M01276
SHARIAH PRESERVE IN ALL SCHOOLS
(Jogja cases from 1998 to 2003')
bambang s sulasmono
1. Preliminary
Schism between the education level of bureaucracy with the Provincial School of
Management distinctively Christian in DIY on the implementation of religious instruction during
the years 1998 -2003 is phenomenal for at least three reasons. First, the case was sticking out
soon after the New Order regime collapsed as the fall of President Suharto's on May 25, 1998.
Familiar with the "comfortable" situation because it is protected by government policy during the
New Order of the fact it is quite disturbing many people, especially the distinctively school
stakeholders. Second, the interference perceived by the stakeholders to be redoubled, because in
such cases the schools were not only have to face to face fight? with the formal authorities, but
also must deal with informal political forces (pressure groups and interest groups) in society.
Third, the case was eventually 'as' boils down to determining the success of Law No 20 of 2003
on National Education System, which accommodates most of the political aspirations of Islamic
religious education in this country. The fact that during the case of Yogyakarta, the distinctively
private school administrators, managed to stem the desire of the parties concerning the subject of
religion to impose its will, a lack of potential foster care for the implications of the provision of
religious instruction which has now been published in the Law on the national education system.
2. Policy on Religious Education: Ideological Battle Area
Religious education policy continues (always/still/persistence) to be controversial in
Indonesia,. Since 1949, when Indonesia National Parliament (BP KNIP) for the first time
discussed the Indonesian Education Law, the issue of religious education (?) a subject of debate
in parliament. Two main issues are the object the struggle are (a) religious education and (b)
private schools. The debate about religious education took a lot of time because of differences in
interpretation of how its implementation in schools and the depth of religious education in the
state based on Pancasila. Heated debate occurred when they were about to decide whether or not
the required religious education in government schools (Tilaar, 1995).
In a meeting on October 18, 1949, members of the BP KNIP Zainal Abidin Ahmad delivered
what became known as the Memorandum of Aceh. Memorandum signed by Tengku Muhammad
Daud Beureuh, as the leader of the people of Aceh, dated October 16, 1949, addressed to the
Chairman of BP KNIP in Yogyakarta that, among other things, that: First, that religious
education must be a required subject (verplichtleervack). Second, to religious schools teaching is
recognized as a government school teaching. Third, that religious schools are valued as
government schools. Fourth, in terms of mixing of boys and girls (co-education) should not be
contrary to local customs and religious feelings of Sumatra. In the debate about religious
education was the view expressed by Mr Christian. Tambunan which basically reminded of the
importance of religious freedom in Indonesia based on Pancasila society.
In Law No. 4 of 1950 which was then produced, ultimately determined that: (a) In state
schools religious instruction is held, the parents determine whether their children will follow the
lesson, (b) How the implementation of religious instruction in public schools set up school the
regulations set by the Ministry of Education, Teaching and Culture together with the Minister of
Religious Affairs (ps 20). Explanation of article 20, among other things, that (a) whether a
particular type of school giving religious instruction is dependent on age and intelligence of his
students, (b) students who are adults may participate and establish whether or not religious
instruction, (c) the nature of learning religion and the number of teaching hours stipulated in the
laws of the type of school, (d) religious instruction does not affect the increase in the child class
1.
Implementation of these provisions can be briefly described in the following description.
Period of parliamentary democracy. After Law No. 4/1950 was issued, the government set up
a Joint Committee composed of representatives from the Ministry of Religious Affairs and the
Department of PP & K. The committee managed to put together the material which was then
confirmed in a joint decree (SKB, January 1951), whose contents include: (a) religious education
given from class IV People's School (Primary School), (b) In areas of the strong religious
communities (eg in Kalimantan, Sumatra, etc.), then the religious education given from class I
SR with a note that the quality of knowledge generally should not be reduced as compared to
other schools religious education given from class IV; (c) In high school first-level and upper
level (general and vocational) given religious education as much as two hours a week; (d)
Religious education is given to students at least 10 people in one class and got permission from a
parent / guardian; (e) The appointment of teachers of religion, the cost of religious education and
religious education materials are borne by the Ministry of Religious Affairs.
Subsequently, in July 1951, Minister of PP and K together with the Ministry of Religious
Affairs issued a joint regulation of religious education, its content:
(A) In each of the elementary and secondary schools (public and profession) are given religious
education (art. 1);
(B) In the lower schools, religious education starting from grade 4, number 2 (two) hours of
lessons a week (Article 2, paragraph 1);
(C) In a privileged environment, religious education can start in Class I and the time can be
added according to need but do not exceed 4 hours per week provided that the quality of
general knowledge for the schools should not be reduced lower than schools in other lowAnother environment (Article 2, paragraph 2);
(D) In-school and junior high school level for both public schools and religious education
profession were given 2 (two) hours of lessons in each week (Article 3);
(E) Religious Religious education is given by each student;
(F) Religious Education is given to something that has a class of students at least 10 (ten)
persons who hold a kind of religion (Article 4, paragraph 2);
(G) Students in a class embraced another religion instead of being taught the things of time and
students are even embracing religion is being taught, but did not get permission from their
parents to follow the lesson, should leave the classroom during class hours Religion (Article
4 paragraph 3).
Then, in 1952 came the 1951 guidelines for the implementation of the decree governing the
supervision of the lessons of religion by the Department of Religion. Here there is a provision
(Article 9) that "to partikulir schools, the management is based on a direct request to the relevant
provincial office of religious education". In 1958, made PP. 32/1958, which in Article 5 states
that the school is based on a religion or belief system should provide freedom of his students,
civil servants and teaching staff to adopt a religion / religious beliefs different from that
underlying the school.
