The African American english in Georgia Doyle Johnson`s Frederick Douglas and Loraine Hansberry`s a raisin in the sun - USD Repository

THE AFRICAN AMERICAN ENGLISH
IN GEORGIA DOYLE JOHNSON’S FREDERICK DOUGLAS
AND LORAINE HANSBERRY’S A RAISIN IN THE SUN

A Thesis Presented to
The Graduate Program in English Language Studies
in Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements
for the Degree of
Magister Humaniora (M. Hum)
in
English Language Studies

by

Nizamuddin Sadiq
036332021

Sanata Dharma University
Yogyakarta
2007

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R espectfully dedicated to my beloved M other:
K homisah,
For your tears, prayers and loves

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STATEMENT OF ORIGINALITY

This is to certify that all the ideas, phrases, and sentences, unless
otherwise stated, are the ideas, phrases, sentences of the thesis writer. The writer
understands the full consequences including degree cancellation, if he takes
somebody else’s ideas, phrases, or sentences without proper references.

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ABSTRACT

Nizamuddin Sadiq. 2006. The Informal English Style in Georgia Doyle
Johnson’s Frederick Douglas and Loraine Hansberry’s A Raisin in the Sun.
Yogyakarta: English Language Studies, Graduate Program, Sanata Dharma
University.
In most languages both written and spoken forms include formal and
informal styles. Understanding informal English is necessary so that speakers can
easily communicate in any conversational situation, which is an important social
skill. However, informal English is a very broad topic and research would require
many sources of data. Therefore, this thesis is limited to two plays written in
African American English dialect, the purpose being to comprehend and describe
the forms of a particular variety of informal English from the viewpoints of the
linguistic features: pronunciation, syntax and lexicon.
This thesis is descriptive linguistics rather than a stylistic study as it does
not focus on literary style. The data was taken from two plays: Georgia Doyle
Johnson’s Frederick Douglas and Lorraine Hansberry’s A Raisin in the Sun. The
features of informal Bahasa Indonesia were used as stepping stones to analyze
African American English style in the two plays. After the data was classified into
linguistic elements it was tested to the theories of informal English in general and
African American English in particular and was compared to Quirk et al A

Comprehensive Grammar of The English Language, Volumes 1 and 2, and
Standard American English rules of pronunciation, syntax and lexicon. The
research findings were summarized and discussed to conclude the research.
The results of the research demonstrate that African American English, a
variant of informal English, is different from the rules of Standard American
English. In terms of pronunciation, African American English speakers tend to
pronounce words as easily as possible. Therefore, the pronunciations of words are
very different from Standard English. Thus, African American English
pronunciation is difficult to understand and strange for students of non-English
speaking countries.
In terms of syntax, the African American English style – if it is seen from
viewpoint of grammar function – contradicts with features of Standard English:
clarity, brevity and fluency. The rules of clarity are broken by the presence of
ellipses, clippings, copulas and tenses; brevity by the presence of unnecessary
repetition and additions; and fluency by the presence of combinations of
assimilation and clipping.
African American English speakers employ polite expressions. The
research revealed that polite expressions when greeting people, using please when
asking for permission and using titles to show respect is done, particularly with
elders. Furthermore, when the speaker is angry, she/he uses a complete name for

emphasis.
In terms of lexicon, African American English employs local and rude
words. The presence of slang and colloquialisms, taboo words and swearing make
it distinctively informal.

