemented. Provinces are reacting to a
Supreme Court decision not to ban abortion. Racism has
become more blatant following police killings of blacks and
the denial of native land claims.

This is a moment when the gap between the rich and the
poor in Canada is widening. The interests of big business
In 1986, the Jesuit Centre launched The Moment Project and multinationals are consolidating through free trade, cuts
with a series of monthly workshops. We have been in social programs, privatization, and deregulation.
grappling directly with the above questions through a
At the same time, many popular groups have been
process we call naming the moment.
broadening their bases as well as joining forces to combat
the deepening injustice.
Who could use this manual
These specific battles of the present have shaped the
Many have joined in this questioning - activists in the
women's movement, church groups, native rights development of this process of analysis. They appear as
organizations, labour· unions, immigrant organizations, the examples in these pages.

.'
i\

Notes

f--l

6

Our deeper commitment
As we enter the 1990' s, many of these issues will still be
with us, while some will be replaced by new ones. What
will remain is our ongoing resolve to use these moments and
moments to come as opportunities for the longer term
process of building a broad-based social movement for
fundamental social and economic change in Canada.
That is the major commitment underlying this effort: to
deepen our collective awareness, to sharpen our organizational skills, to create a new Canada. To do this, we
have to be more critical in our analysis, more creative in our
educating, and much more collective in our organizing for
change.

How the manual is organized
There are five sections in the manual. In Chapter 1, the
idea of political analysis for action, or naming the moment
is introduced. Chapter 2 reviews the history of the concept
and situates the practice in current social movements in
Canada.
The method of naming the moment is described in
detail in Chapters 3 and 4. In Chapter 3, the four phases of
the method are defined and illustrated with examples. The
phases are put together in Chapter 4, with two applications
of the method - one focused on local environmental issues,
the other analyzing the free trade battle.
Chapter 5 suggests ways that groups might integrate the
naming the moment process, or political analysis for
action, into the daily life of their organizations. The
importance of linking analyses across issues and across
sectors is also emphasized in this chapter.

I
Notes

We hope that the ideas and experiences presented here
will serve as catalysts for discussion and planning by groups
working for social change.
This is not a finished product, but rather an evolving
process. .It awaits' your critical thought and creative
adaptations! .

7

An IdeaA Practice
Defining the concept
and helps us develop strategies that make the. best use of this
moment. Its ultimate aim is more effective action for social
What makes this moment unique? There is a particular
change.
relationship of actors, of events, of forces that affect yoUr
actions at this point in time. They limit what we can do right
One person who participated in our workshops described
it this way:
now, but they also offer possibilities for action.
Naming the moment - what does it mean?

"Conjunctural·analysis, or political analysis for action, is
To make the best use· of this moment, we need to
understand how the different forces come together at this a rigorous examination of the balance of social forces in a
time, at this ·conjuncture.' The practice of regularly given moment that can help us acting in ways to advance our
assessing these forces is called in some places •conjunctura! long and short term goals."
analysis.'
In the words of other participants, naming the moment
involves
"looking at the web of different forces," "figuring
tenn
is
not
very
common
in
Canada,
sounding
more
The
like an eye disease or an academic activity. So we call the out who's mad, who's glad, and who's sad," "suggesting
process naming the moment, or political analysis for where things are headed and what can be done,"
\ . I.
action. Because it helps us clarify what this moment offers "detennining opportunities for action."
.:

ｾ＿ＧＢ

ｾ
ｾ

'-

Notes

,'

."