Thus, since the early decades of the 50's until the year 1959, the national education carried
out by PP and K Law 1950/1954 based on the spirit of the 1945 Constitution. In practice, in this
age of religious education is managed entirely by the Ministry of Religious Affairs. Curriculum
and teaching religious education in state schools performed very loose (class hours are relatively
low, the subjects of religion is not the setting of the classroom). While in private schools, its
implementation varies depending on the attitude of the organizers.
Such fact can be understood, because in this period of community groups 'religious
neutrality' is quite large. Moreover, the political power of 'religious neutrality' is dominant.
Indication of it appears from the results of the 1955 election in which the power of 'religious
neutrality' put two [PNI and PKI] among the four major parties, and four [Parkindo, the Catholic
Party, PSI, and IPKI] among the six medium-sized parties (Feith , 1999).
Guided Democracy period. Since the Decree of President Soekarno July 5, 1959, began
to change the political direction of the influence of national education. Changes, mainly located
in the direction of national education which tends increasingly nationalistic and socialistic.
The TAP MPRS No.II/MPRS/1960, for example stated: (a) Providing policy and the
national education system towards the formation of experts in the development in accordance
with the terms of socialist human Indonesia, the noble character (Chapter II of article 5 ), (b)
Implement the Political Manifesto in the field of mental / religious / spiritual culture and material
provided to each citizen can develop a personality and nationality of Indonesia and reject the
negative effects of foreign culture (Article 2, paragraph 1), (c) Religious education a subject in
public schools began to lower school (Basic) to the University, with the understanding that
students are not eligible to participate in religious education if the guardian / adult student has
objected (Chapter II, Article 3).
Thus, as with the previous period, this period became the subjects of religious choice, not a
compulsory subject. Students are allowed to not follow religious subjects. Students who do not
follow religious subjects, are required to follow the character education. In this era of religious
education in primary schools integrated in the lessons of character. In middle school, a group of
religious education lessons with basic manners. In high school, religious education became part
of the philosophy of the Political Manifesto and a complementary lesson.
New Order period. In 1966 the MPRS meet with followers and sympathizers agenda
G30S/PKI cleaning. This agenda is the policy of religious education coloring. In this case, TAP
MPRS No. XXII / MPRS 1966 on Religion, Education and Culture, Article 1 states "Establish a
subject of religious education in schools starting from primary school to the state universities".
Thus, since 1966, religion is no longer an option, but a compulsory subject from primary school
to universities across the country Indonesia.
The birth of MPRS is followed by the birth of the rules with the Minister of Religious
Affairs and the Minister of Education and Culture dated October 23, 1967. It is stated that the
Class I-II SD religious subjects given 2 hours per week, at 3 hours per class III and class IV - VI
4 hours per week. It also applies to high school, while in college 2 hours per week.
At the end of 1970, the Minister of Religious Affairs to propose changes to the curriculum
of religious instruction. In this case, it is proposed that religious instruction in all elementary and
secondary school classes held for 6 hours per week. This proposal does not succeed because it is
not approved by the Ministry of Education and Teaching. On the other hand, in the early 1980's,
there was a proposal from the public that the government should include comparative religion
curriculum for school-senior high school. But the proposal has received opposition from the
Muslims, saying it could undermine and weaken the faith of the students (Noer, 2001).
End of the 70s, the Government issued a Ministerial Decree No. P & K. 0211/U/1978,
which contains a provision that the month of fasting as a time for students to learn and use the
headscarf ban in schools. The decision led to controversy in the community, because in the past
month of fasting is the month-long holiday (Darmaningtyas, 2004). MUI calls for the
Department of Education and Culture to review the policy does not rest in the fasting month.
However, in the forum meeting with House Commission IX, the Minister of P & K Daoed
Joesoef remains adamant that in the month of fasting schools still have to make teaching and
learning activities as usual.
The cases above (proposal to add the Department of Religion and the rise of religious
studies at the Ministerial Decree No. P & K. 0211/U/1978) shows that when it's in between the
two government agencies that there were differences in meaning and describe TAP MPRS No.
XXII / MPRS 1966 on Religion, Education and Culture. This fact is of course inseparable from
the interests of the bureaucracy that works in both agencies. Religion department seems very
concerned with education agamaisasi process, but is not the case with the Ministry of Education
and Culture.
In 1989, the government issued the National Education System Law, No. 2 of 1989. This is
the first Education Act in the New Order era. In terms of education and religious instruction, the
Act contains a provision which is very different from the Law no. 4/1950 and Law no. 12/1954.
In this case, the provision of religious instruction during the enactment of the Education Act
1950 and 1954 apply only to public schools, since the birth of the Law no. 2 of 1989 provision
for religious instruction shall also apply to private schools, including private schools distinctively
religious. It is not separated from the intense lobbying, especially from the community groups
agamaisasi pro-education.
In addition, it is also new, that the Law no. 2 of 1989 contained provisions concerning the
obligation of each student to acquire religious education in accordance with their religion. In
explanation of article 28 of the Act stated 'every students must obtain the appropriate religion
and religious instruction by teachers who also co-religionists'. Objections raised by various
parties on this formula, the President then stated assurance that such obligation applies only to
public schools. Schools certain distinctively religious education is not required for other
religions, other than the religion that became his trademark. Assurance was then amplified
through Government Regulation, No. 29/1990, which explicitly states that schools with certain
characteristics of religion are not required to provide religious instruction is different from the
religion that characterizes the school.