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ABSTRAK

Nizamuddin Sadiq. 2006. The Informal English Style in Georgia Doyle
Johnson’s Frederick Douglas and Loraine Hansberry’s A Raisin in the Sun.
Yogyakarta: English Language Studies. Graduate Program. Sanata Dharma
University.
Sebagian besar bahasa baik bahasa tulis dan lisan berbentuk formal dan
informal. Memahami bahasa Inggris informal perlu dilakukan sehingga penutur
dapat berkomunikasi dengan mudah dalam setiap situasi percakapan, yang
merupakan suatu keterampilan sosial. Namun demikian, bahasa Inggris informal
merupakan topik yang sangat luas dan penelitian tersebut membutuhkan banyak
sumber data. Oleh karena itu, tesis ini dibatasi pada dua naskah drama yang ditulis
dalam dialog masyarakat kulit hitam Amerika, tujuannya adalah memahami dan

menjabarkan pola suatu bahasa Inggris informal khusus yakni Bahasa Inggris
masyarakat Afrika-Amerika dari sudut pandang linguistic: pengucapan kata,
morpo-sintaksis dan leksikal.
Pendekatan penelitian ini adalah deskriptif linguistic, bukan studi
stilistika, karena penelitian ini tidak terfokus kepada style karya sastra. Data
diambil dari dua naskah drama yakni Frederick Douglas karya Georgia Doyle
Johnson dan A Raisin in the Sun karya Lorraine Hansberry dan teks karya sastra
lain yang digunakan hanyalah sebagai sumber data. Bentuk bahasa Indonesia
informal digunakan sebagai batu loncatan untuk menganalisa style bahasa Inggris
masyarakat Afrika-Amerika pada dua naskah drama di atas. Setelah data
diklasifikasikan ke dalam elemen-elemen linguistik, data tersebut diuji dengan
teori-teori yang terkait dengan bahasa Inggris informal secara umum dan teoriteori tentang bahasa Inggris masyarakat Afrika-Amerika secara khusus; data
tersebut juga dibandingkan dengan buku A Comprehensive Grammar of English
Language, Volumes 1 dan 2 karya Quirk, dkk dan dengan bahasa Inggris standar
Amerika yang terkait dengan aturan bagaimana kata diucapkan, morpho-sintaksis
dan leksikal. Hasil penelitian disimpulkan dan didiskusikan sebagai simpulan
penelitian.
Hasil penelitian menunujukkan bahwa bahasa Inggris masyarakat AfrikaAmerika, suatu varian bahasa Inggris informal, bertentangan dengan bahasa
Inggris Amerika standar. Dalam hal pengucapan kata, pemakai bahasa Inggris
masyarakat Afrika-Amerika cenderung mengucapkan kata-kata semudah yang

bisa mereka ucapkan. Oleh karena itu, pengucapan kata-kata sangat berbeda
dengan bahasa Inggris Amerika standar. Jadi, bagaimana kata diucapkan dalam
bahasa Inggris masyarakat Afrika-Amerika sulit dimengerti dan terdengar aneh
bagi siswa di negara- negara yang tidak berbahasa ibu bahasa Inggris.
Dalam hal morpo-sintaksis, style bahasa Inggris masyarakat AfrikaAmerika – jika dilihat dari sudut pandang fungsi grammar bertentangan dengan
karakteristik bahasa Inggris standar: yakni kejelasan (clarity), keringkasan
(brevity), dan kelancaran (fluency). Aturan kejelasan dirusak oleh hadirnya
ellipsis, kliping, kopula dan tenses; aturan keringkasan dir usak oleh hadirnya
pengulangan dan penambahan yang tidak perlu; aturan kelancaran dirusak oleh
hadirnya kombinasi asimilasi dan kliping.

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Asumsi bahwa semua pemakai bahasa Inggris masyarakat AfrikaAmerika tidak sopan tidaklah benar. Hasil penelitian membuktikan bahwa
ungkapan kesopanan ketika uluk salam, menggunakan please ketika permisi dan
menggunakan gelar panggilan untuk menunjukkan rasa hormat khususnya kepada
mereka yang lebih tua. Selanjutnya, ketika marah, mereka menggunakan nama
lengkap sebagai penakanan.
Dalam hal kosakata, bahasa Inggris masyarakat Afrika-Amerika
menggunakan dialek lokal dan ungkapan yang kasar. Kehadiran slang dan

kolokial, kata-kata tabu dan sumpah serapah menunjukkan ketidakinformalannya.