8

Stating our assumptions

when we plan actions, our strategy and tactics must take
into account these forces and their interrelationship;

In doing this kind of analysis, we assume that:

within the present conditions, we can find the free space
which this moment offers;

our social situation is filled with contradictions, or
tensions, between social groups and within them:

we can identify and seize the moment for change!

history is made as these groups or forces come into
conflict and resolve conflicts;

Structural analysis as the base

some groups have power and privilege at the expense of
other groups;

Naming the moment is based on 'structural analysis.'
But it is different, too. Structural analysis helps us identify
the underlying power relationships and the deeper
contradictions that detennine the structure of our society in
the long tenn. Political analysis for action helps us look at a
given moment or conjuncture to understand how current
social forces move together to affect our strategies in the
short term.

this oppression is unjust and we must stop it;
if we want to participate actively in history (and not just
observe it), we have to understand the present as well as
the past;
we can learn to interpret history; evaluate past actions,
judge present situations, and project future scenarios; .
because things are always changing, we must
continually clarify what we are working for;
to be effective, we need to assess the strengths and
weaknesses of our own group and of those working
with and against us;

If we focus only on the structural elements, our
understanding may remain static and lifeless. We won't see
how things change as forces shift. On the other hand, if we
look only at the personalities and events of the moment, we
may lose sight of the deeper issues and the longer-tenn
battles.

at any moment, there is a particular interrelationship or
'conjuncture' of forces (economic, political and
ideological);

This tension between our daily work on short-term goals
and our longer term efforts to change an unjust system is
central to naming the moment.

these power relationships shift from one moment to
another;

The story on the following pages illustrates this
relationship and clarifies the terms used here.

Notes

｡

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Notes

10

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Notes

DO"-l'T

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iHE"M Y

THE

THE "BALL "TO ｎｾＮａｅｌ
NEEt::l LESS.ON"
ｉ｜Ｔｅ ｾ
'.

11

A brief structural analysis of Canada
How would we describe Canadian social structure? Let's Dependent
examine three of the major features of the system we live in:
it is part of the western industrialized capitalist world; it has
Since French and British settlers first imposed a market
always been dependent on foreign powers; it is a liberal economy on the indigenous population, Canada has
democracy.
depended on foreign powers.
Canada is now dependent on multinational capital in
Capitalist
general and on the United States in particular. In 1986, for
The economy is run by market forces; private ownership example, 76% of our exports went to the U.S. That figure is
predominates. A small minority are the owners who decide increasing with free trade.
what will be produced, where and for whom.
The key economic sectofs are resources industries and
finance, with a growing service sector. The majority of
Canadians relate to this economy as salaried workers; 38%
are unionized. Over one million are unemployed.

Liberal
Most Canadians accept this system of dependent
capitalism. The form of liberal democracy we have
emphasizes individual rights rather than the common good.
The prevailing liberal ideology gives a certain role to the
state, but still bows to the needs of business, It depends on
the economic oppression of many Canadians. Both sexism
and racism help to maintain this inequality.
Liberalism as a way of thinking is difficult to get a
handle on. It obscures real differences, pretending that the
system gives everyone an equal chance. The poor get blamed
for poverty, rather than the structures that perpetuate it.
The structure of our society - a capitalist, dependent, and
liberal Canada - is deeply ingrained, both in the way we
work and in the way we think. In working to change it, we
have to go to its very roots.

l
Notes

12

An alternative vision
Those who benefit most from this system, primarily big
business, however, are quite happy to see it remain as it is.
In fact, many are working to roll back social progress in
order to further increase their own profits.
But this structure does not benefit most Canadians. There
is a growing number of poor in our country. Native people,
fanners, the welfare and working poor, immigrant workers,
and women are increasingly marginalized by the present
system. Organized labour, especially in the public sector is
under attack.
These groups, along with others concerned about social
and economic justice in this country, have an alternative
vision of Canada. New coalitions are working together in a
spirit of 'social solidarity' to build a new Canada. Their
vision is of a non-sexist and non-racist society, an economic
democracy where basic needs are met and decisions made
by those who produce the wealth.
Underlying this vision is a common commitment to
profound social and economic change.

In summary
In working toward this long-term goal, we need both
structural analysis and political analysis for action. Through
structural analysis, we clarify the systemic roots of the
injustice we are fighting.