In practice, the application of the provisions in the above description, an outline can be
presented as follows. Basically the public schools provide religious instruction according to
students of religion and the same religion taught by teachers with students. Thus, students who
are Muslims get Islamic lessons taught by the teachers are Muslim, Catholic students acquire the
Catholic catechism taught by Catholic teachers, students acquire Christian religious instruction
Christianity as taught by Christian teachers as well, and so on for students who begama
Buddhism and Hinduism.
In distinctively religious private schools, such provision ("any students must obtain
religious instruction according to his religion and his co-religionists teachers) are not
implemented. In this case, a private school serving only distinctively Islam Islamic studies, as
well as private schools distinctively Catholic / Christian Catholic religion only gives lessons /
Christian for all students.
Such practice was later to disturb the attention of several parties and the pros and cons as
well as triggering massive demonstrations in various parts of the country as a substitute for
discussions of the draft Law. 2 of 1989. One issue that the bill is debated in religious instruction
in schools.
3. K onteks Dynamics of Religious Education Policy
Dynamics of discourse, regulation and implementation of religious education at the top,
is inseparable from the political dynamics of Indonesia in the body, especially the dynamics of
the relationship between Islam and the state (politics). Long before Indonesia's independence, the
political aspirations of the people of Indonesia on the relationship between religion and state has
been split in two. On the one hand there who want the unification of state and religion (Islam) in
Muslim countries such as aspirated by Syarikat Islam, and on the other hand there who want a
separation of state and religion as aspirated by nationalist groups, such as aspirated by PNI (Noer
, 1984).
It could be argued that the political dynamics of Indonesia is characterized by competition
between those who want to establish an Islamic state and the nation-state. Some of the
momentum of history shows it is as follows.
Debate long and hard in the sessions of the formula PPKI BPUPKI and the first principle
of Pancasila in 1945, which led to the birth of the party in the early days of independence
Masyumi and development forms an RI Department of Religion in 1946, in an effort to
reduce the movement still want to establish an Islamic state .
Ongoing movement of DI / TII in various regions of Indonesia during the year 1949-1963
Prolonged debate between the characters Masyumi (M. Natsir, mainly) d ith figures of
PNI (Sukarno, mainly) on the basis of the state is right for Indonesia since 1953, although
in reality the existing formal basis Pancasila state.
Endless debates in the Constituent assembly 1957 - 1959 on the basis of the state is right
for the country of Indonesia
Efforts to revive the Jakarta Charter in the early days of New Order
Polemic about the suitability of women (Megawati Sukarno Putri) became president of RI
1999 - 2004, which continues to p olemik about fair / absence of Christian dominance in
the Democratic Party's candidate list P in the 1999 elections, as well as about the proper
olemik p / absence of representatives of the people of PDI P are non-Muslims became
chairman of the parliament 199 9 - 2004 in the early days of reform, and
Efforts to revive the Jakarta Charter, by a number of parties in the Assembly through the
1945 amendment process in the early reform period (Subekti, 2008)
Moments shows that despite the political power struggle for the unification of state and
religion have ups and downs of life, but the aspirations or ideals of the uterus it survived from
time to time, from generation to generation. NU Masyumi and Islam as a political force is 2
(two) of 4 (four) pemeroleh party popular vote in elections in 1955. Masyumi also, through the
characters of M. Natsir, who fight for the unification of the country with religious principles in
the constituent assembly, siding, siding former Constitution of the Constitution instead of S
1950, 1957 -1959.
Such a thing is possible because the political climate that developed at that time was a
very nuanced liberal value of freedom. The situation changed drastically when the Sukarno
government in a very repressive Guided Democracy against anyone who is seen as political
opponents, including Masyumi which then disbanded for being involved in the PRRI / Permesta.
New Order regime, which replaces the Sukarno regime, also implement policies that are not
conducive to the political power of Islam in Indonesia. Policy of a single principle, which obliges
all political parties berasaskan Pancasila, the prohibition of the use of religious symbols as a
symbol of the party, scrutiny of state discourse on the various community groups, repressive
policy against movements that threaten the stability of the countries considered, and the like has
spawned a reaction amongst the various Islamic.
In the analysis Zilfirdaus Adnan (Arief Budiman 1990: 458) the power of Islam in the
New Order can be categorized into three groups: (a) Accommodative group, (b) Moderate
Idealists group, and (c) the Idealists radicals. Accommodating groups are groups who believe
that Islam never ordered the establishment of an Islamic state, because such a state that never
existed in Islamic history. Therefore, the Muslims do not need to fight Islamic country. For Islam
to change society as a culture, Islam developed not because of ideology but because of its
culture. So to change the Muslim community is more precise to use the cultural approach rather
than an ideological approach, which requires power. They accept Pancasila as the sole basis.
Idealists Modernist group also received the Pancasila, but they argued that in addition to religion,
Islam is also an ideology. They sought to expand the consciousness of Muslims to understand
that Islam is not just a religion but an ideology. Idealists were radical groups fought with a more
progressive approach. They opposed the state-propaganda propaganda that stirred the emotions
of the masses. They rejected the establishment of Pancasila as the only principle, and do not
believe in the statements that the authorities would ensure that the Pancasila did not displace the
role of religion. Actions of radical idealists eventually manifest in a variety of political violence,
such as aircraft hijacking Woyla, GPK case Warsidi Lampung, Tanjung Priok case etc..