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ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

Alhamdulillahi Rabbil Alamin, Praise be to Allah, the Lord of the
Worlds, the Most Beneficent, the Most Merciful for His Blessings without which I
would never have been able to finish this thesis.
I would like to express my gratitude to the following people, who
criticized, always encouraged and in many instances helped and inspired me to
finish this thesis.
To Prof. Dr. Soepomo Poedjosoedarmo, as my advisor, who has provided
time, valuable knowledge and patience. His inspiring lectures always challenge
me to reach the highest level of knowledge.
To the lecturers and the staff of the Graduate Program in English
Language Studies of Sanata Dharma University who provided me with important
knowledge and beneficial help to finish this thesis, I owe much indebtedness.
To my beloved mother Khomisah who prays all the time and supports me
everlastingly with tears and hope to succeed, thank you for the endless source of

energy to finish this thesis that you have given to me.
To my sister Dewi Suryani, S.E. and her husband Toni, S.E., together
with their sons, Ade Muhammad Ilham and Denny Rahmat Hidayat, who spent a
lot of money bearing expenses to support my study.
To my younger brother, Hamiddudin Sadiq, and my younger sister,
Marhama Sri Wahyuni, who wait for graduation so they can visit Jogja again.
To the special woman in my life, Anisa Romadhona, S.H. who always
supported and encouraged the finishing of this thesis. She is one of the reasons
why this thesis must be accomplished as soon as possible.

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To Linda Hoffman, a very busy and well-known writer of Indonesian
guide books, who was sent by God the Almighty to help me correct every single
word of this thesis, to teach me how to write well and most beneficial as
Cheerleader to release all burdens and stressful conditions when I got stuck and
felt exhausted. She worked hard and spent much time keeping her eye on my poor
Indonesian English, which is very informal and too much putar-putar. I highly
appreciate and cannot choose even the single most poetic word to express my
deepest appreciation and gratitude for her kindness. Hopefully, God will respond

to all her pleas.
To Prof. Dr. Ir. Budi Santosa Wignyosukarto, Dipl. HE., as coordinator
of KOPERTIS Yogyakarta, who permitted me to continue studying in English
Language Studies of the Graduate Program of Sanata Dharma University.
To Dra. Dyah Utary, as Director of Buana Wisata Tourism Academy and
staff: Harmawan Ponco Putro, S.E., Renon Aritonang, S.T., M.M., Brilianti Sekar
Taji, A.KS, Siwi Murwani, A.Md., Pak Fandi and Pak Marsijan.
Other grateful acknowledgements are due to my classmates: Pak A.
Suwardi, M. Hum., Mbak Budi Setiandari, M. Hum., Pak Retang Wongahara, M.
Hum., Bu Mauly Halwat Himat, M. Hum., Pak Ataburan Klemens, M. Hum.,
Mbah Dyah “Yuyun” Setyowaty, Bu Luluk, Mbak Eni, Mbak Rindang, Mbak
Rini, Sister Ines, Seno, Yusuf, Nilam, Nandi and Siska.
I also thank M. Edy Susilo, M.Si., (Fisipol UPN Veteran Yogyakarta),
Arief Failasuffudien, M.Si., (Janabadra University) and Rofiq Anwar, S.IP.,
(Akindo Yogyakarta) who always share knowledge and time to support each
other.

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The last but not least, I owe much indebtedness to daddy Has, Ibu Ros,

Silfi, Zury and Ryan for their inspiring lives and prayers. I also cannot forget
Mbak and Mas at Excellent Computer for always accompanying me late at night
waiting with patience until I was too tired and had to stop typing. They always
welcomed me again the next night, smiling. A special thank you to Muh “r2n:
Komaruddin and A.M. Abdul Haris. S.E.I for the togetherness in discussing the
bright future of lives and for consistently serving the people at the mosque.
Needless to say, this thesis is far from being perfect. However, I hope it
will be my contribution to English linguistics, especially to the Graduate Program
in English Language Studies of Sanata Dharma University, Yogyakarta. For the
betterment of this thesis, I wish to receive all constructive comments.