I

In naming the moment, we look critically at the present
situation and identify actions we can take now. While these
actions respond to the present moment, they also help build
the awareness and organizational skills we need for the long
haul.

Notes

13

A tool for what?
Like any tool, naming the moment can be used by
anyone and for any purpose. Ris used by those in power to
maintain control and to discredit groups that challenge their
power.

found ways to undermine the strengths and exploit the
weaknesses.

When we do political analysis for action, we must be
clear about why we are doing it, for what and for whom. We
A 1988 disclosure showed how the Atomic Energy can use the tool to better understand our own internal
Commission of Canada kept records on enviromnentalist tensions as well as to understand external forces affecting
groups that oppose its policies. They assessed strengths and our work. Both inside and outside power relations can limit
weaknesses of each group from one moment to the next, and us or help us move forward.

Notes

L·J

14

History
of the Practice
Political analysis for action is not in itself a new idea. It
has always been used by people making their own history.

The specific concept of 'the moment' or the
'conjuncture', however, was most developed in modern
western thought by a young Italian named Antonio Gramsci.
The historical context that shaped this development was the
struggle against fascism in Europe in the 1920's.
Gramsci was born of a poor peasant family in Sardinia
and .he became an important Marxist intellectual and
communist leader. He worked with his ｰｾ
to organize
workers' groups as bases for revolution. These efforts were
nipped in the bud by Mussolini. Gramsci was imprisoned in
1926, and he died a prisoner in 1937.
From his prison cell, Gramsci tried to understand why
oppressed peasants and workers supported Mussolini. He
could only explain this by examining the specific relation of
forces at that time in history.

I
Notes

15

The structural and the conJunctural
actions had to start where people were and move them to
greater levels of awareness and to more coherent political
organization.

Gramsci· made an important distinction. Certain aspects
of the social structure were organic or relatively pennanent,
such as the economic relations between the landowners ana
the peasants.

Three kinds of forces

Other relations were more temporary, appearing almost
accidental. .In supporting the dictator, the peasants were
acting against their real class interests. Their economic
conditions could not fully explain their behaviour. The level
of awareness and organization of the peasants was also a
factor; ideological and political forces of the moment had to
be taken into account.

It was the tension between the short-tenn and the
long-tenn, between the conjunctural and the structural, that
Gramsci helped to clarify. He considered three kinds of
forces for structural change that needed to be analyzed at
any point in time: the level of development of economic
forces, of political forces and, at a certain point, of military
forces.

The relations between these forces, too, was critical.
Gramsci's contribution was to suggest that 'conjunctural analysis', or political analysis for action was needed to Conditions had to be ripe in each of these areas, before
develop the most effective strategies and tactics. He certain actions could be taken. Conjunctural analysis helped
emphasized the importance of ideology, of the way people's to assess what was historically possible to do at that
thinking had been shaped by their social relations. Strategic moment.

Notes

16

Experiences in Latin America

The Nicaraguan example

The approach to naming the moment introduced in this
manual has been influenced by Gramsci's ideas and by some
applications in Latin America. Because the Jesuit Centre has
strong links with groups in Central America, there has been
considerable exchange of ideas with educators working
there over the past ten years.

Political analysis for action is one tool of popular
education that has both shaped and been s1]aped by social
movements in Latin America. Popular groups in Nicaragua
used it in preparing to overthrow the Somoza dictatorship in
the late 1970's. They were able to recognize and use several
'critical moments' to prepare the conditions for insurrection.
For example:

Since the 1960's, Latin American popular groups (labour
unions, peasant organizations, neighbourhood associations)
have been organizing against military dictatorships and
foreign (U.S.) control of the local economy, politics, and
culture.

the earthquake in 1972: followed by Somoza's
squandering of international aid, which alienated even
some of his business allies, making them more open to
efforts to overthrow his regime;