The end of the Suharto government in 1998 to return to the starting point of rising
political power of Islam. 1999 elections, political parties emerged with an Islamic identity.
Marijan (2010) for example, recorded no less than 28 party-style Islam, but only 21 Islamic
parties can join the 1999 election and then to 8 parties in the elections of 2004.
Just as in the past, Islamic political parties are also not labeled single. Fealy 2001 (in
Marijan, 2010) for example distinguish between Islamic party in the category "formalist Islamic
parties" and are categorized as "pluralist Islamic parties". PPP, the United Nations and the MCC
are parties that fall within the formalism, while the PAN and PKB into pluralist category. If the
PPP and his friends tried to fight for the values of Islam into the legislation and state policies, the
PKB and PAN do more to fight for the values of Islam in the Indonesian nation-state kontkes the
plural. Group formalism itself is still divided into groups of "formalist moderate Islamic parties",
a kind of PPP and "radical formalist Islamic parties" such MCC and the United Nations.
Besides the Islamic political party, also born interest groups and pressure groups based on
religion. Interest groups that have long adaseperti Muhammadiyah and NU are involved in the
formation of new parties, PAN and PKB. In addition, new groups emerged as DI / NII, Jama'ah
Islamiyah (JI), the Indonesian Mujahidin Council (MMI), Fornt Islamic Defenders Front (FPI),
the Communication Ahlu Sunnah wal touched (FKAWJ), and Hizb ut-Tahrir (HT ). Marijan
(2010) describe the political stance of radical Islamist groups such as the following:
Radical Islamist Political Attitudes
Group
Comprehensive
Sharia
Islamic State
Khalifah
Democracy
DI / NII
Yes
Yes
Not
Not
Jemaah Islamiyah
Yes
Yes
Yes
Not
MMI
Yes
Yes
Yes
Not
FPI
Yes
Not
Not
Yes
FKAWJ / LJ
Yes
Not
Not
Not
Hizb ut-Tahrir
Yes
Yes
Yes
Not
The six organizations in the mass of supporters was small, but they are very active in
fighting for their interests. FPI actively voice their enforcement of Islamic law, engage in
immoral pengegerebekan places, in Jakarta, etc. place. FKAWJ directly involved in interreligious conflict in areas of conflict like Maluku and Poso. JI was an organization that some
members are involved in acts of terrorism not only in Indonesia but also in Southeast Asia.
CONCLUSION
The discussions showed some some of the things that we could make into following
conclusion:
Religious subjects at schools in the country, since the beginning had become a vehicle for
realizing shari'ah 'a t Islam inside the nation. Along the process, it was, mandatory for
state schools, and it is now legally obliged that religion sholud be be implemented in all
schools in accordance with the students religious and by teachers who are also coreligionists.
Political power of Islam in this country is still largely divided into two the group of
moderate and radical groups. The political power of radical Islam is still not for the
moderates, but the intensity of their activities and even more pronounced impact in the
life of the nation.
The implications of the rise of Islamic political power, from the main radical, we felt
through the case of Jogja 1998-2003. The school administrators face pressures not only n
the bureaucracy but also of radical groups in society. Already since 1998 Saptono noted,
how radical groups in society continue to suppress the existence of Christian school. In
terms of acceptance of new students, it is common in that there was an idiom of
studiying at Christian schools is unlawful. It was used to light public to detering new
entrants who would register at Christian schools. Some teachers in Blora, Cepu, Navan
and Kulonprogo said that it was done by (1) intercept the new entrants will register itself
to the Christian schools, (2) comes from house to house new entrants, (3 ) in Islamic
religious instruction in public schools before the admission of new students, and (4) in the
recitation-recitation before the admission of new students. In the case of SMK BOPKRI
Samigaluh Jogja is also a means of radical groups. Through an organization calling itself
FROPENTAS, was the radical shift to students of SMK BOPKRI Samigaluh. SMK,. All
could be understood as an attempt to maintain the shari'ah 'h among Moslem younger
generation, including when they are (already) attended Chisitian schools..
With the dynamic development of the discourse, setting up and realize the movement of
Islamic Shari'ah in the life of the nation as such, if the managers would either distinctively
School, take lessons from the cases above 1998-2003 Jogja as a provision to maintain and boost
the existence of Christian education in the country this.
*****
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State Indonesia; dalam Arief Budiman (ed) State and civil Society In
Indonesia ; Clayton, Victoria: Centre of Southeast Asian Studies, Monash
University
Anshari, E.S., 1997. Piagam Jakarta 22 Juni 1945. Sebuah Konsensus Nasional
tentang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia (1945-1949); Jakarta: Gema
Insani Press.
Amir, Z.A., 2003. Peta Islam Politik Pasca Soeharto ; Jakarta: LP3ES.
Bajunid, I.A., 2005. Knowledge and Values Management for Professional
Excellence . Makalah disajikan
dalam Seminar Internasional
‘Membangun Solidaritas Guru: Upaya Peningkatan Kualitas Profesi dan
Kesejahteraan’. PGRI Provinsi Jawa Tengah, Semarang, 22-24 Mei 2005.
Boland, B.J., 1982. The Struggle of Islam in Modern Indonesia ; Leiden: The
Hague Martinus Nijhoff
Departemen Pendidikan Nasional, 2004. Kurikulum 2004. Kerangka Dasar.
Jakarta: Dirjend Pendidikan Menengah Umum.