Yogyakarta, 2006
NSQ

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TABLE OF CONTENTS

COVER ......................................................................................................... i
APPROVAL PAGE ..................................................................................... ii

THESIS APPROVAL COMMITTEE PAGE............................................... iii
STATEMENT OF ORIGINALITY............................................................. iv
ABSTRACT.................................................................................................. v
ABSTRAK .................................................................................................... vi
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ....................................................................... viii
TABLE OF CONTENTS ............................................................................. xi
LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS ..................................................................... xiv

CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION ............................................................... 1
1. 1. Background ............................................................................................ 1
1. 2. Problem Limitations .............................................................................. 4
1. 3. Problem Formulations ............................................................................ 5
1. 4. Research Goal ....................................................................................... 6
1. 5. Benefits of the Study............................................................................. 6
CHAPTER 2: THEORETICAL REVIEW ............................................... 8
2. 1. Review of Related Theories ................................................................... 8
2. 1. 1. Style.................................................................................................. 11
2. 1. 2. Formal Style ..................................................................................... 12
2. 1. 3. Informal Style................................................................................... 14
2. 1. 3. 1. Features of Informal English Style: Pronunciation...................... 15
2. 1. 3. 2. Features of Informal English Style: Syntax ................................. 17
2. 1. 3. 3. Features of Informal English Style: Lexicon .............................. 21
2. 1. 4. African American English................................................................ 22
2. 1. 4. 1. Features of African American English: Pronunciation............... 24
2. 1. 4. 2. Features of African American English: Syntax........................... 26
2. 1. 4. 3. Features of African American English: Lexicon ........................ 29
2. 2. Theoretical Framework ........................................................................ 31

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CHAPTER 3: RESEARCH METHODOLOGY..................................... 34
3. 1. Research Data....................................................................................... 34
3. 2. Research Procedures and Analysis....................................................... 35
CHAPTER 4: RESEARCH FINDINGS .................................................. 39
4. 1. Pronunciation ....................................................................................... 39
4. 1. 1. Droppings ......................................................................................... 40
4. 1. 2. Addings ............................................................................................ 44
4. 1. 3. Spelling Deviations .......................................................................... 45
4. 2. Syntax................................................................................................... 47
4. 2. 1. Ellipses ............................................................................................. 47
4. 2. 2. Proverbs or Idiomatic Expressions................................................... 53
4. 2. 3. The Use of Or Something................................................................. 53
4. 2. 4. The Use of And All (That)................................................................ 53
4. 2. 5. The Use of Go .................................................................................. 54
4. 2. 6. Double or Multiple Negations.......................................................... 54
4. 2. 7. Interjections ...................................................................................... 54
4. 2. 8. Syntax Deviations ............................................................................ 55
4. 2. 9. Predications without Copula s........................................................... 58
4. 2. 10. Repetitions ..................................................................................... 58
4. 2. 11. The Use of Signposts...................................................................... 60
4. 2. 12. Incorrect Tenses ............................................................................ 60
4. 2. 13. Inappropriate Sentence Patterns ..................................................... 62
4. 2. 14. The High Frequency of Using Thing.............................................. 62
4. 2. 15. The Use of Got .............................................................................. 63
4. 2. 16. The Use of So ................................................................................. 64
4. 2. 17. Polite Expressions. ......................................................................... 64
4. 2. 18. Inappropriate Plural Usage ............................................................. 65
4. 2. 19. Amplificatory Phrases.................................................................... 65
4. 3. Lexicon ................................................................................................ 66
4. 3. 1. The Use of In This World and Around Here as Expletives .............. 66
4. 3. 2 The Use of A Bunch Of .................................................................... 66
4. 3. 3. The Use of Sure as an Intensifier ..................................................... 67