'Popular education' has become an important tool in • the election of Jimmy Carter as U.S. president and his
'human rights' policy in Latin America.
these grass-roots movements. This approach starts with
peoples' daily experiences and helps them analyze the
It was the convergence, or conjuncture, of many different
conditions of their lives, so they can act together to change forces and personalities in 1979 that made it 'historically
those conditions.
possible' for the Nicaraguan people to defeat Somoza. Most
A Brazilian educator named Paulo Freire helped develop importantly, the years of building consciousness and
and spread this concept of education. He claimed that strength among popular groups, under the leadership of the
education is not neutral: it either serves the interests of those Sandinistas, meant people were ready to act when the
conditions were favourable and the situation was ripe.
in power or those challenging that power.
Freire's pioneering literacy work with Bnizilian peasants
led to his exile in 1964. For the next twenty years, he joined
popular education efforts in· other parts of Latin America,
Africa, and North America.

I

,

Such education is called 'popular' because it takes a
stand on the side of poor and marginalized people. It
encourages a participatory process that develops people's
critical thought, creative expression, and collective action. It
links analysis and action, theory and practice. Its major aim
is to help people to organize more effectively for social
change.

J

Notes

ｾ

JJ
II

17

A model from Panama

At themonthly meeting, each sector feeds its

A popular education centre in Panama provides an
interesting example of how political analysis for action can
be done regularly. CEASPA (the Panamanian Centre for
Education and Social Action) organizes monthly meetings
of people from key popular groups (workers, native people,
Christian groups, students).

infonnation and perspective into a broader analysis of

CEASPA staff review coverage of the month's events
by various media (mainstream and alternative). They
file newsclippings according to key categories: national
economy, labor, U.S. politics.

Sectoral subgroups analyze the 'news' that's relevant to
their interests and prepare a synthesis of how work in
their sector has been affected by recent events.

Notes

the current situation. Some participants doing ongoing
research into the global and national scene offer their
interpretations of recent shifts. Collectively they put the
pieces together into the 'bigger picture', to understand
the particular 'relations of forces' of this moment, or
'conjuncture. '

CEASPA staff share this analysis with grass-roots
groups - through a monthly bulletin, workshops and
audio-visual materials.

IJ

18

•

Most importantly, this process of collective analysis
suggests new possibilities for action. While the group
as a whole does not often plan coordinated actions,
people use their deeper understanding of the moment to
develop new strategies for work in their sectors.

without an arrow, how can you hit the target?' And so they
learned to use the bow and the arrow together; and Yi taught
the two to shoot."
Han FeiZi
Ancient Chinese Fable

This action outcome is the real aim of the entire process!
In the same way, naming the moment provides the
critical link between analysis and action. Neither analysis
CEASPA also offers a ten-day course in 'conjunctural'
for its own sake nor action without analysis is useful in
and 'structural' analysis to coop members from all over
working for social change. They need each oilier.
Latin America anending the InterAmerican Cooperative
There are other rich experiences of conjunctural analysis
Institute in Panama. A training manual called The Bow and
the Arrow introduces the kind of dialectical thinking that in Central America. The Central American Historical
Institute in Nicaragua hosts a weekly meeting to analyze the
underlies political analysis for action with this quote:
constantly changing 'conjuncture.'
"One person said 'My bow is so good that I don't need
ALFORJA in Costa Rica does weekly reviews of media
an arrow.' Another stated that 'My arrow is so good that I
clippings,
tracing key actors, their positions, and how they
don't need a bow. ' The skilled archer Yi heard them and
shift
over
time.
said 'Without a bow, how can you shoot your arrow? And

The link between analysis and action

I
Notes

19

The Canad ian experience

Support from the churches

The idea of political analysis for action is not totally new
to Canada either. Many activists do a 'fly-by-night' analysis
- following the media, discussing strategy, proposing
actions. But rarely is it a systematic process-built into our
organizational life - to help groups make more strategic
decisions about their work and its direction.