Effendy (1998) Islam dan Negara. Transformasi Pemikiran dan Praktik Politik
Islam di Indonesia ; Jakarta : Penerbit Paramadina
Leigh, B., (1991) Making The Indonesian State: The Role of School Texts; Review
Indonesian Malaysian Affair (RIMA) : Vol. 25(1) Winter, pp 17 –43.
LPPPK Sinode, 1997, Data dasar : Sekolah Kristen Dalam Lingkup pelayanan
LPPPK Sinode Tahun 1996-1997, Salatiga.
Morris, P., 2002. Promoting curriculum reforms in the context of a political
transition: an analysis of Hongkong’s experience; Journal of
Educational Policy: Vol. 17 (4) January-February, pp13-28.
Parker, L., 1992. The Creation of Indonesian Citizens in Balinese Primary
School; Review Indonesian Malaysian Affair (RIMA): Vol. 26 (1)
Winter, pp 42 –70.
Ramage, D.E., 2002. Percaturan Politik di Indonesia. Demokrasi, Islam, dan
Ideologi Toleransi; terj. Hartono Hadikusumo; Jogyakarta: Matabangsa.
Republik Indonesia, 2003. Undang Undang Nomor 20 tahun 2003 tentang Sistem
Pendidikan Nasional; Jakarta: ?
Saptono, 1998. Mencari Sang Sutradara: Memetakan Tiga Model
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Binadarma No. 60 Tahun ke 16.
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0
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*****
1
(Jogja cases from 1998 to 2003')
bambang s sulasmono
1. Preliminary
Schism between the education level of bureaucracy with the Provincial School of
Management distinctively Christian in DIY on the implementation of religious instruction during
the years 1998 -2003 is phenomenal for at least three reasons. First, the case was sticking out
soon after the New Order regime collapsed as the fall of President Suharto's on May 25, 1998.
Familiar with the "comfortable" situation because it is protected by government policy during the
New Order of the fact it is quite disturbing many people, especially the distinctively school
stakeholders. Second, the interference perceived by the stakeholders to be redoubled, because in
such cases the schools were not only have to face to face fight? with the formal authorities, but
also must deal with informal political forces (pressure groups and interest groups) in society.
Third, the case was eventually 'as' boils down to determining the success of Law No 20 of 2003
on National Education System, which accommodates most of the political aspirations of Islamic
religious education in this country. The fact that during the case of Yogyakarta, the distinctively
private school administrators, managed to stem the desire of the parties concerning the subject of
religion to impose its will, a lack of potential foster care for the implications of the provision of
religious instruction which has now been published in the Law on the national education system.
2. Policy on Religious Education: Ideological Battle Area
Religious education policy continues (always/still/persistence) to be controversial in
Indonesia,. Since 1949, when Indonesia National Parliament (BP KNIP) for the first time
discussed the Indonesian Education Law, the issue of religious education (?) a subject of debate
in parliament. Two main issues are the object the struggle are (a) religious education and (b)
private schools. The debate about religious education took a lot of time because of differences in
interpretation of how its implementation in schools and the depth of religious education in the
state based on Pancasila. Heated debate occurred when they were about to decide whether or not
the required religious education in government schools (Tilaar, 1995).
In a meeting on October 18, 1949, members of the BP KNIP Zainal Abidin Ahmad delivered
what became known as the Memorandum of Aceh. Memorandum signed by Tengku Muhammad
Daud Beureuh, as the leader of the people of Aceh, dated October 16, 1949, addressed to the
Chairman of BP KNIP in Yogyakarta that, among other things, that: First, that religious
education must be a required subject (verplichtleervack). Second, to religious schools teaching is
recognized as a government school teaching. Third, that religious schools are valued as
government schools. Fourth, in terms of mixing of boys and girls (co-education) should not be
contrary to local customs and religious feelings of Sumatra. In the debate about religious
education was the view expressed by Mr Christian. Tambunan which basically reminded of the
importance of religious freedom in Indonesia based on Pancasila society.
In Law No. 4 of 1950 which was then produced, ultimately determined that: (a) In state
schools religious instruction is held, the parents determine whether their children will follow the
lesson, (b) How the implementation of religious instruction in public schools set up school the
regulations set by the Ministry of Education, Teaching and Culture together with the Minister of
Religious Affairs (ps 20). Explanation of article 20, among other things, that (a) whether a
particular type of school giving religious instruction is dependent on age and intelligence of his
students, (b) students who are adults may participate and establish whether or not religious
instruction, (c) the nature of learning religion and the number of teaching hours stipulated in the
laws of the type of school, (d) religious instruction does not affect the increase in the child class
1.
Implementation of these provisions can be briefly described in the following description.
Period of parliamentary democracy. After Law No. 4/1950 was issued, the government set up
a Joint Committee composed of representatives from the Ministry of Religious Affairs and the
Department of PP & K. The committee managed to put together the material which was then
confirmed in a joint decree (SKB, January 1951), whose contents include: (a) religious education
given from class IV People's School (Primary School), (b) In areas of the strong religious
communities (eg in Kalimantan, Sumatra, etc.), then the religious education given from class I
SR with a note that the quality of knowledge generally should not be reduced as compared to
other schools religious education given from class IV; (c) In high school first-level and upper
level (general and vocational) given religious education as much as two hours a week; (d)
Religious education is given to students at least 10 people in one class and got permission from a
parent / guardian; (e) The appointment of teachers of religion, the cost of religious education and
religious education materials are borne by the Ministry of Religious Affairs.