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4. 3. 4. The High Frequency of Using About ............................................... 67
4. 3. 5. The Use of Similes ........................................................................... 67
4. 3. 6. Local Dialect: Slang and Colloquialisms ......................................... 68
4. 3. 7. Rude Expressions ............................................................................. 72

CHAPTER 5: CONCLUSION AND SUGGESTIONS .......................... 73
5. 1. Conclusion............................................................................................ 73
5. 2. Suggestions........................................................................................... 76
5. 2. 1. For Further Research........................................................................ 76
5. 2. 2. For Students and Learners of Language ........................................... 77

BIBLIOGRAPHY ...................................................................................... 78
APPENDIX: Raw Research Data ............................................................. 81

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LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS

FD
ARITS

: Frederick Douglas
: A Raisin in the Sun

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CHAPTER 1
INTRODUCTION
1. 1 Background
In most languages both written and spoken forms include formal and
informal styles. In English, the written language is formal in instances such as in
textbooks, scientific and academic works, technical and official reports and
application forms. Conversely, informal writing is used in fiction and popular
newsthesiss.
Formal spoken English is used in particular discourses, radio and
television news, seminars and prepared speeches. Informal spoken English can be
heard in the everyday language used by most people in discussions and while
chatting.
In classrooms and libraries, learners of English become very familiar
with the formal style of both the written and the spoken forms of the language by
reading textbooks. Therefore, they are able to, in general, produce formal written
English in academic reports or articles. The ability to write reports and articles
well is an indication that the learners are familiar enough with formal written
English. In addition, the learners also become familiar with the formal style of
spoken English. The learners in English Education and English Letters programs
in particular are involved in speaking English, as all the classes are conducted in
English.

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In addition to being involved in English speaking classes, the learners
often participate in national or international seminars as part of organizing
committees or as participants. This forum obviously enhances the students’ ability
to learn and to produce formal spoken English.
When learners are involved in mostly formal situations, they are not
learning informal English. Furthermore, they believe that the English written in
textbooks, which is formal, is the English normally spoken. Therefore, when the
learners talk to teachers or friends in daily conversation, they adopt the textbook
formal style, when informal English would be more appropriate.
It is, of course, not necessary to speak formal English all the time. Carter
(1999:158) states that it is dangerous to teach students to speak only in the formal
style.
Mastering the informal style of English is necessary so that speakers can
easily communicate in any conversational situation, which is an important social
skill. Shepperd (1994:108) advocates the thesis above. He states that the students
who have both standard (formal) and non-standard (informal) English in their
repertoire could, in theory, consider their alternatives and deliberately choose the
variety of English they find most communicative in a particular context. At the
least they might not feel uneasy when they hear another speaker’s unusual choice
of words and pronunciations or when they hear a strange dialect of English.
Whether to speak formally or informally is decided by context, or, to use
Wardhaugh’s term, circumstances. Wardhaugh states that on ceremonial
occasions, people acquire a very formal style of speech, public lectures somewhat
less formal and casual conversation quite informal, while conversations between

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intimate friends or on matters of little importance may be extremely informal and
casual (Wardhaugh, 1992:48).
The examples of the variety of circumstances given by Wardhaugh
above prove that mastering informal English is very important. Moreover, spoken
daily informal conversations are more frequent uses of language than the written
formal form. Additionally, speaking plays an important role in social
relationships. Steward (1978:4) states that when people intend to communicate,
they are essentially trying to build a good social relationship. A good social
relationship can be built when it is supported by social skills and social awareness.
Therefore, it is important to master informal English.
If we analyze African American English using the techniques set out by
Poedjosoedarmo, this thesis can be more easily understood in the Indonesian
context. Poedjosoedarmo (1976) has written articles on informal Bahasa
Indonesia. In Ragam Tutur Ringkas Bahasa Indonesia (1976), Poedjosoedarmo
describes ten features of informal Bahasa Indonesia. First, informal Bahasa
Indonesia employs deletions. They can be in the form of paragraphs in a
discourse, of sentences in the paragraph, of clauses or phrases in the sentences, of
words in a phrase and of phonemes in a word. Second, informal Bahasa Indonesia
gains many advantages from the use of sentence intonations such as oh, lho, e,
etc; particles for emphasis such as dong, sih, ya, oh and kok; and terms of address
such as Pak, Bu, Mas or nicknames. Third, informal Bahasa Indonesia often
includes extra linguistic circumstances to things surrounding the place of
conversation and to meaning that is understood by both the speaker and the
listener. Fourth, informal Bahasa Indonesia often contains incorrect word