In the past ten years, some Canadian churches, too,
for
have spoken out against injustice and for the ､･ｾ
more critical analysis of the underlying economic and
social system.

Political activists in the 60's and 70's organized study
groups tl1at often did 'conjunctural analysis' based on the
Gramsci model. There were a lot of community organizers
in Canada during that period who integrated strategic 
analysis into their work.
Certain critical moments pushed forward peoples' 
understanding of the deeper structural issues. There was the
Ban the Bomb movement in the 50's, followed by the
anti-Vietnam war movement, anti-poverty organizing, the
rising of the women's movement.

The Canadian Conference of Catholic Bishops made a
dramatic statement in late 1983 to a Royal Commission
on the Economic Union and Development Prospects for
Canada. 'Ethical Reflections on Canada's SocioEconomic  Order',  described  a  'pastoral  methodology' 
with these steps: 
1)  being present with and listening to the experiences 
of the poor, the marginalized, the oppressed of our 
society (e.g., the unemployed, the working poor, the 
welfare poor, exploited workers, native peoples, the 
elder!y, the handicapped, small producers, racial and 
cultural minorities, etc.); 

Feminist educating and organizing challenged the  2)  developing a critical analysis of the economic, 
traditional male expert approach to analysis. Con­., 
political, and social structures that cause human 
sciousness-raising groups encouraged a process of collective
suffering; 
analysis and linked the personal and political.
3)   making judgments in the light of Gospel principles 
Socialist feminists pointed· out the limitations of  a 
and the social teachings of the Church concerning 
structural analysis based only on questions of class. Women
social values and priorities; 
of colour, in tum, pushed for the inclusion of race as well as
4)   stimulating creative thought and action regarding 
gender and class in both the content and method of political
alternative visions and models for social and 
analysis.
economic development; 
The analytical framework to interpret the moment is, in
5)   acting in solidarity with popular groups in their 
fact, being reshaped by these challenges within groups to
struggles to transform economic, political and social 
respond to .all forms of oppression in working for social
structures that cause social and economic injustices. 
justice.

Notes 

20

The Moment Project
It was in this context and with such support that the
Jesuit Centre for Social Faith and Justice initiated in 1986 a
series of monthly workshops, called naming the moment.
They brought together activists from various sectors to do an
ongoing political analysis of key Canadian issues and to
develop an approach to political analysis for action
appropriate to the Canadian context.

monthly analyses. Building on this, the workshops have
recently been exploring the deeper question Of how to build
a broad-based movement for change in Canada.

The analyses are shared with a broader pUblic three times
a year through a 16-page booklet called The Moment.
Produced in an accessible fOITIlat, it is a tool for educating
and organizing around critical Canadian issues. The
During the first two years, the multi-sectoral gatherings Moment also serves as a model of how the naming the
examined major conjunctural issues: native self-government, moment method can be applied to struggles of this time.
refugee policy, health and environment, and free trade.
At the same time, a training program has been launched
Work on the free trade issue moved participants to get to help community groups integrate political analysis for
more involved in coalitions and to take actions based on the action into the daily practice of their organizations.

I
Notes

21

Obstacles
While there have been various efforts to develop our
skills in political analysis for action in Canada, we still face
many obstacles to doing it. What are some of them?

No broad-based movement
First of all, we have not yet been able to organize a
broad-based social movement for fundamental change.
Some have pushed within the NDP for a more grass-reots
coalition politics, while others have given up on parties
altogether. Naming the moment would fmd its real base in
the context of a popular multi-sectoral movement. What
keeps us from coming together?

Single issues
We often feel isolated in our efforts with single-issue
battles. This sense of fragmentation serves the interests of
those in power; they seek ways to keep us divided. As long
as we fail to connect our issues and develop cross-sectoral
alliances, we will never be able to develop a strong and
Anti-analysis
unified movement.
As activists, we are sometimes like the mad-hatter at
Short-term vision