Subsequently, in July 1951, Minister of PP and K together with the Ministry of Religious
Affairs issued a joint regulation of religious education, its content:
(A) In each of the elementary and secondary schools (public and profession) are given religious
education (art. 1);
(B) In the lower schools, religious education starting from grade 4, number 2 (two) hours of
lessons a week (Article 2, paragraph 1);
(C) In a privileged environment, religious education can start in Class I and the time can be
added according to need but do not exceed 4 hours per week provided that the quality of
general knowledge for the schools should not be reduced lower than schools in other lowAnother environment (Article 2, paragraph 2);
(D) In-school and junior high school level for both public schools and religious education
profession were given 2 (two) hours of lessons in each week (Article 3);
(E) Religious Religious education is given by each student;
(F) Religious Education is given to something that has a class of students at least 10 (ten)
persons who hold a kind of religion (Article 4, paragraph 2);
(G) Students in a class embraced another religion instead of being taught the things of time and
students are even embracing religion is being taught, but did not get permission from their
parents to follow the lesson, should leave the classroom during class hours Religion (Article
4 paragraph 3).
Then, in 1952 came the 1951 guidelines for the implementation of the decree governing the
supervision of the lessons of religion by the Department of Religion. Here there is a provision
(Article 9) that "to partikulir schools, the management is based on a direct request to the relevant
provincial office of religious education". In 1958, made PP. 32/1958, which in Article 5 states
that the school is based on a religion or belief system should provide freedom of his students,
civil servants and teaching staff to adopt a religion / religious beliefs different from that
underlying the school.
Thus, since the early decades of the 50's until the year 1959, the national education carried
out by PP and K Law 1950/1954 based on the spirit of the 1945 Constitution. In practice, in this
age of religious education is managed entirely by the Ministry of Religious Affairs. Curriculum
and teaching religious education in state schools performed very loose (class hours are relatively
low, the subjects of religion is not the setting of the classroom). While in private schools, its
implementation varies depending on the attitude of the organizers.
Such fact can be understood, because in this period of community groups 'religious
neutrality' is quite large. Moreover, the political power of 'religious neutrality' is dominant.
Indication of it appears from the results of the 1955 election in which the power of 'religious
neutrality' put two [PNI and PKI] among the four major parties, and four [Parkindo, the Catholic
Party, PSI, and IPKI] among the six medium-sized parties (Feith , 1999).
Guided Democracy period. Since the Decree of President Soekarno July 5, 1959, began
to change the political direction of the influence of national education. Changes, mainly located
in the direction of national education which tends increasingly nationalistic and socialistic.
The TAP MPRS No.II/MPRS/1960, for example stated: (a) Providing policy and the
national education system towards the formation of experts in the development in accordance
with the terms of socialist human Indonesia, the noble character (Chapter II of article 5 ), (b)
Implement the Political Manifesto in the field of mental / religious / spiritual culture and material
provided to each citizen can develop a personality and nationality of Indonesia and reject the
negative effects of foreign culture (Article 2, paragraph 1), (c) Religious education a subject in
public schools began to lower school (Basic) to the University, with the understanding that
students are not eligible to participate in religious education if the guardian / adult student has
objected (Chapter II, Article 3).
Thus, as with the previous period, this period became the subjects of religious choice, not a
compulsory subject. Students are allowed to not follow religious subjects. Students who do not
follow religious subjects, are required to follow the character education. In this era of religious
education in primary schools integrated in the lessons of character. In middle school, a group of
religious education lessons with basic manners. In high school, religious education became part
of the philosophy of the Political Manifesto and a complementary lesson.
New Order period. In 1966 the MPRS meet with followers and sympathizers agenda
G30S/PKI cleaning. This agenda is the policy of religious education coloring. In this case, TAP
MPRS No. XXII / MPRS 1966 on Religion, Education and Culture, Article 1 states "Establish a
subject of religious education in schools starting from primary school to the state universities".
Thus, since 1966, religion is no longer an option, but a compulsory subject from primary school
to universities across the country Indonesia.
The birth of MPRS is followed by the birth of the rules with the Minister of Religious
Affairs and the Minister of Education and Culture dated October 23, 1967. It is stated that the
Class I-II SD religious subjects given 2 hours per week, at 3 hours per class III and class IV - VI
4 hours per week. It also applies to high school, while in college 2 hours per week.
At the end of 1970, the Minister of Religious Affairs to propose changes to the curriculum
of religious instruction. In this case, it is proposed that religious instruction in all elementary and
secondary school classes held for 6 hours per week. This proposal does not succeed because it is
not approved by the Ministry of Education and Teaching. On the other hand, in the early 1980's,
there was a proposal from the public that the government should include comparative religion
curriculum for school-senior high school. But the proposal has received opposition from the
Muslims, saying it could undermine and weaken the faith of the students (Noer, 2001).
End of the 70s, the Government issued a Ministerial Decree No. P & K. 0211/U/1978,
which contains a provision that the month of fasting as a time for students to learn and use the
headscarf ban in schools. The decision led to controversy in the community, because in the past
month of fasting is the month-long holiday (Darmaningtyas, 2004). MUI calls for the
Department of Education and Culture to review the policy does not rest in the fasting month.
However, in the forum meeting with House Commission IX, the Minister of P & K Daoed
Joesoef remains adamant that in the month of fasting schools still have to make teaching and
learning activities as usual.
The cases above (proposal to add the Department of Religion and the rise of religious
studies at the Ministerial Decree No. P & K. 0211/U/1978) shows that when it's in between the
two government agencies that there were differences in meaning and describe TAP MPRS No.