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arrangements. Fifth, informal Bahasa Indonesia is often repeated to clear-cut the
meaning. Sixth, informal Bahasa Indonesia is influenced by local dialect either in
phonology, syntax or in lexicon. Seventh, informal Bahasa Indonesia very often
employs code-switching, such as switching to another language, to a variation of
another language, or to a direct quotation. Eighth, informal Bahasa Indonesia
often contains things irrelevant to the topic. Ninth, informal Bahasa Indonesia
employs many slang and idiomatic expressions; and tenth, informal Bahasa
Indonesia employs a very high frequency of kernel or compound sentences.
By considering what has been described by Poedjoseodarmo above, it
becomes more interesting to observe the forms of informal English. However,
informal English is a very broad topic and research would require many sources of
data. Therefore, this thesis is limited to two plays written in African American
English dialogue, one variant of informal English.
The focus of this thesis is to describe the linguistic forms found in the
two plays, A Raisin in the Sun and Frederick Douglas. The plays are Dramas
Theater containing conversations among characters in the African American
society. This thesis is entitled The Informal English Style in Georgia Doyle
Johnson’s Frederick Douglas and Lorraine Hansberry’s A Raisin in the Sun.

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1. 2 Problem Limitations
According to Holmes (2001), linguistic variations in terms of
pronunciations, syntax and lexicon provide different linguistic styles for use in
different social contexts. When the contexts are formal, the choice of the linguistic
variation will also be formal. When the contexts are informal, the choice of the
linguistic variation will also be informal.
To add more results it is also important to elaborate on other phenomena
used in informal style besides linguistics forms, such as local dialect and rude
expressions.
Based on the considerations above, the problems of the research were
limited to the following:
a) The phonological pattern marking informal English in the two plays.
b) The syntactic patterns marking informal English in the two plays.
c) The form of lexical items marking informal English in the two plays.

1. 3 Problem Formulations
The problem formulations of the research are:
a) What phonological patterns mark informal English in the two plays?
b) What morpho-syntactic patterns mark informal English in the two
plays?
c) What lexical items mark informal English in the two plays?
The choice of the three problems above was under several
considerations: First, since pronunciation was analyzed from written plays, it was
assumed that spellings indicated pronunciation. How words are pronounced
reveals the style of the speaker whether they are formal or informal (or a variant

6
of informal English) and how the characters communicate. Second, the syntactic
form focuses on grammar and usage. How people construct words and sentences
and how they deliver them are indications of formal or informal style.
Furthermore, it is said that one of revealing evidences of informal style is that the
sentence is incomplete and there are many ellipses throughout. It is important,
therefore, to know how ellipses are employed in informal English style.
This thesis is intended to contribute new knowledge about informal style
of English in general and one particular variant, African American English, in
particular.
1. 4 Research Goal
The goal of the research is to comprehend an informal style of English
from the viewpoints of its phonological, syntactical, and lexical forms in two
plays.
1. 5 Benefits of the Study
This research could be very beneficial for people of countries where
English is considered a foreign language. There are at least three groups which
could benefit from this research: informal language learners, classroom students,
and teachers. Because they use English more frequently than other groups, it is
necessary for them to know informal English.
For classroom students and informal language learners, it can help them
to understand that there are many types of informal English with unique
characteristics. At the least, when learners hear any type of informal English, they
will not be surprised or feel strange and can respond properly.