XXII / MPRS 1966 on Religion, Education and Culture. This fact is of course inseparable from
the interests of the bureaucracy that works in both agencies. Religion department seems very
concerned with education agamaisasi process, but is not the case with the Ministry of Education
and Culture.
In 1989, the government issued the National Education System Law, No. 2 of 1989. This is
the first Education Act in the New Order era. In terms of education and religious instruction, the
Act contains a provision which is very different from the Law no. 4/1950 and Law no. 12/1954.
In this case, the provision of religious instruction during the enactment of the Education Act
1950 and 1954 apply only to public schools, since the birth of the Law no. 2 of 1989 provision
for religious instruction shall also apply to private schools, including private schools distinctively
religious. It is not separated from the intense lobbying, especially from the community groups
agamaisasi pro-education.
In addition, it is also new, that the Law no. 2 of 1989 contained provisions concerning the
obligation of each student to acquire religious education in accordance with their religion. In
explanation of article 28 of the Act stated 'every students must obtain the appropriate religion
and religious instruction by teachers who also co-religionists'. Objections raised by various
parties on this formula, the President then stated assurance that such obligation applies only to
public schools. Schools certain distinctively religious education is not required for other
religions, other than the religion that became his trademark. Assurance was then amplified
through Government Regulation, No. 29/1990, which explicitly states that schools with certain
characteristics of religion are not required to provide religious instruction is different from the
religion that characterizes the school.
In practice, the application of the provisions in the above description, an outline can be
presented as follows. Basically the public schools provide religious instruction according to
students of religion and the same religion taught by teachers with students. Thus, students who
are Muslims get Islamic lessons taught by the teachers are Muslim, Catholic students acquire the
Catholic catechism taught by Catholic teachers, students acquire Christian religious instruction
Christianity as taught by Christian teachers as well, and so on for students who begama
Buddhism and Hinduism.
In distinctively religious private schools, such provision ("any students must obtain
religious instruction according to his religion and his co-religionists teachers) are not
implemented. In this case, a private school serving only distinctively Islam Islamic studies, as
well as private schools distinctively Catholic / Christian Catholic religion only gives lessons /
Christian for all students.
Such practice was later to disturb the attention of several parties and the pros and cons as
well as triggering massive demonstrations in various parts of the country as a substitute for
discussions of the draft Law. 2 of 1989. One issue that the bill is debated in religious instruction
in schools.
3. K onteks Dynamics of Religious Education Policy
Dynamics of discourse, regulation and implementation of religious education at the top,
is inseparable from the political dynamics of Indonesia in the body, especially the dynamics of
the relationship between Islam and the state (politics). Long before Indonesia's independence, the
political aspirations of the people of Indonesia on the relationship between religion and state has
been split in two. On the one hand there who want the unification of state and religion (Islam) in
Muslim countries such as aspirated by Syarikat Islam, and on the other hand there who want a
separation of state and religion as aspirated by nationalist groups, such as aspirated by PNI (Noer
, 1984).
It could be argued that the political dynamics of Indonesia is characterized by competition
between those who want to establish an Islamic state and the nation-state. Some of the
momentum of history shows it is as follows.
Debate long and hard in the sessions of the formula PPKI BPUPKI and the first principle
of Pancasila in 1945, which led to the birth of the party in the early days of independence
Masyumi and development forms an RI Department of Religion in 1946, in an effort to
reduce the movement still want to establish an Islamic state .
Ongoing movement of DI / TII in various regions of Indonesia during the year 1949-1963
Prolonged debate between the characters Masyumi (M. Natsir, mainly) d ith figures of
PNI (Sukarno, mainly) on the basis of the state is right for Indonesia since 1953, although
in reality the existing formal basis Pancasila state.
Endless debates in the Constituent assembly 1957 - 1959 on the basis of the state is right
for the country of Indonesia
Efforts to revive the Jakarta Charter in the early days of New Order
Polemic about the suitability of women (Megawati Sukarno Putri) became president of RI
1999 - 2004, which continues to p olemik about fair / absence of Christian dominance in
the Democratic Party's candidate list P in the 1999 elections, as well as about the proper
olemik p / absence of representatives of the people of PDI P are non-Muslims became
chairman of the parliament 199 9 - 2004 in the early days of reform, and
Efforts to revive the Jakarta Charter, by a number of parties in the Assembly through the
1945 amendment process in the early reform period (Subekti, 2008)
Moments shows that despite the political power struggle for the unification of state and
religion have ups and downs of life, but the aspirations or ideals of the uterus it survived from
time to time, from generation to generation. NU Masyumi and Islam as a political force is 2
(two) of 4 (four) pemeroleh party popular vote in elections in 1955. Masyumi also, through the
characters of M. Natsir, who fight for the unification of the country with religious principles in
the constituent assembly, siding, siding former Constitution of the Constitution instead of S
1950, 1957 -1959.
Such a thing is possible because the political climate that developed at that time was a
very nuanced liberal value of freedom. The situation changed drastically when the Sukarno
government in a very repressive Guided Democracy against anyone who is seen as political
opponents, including Masyumi which then disbanded for being involved in the PRRI / Permesta.
New Order regime, which replaces the Sukarno regime, also implement policies that are not
conducive to the political power of Islam in Indonesia. Policy of a single principle, which obliges
all political parties berasaskan Pancasila, the prohibition of the use of religious symbols as a
symbol of the party, scrutiny of state discourse on the various community groups, repressive
policy against movements that threaten the stability of the countries considered, and the like has
spawned a reaction amongst the various Islamic.
In the analysis Zilfirdaus Adnan (Arief Budiman 1990: 458) the power of Islam in the
New Order can be categorized into three groups: (a) Accommodative group, (b) Moderate
Idealists group, and (c) the Idealists radicals. Accommodating groups are groups who believe
that Islam never ordered the establishment of an Islamic state, because such a state that never
existed in Islamic history. Therefore, the Muslims do not need to fight Islamic country. For Islam
to change society as a culture, Islam developed not because of ideology but because of its
culture. So to change the Muslim community is more precise to use the cultural approach rather
than an ideological approach, which requires power. They accept Pancasila as the sole basis.
Idealists Modernist group also received the Pancasila, but they argued that in addition to religion,
Islam is also an ideology. They sought to expand the consciousness of Muslims to understand
that Islam is not just a religion but an ideology. Idealists were radical groups fought with a more
progressive approach. They opposed the state-propaganda propaganda that stirred the emotions
of the masses. They rejected the establishment of Pancasila as the only principle, and do not
believe in the statements that the authorities would ensure that the Pancasila did not displace the
role of religion. Actions of radical idealists eventually manifest in a variety of political violence,
such as aircraft hijacking Woyla, GPK case Warsidi Lampung, Tanjung Priok case etc..
The end of the Suharto government in 1998 to return to the starting point of rising
political power of Islam. 1999 elections, political parties emerged with an Islamic identity.
Marijan (2010) for example, recorded no less than 28 party-style Islam, but only 21 Islamic
parties can join the 1999 election and then to 8 parties in the elections of 2004.
Just as in the past, Islamic political parties are also not labeled single. Fealy 2001 (in
Marijan, 2010) for example distinguish between Islamic party in the category "formalist Islamic
parties" and are categorized as "pluralist Islamic parties". PPP, the United Nations and the MCC
are parties that fall within the formalism, while the PAN and PKB into pluralist category. If the
PPP and his friends tried to fight for the values of Islam into the legislation and state policies, the
PKB and PAN do more to fight for the values of Islam in the Indonesian nation-state kontkes the
plural. Group formalism itself is still divided into groups of "formalist moderate Islamic parties",
a kind of PPP and "radical formalist Islamic parties" such MCC and the United Nations.
Besides the Islamic political party, also born interest groups and pressure groups based on
religion. Interest groups that have long adaseperti Muhammadiyah and NU are involved in the
formation of new parties, PAN and PKB. In addition, new groups emerged as DI / NII, Jama'ah
Islamiyah (JI), the Indonesian Mujahidin Council (MMI), Fornt Islamic Defenders Front (FPI),
the Communication Ahlu Sunnah wal touched (FKAWJ), and Hizb ut-Tahrir (HT ). Marijan
(2010) describe the political stance of radical Islamist groups such as the following:
Radical Islamist Political Attitudes
Group
Comprehensive
Sharia
Islamic State
Khalifah
Democracy
DI / NII
Yes
Yes
Not
Not
Jemaah Islamiyah
Yes
Yes
Yes
Not
MMI
Yes
Yes
Yes
Not
FPI
Yes
Not
Not
Yes
FKAWJ / LJ
Yes
Not
Not
Not
Hizb ut-Tahrir
Yes
Yes
Yes
Not
The six organizations in the mass of supporters was small, but they are very active in
fighting for their interests. FPI actively voice their enforcement of Islamic law, engage in
immoral pengegerebekan places, in Jakarta, etc. place. FKAWJ directly involved in interreligious conflict in areas of conflict like Maluku and Poso. JI was an organization that some
members are involved in acts of terrorism not only in Indonesia but also in Southeast Asia.
CONCLUSION
The discussions showed some some of the things that we could make into following
conclusion:
Religious subjects at schools in the country, since the beginning had become a vehicle for
realizing shari'ah 'a t Islam inside the nation. Along the process, it was, mandatory for
state schools, and it is now legally obliged that religion sholud be be implemented in all
schools in accordance with the students religious and by teachers who are also coreligionists.
Political power of Islam in this country is still largely divided into two the group of
moderate and radical groups. The political power of radical Islam is still not for the
moderates, but the intensity of their activities and even more pronounced impact in the
life of the nation.
The implications of the rise of Islamic political power, from the main radical, we felt
through the case of Jogja 1998-2003. The school administrators face pressures not only n
the bureaucracy but also of radical groups in society. Already since 1998 Saptono noted,
how radical groups in society continue to suppress the existence of Christian school. In
terms of acceptance of new students, it is common in that there was an idiom of
studiying at Christian schools is unlawful. It was used to light public to detering new
entrants who would register at Christian schools. Some teachers in Blora, Cepu, Navan
and Kulonprogo said that it was done by (1) intercept the new entrants will register itself
to the Christian schools, (2) comes from house to house new entrants, (3 ) in Islamic
religious instruction in public schools before the admission of new students, and (4) in the
recitation-recitation before the admission of new students. In the case of SMK BOPKRI
Samigaluh Jogja is also a means of radical groups. Through an organization calling itself
FROPENTAS, was the radical shift to students of SMK BOPKRI Samigaluh. SMK,. All
could be understood as an attempt to maintain the shari'ah 'h among Moslem younger
generation, including when they are (already) attended Chisitian schools..
With the dynamic development of the discourse, setting up and realize the movement of
Islamic Shari'ah in the life of the nation as such, if the managers would either distinctively
School, take lessons from the cases above 1998-2003 Jogja as a provision to maintain and boost
the existence of Christian education in the country this.
*****
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