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For teachers, it would be very useful for them to teach more
comprehensively about informal English and the social contexts they are engaged
in. The style must be appropriate to the subject, the situation and the intended
audience.
This research is conducted to bear on two important purposes. The first
purpose is confirming that there is not only one type of informal English but also
different variations of informal English, and the second is to contribute new
findings.

CHAPTER 2
THEORETICAL REVIEW

2. 1 Review of Related Theories
In a sociolinguistic context, it is not easy to define style, dialect and
language. There are no hard and fast divisions among them; one melds into the
other. Style is a relatively minor variation in usage. Dialect involves rather more
difference and language the most.
It is virtually impossible to pinpoint exactly when a style switch
graduates into a dialect change (Chaika, 1982:38). Additionally, no sharp
demarcation exists between language and dialect. If two varieties of speech are
mutually intelligible, if speakers of one language variety can understand speakers
of another language variety and vice versa then dialect becomes language
(McManis et al, 1987:341). If they are not, they are considered separate languages
(Chaika, 1982:102)
According to Poedjosoedarmo (1979) a language has at least five
variants. They are: dialect, idiolect, style, level and register. Each of these
language variants has a so-called determining factor. Dialects are determined by
the group background; idiolects by individual background; styles by situation or
condition; levels by relationships or attitude toward the addressee; and registers by
objectives or aims.
Chaika (1982:38) says a working rule is that dialect signals a regional
variety of speech or that one is associated with a social group (either class or
ethnic group), whereas style signals only a change in mood or intimacy.
She expands her theory by saying that a style may be associated with a
particular social occasion and is then called register or functional variety of

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speech. For example, the style of speech one would use at a funeral as opposed to
a barbecue would be two different registers. Another example is when a bidialectal speaker switches to a second dialect or when a bilingual speaker changes
to another language. The dialect or language switch is associated with the
occasion or perhaps even the mood. Therefore, categorizing style, dialect and
language cannot be done neatly.
Chaika (1982) further believes that there is a continuum from style to
dialect to language and suggests the thing to remember is that it is the elements of
speech that become varied whether the variation occurs in style, dialect, or
language.
Alternatively, Wardhaugh (1992) says that style, dialect, and language
are largely independent. He explains that one can speak casually about mountain
climbing in a local variety of language, whereas a technical study of wine- making
requires a comprehensive knowledge and therefore a formal style is needed.
Additionally, Wardhaugh says that one can also be judged to speak better or
worse than other speakers who have much the same background depending on the
style, dialect, or language used.
Contradicting the other references above, Wolfram and Christian (1989)
distinguish between dialect and language quite clearly. According to them, from a
technical viewpoint dialect refers to any given variety of a language shared by a
group of speakers. This variation usually corresponds to diversities of other types
within the group, such as geographical location, social class, or age. People who
share important social and regional characteristics will typically speak similarly,

10
and whose characteristics differ will usually be divergent in their language as
well.
Wolfram and Christian explain further that the technical meaning of
dialect has a consequence to the term language. Varia tion is so much a part of
language that a person cannot speak without speaking a dialect of language.
Everyone is part of some group that can be distinguished from other groups, and
one of the indications of these groupings is how one talks. In other words, if a
person speaks the English language, that person necessarily speaks some dialect
of English.
The last statement made by Wolfram and Christian above then becomes a
starting point from which to reach a clear understanding of the two terms by
following their flow of thought. English is a language and when employed in
informal situations it is called informal English. When people speak informal
English, they certainly employ a certain dialect of English. Therefore, the cooccurrence of language and dialect meld into an informal English dialect which is
a variety of language used by members of a certain community.
To expand on the flow of thought above, the relationship between dialect
and language can be described as follows. Dialect can be distinguished by its
vocabulary, pronunciation, grammar, and context of speech interaction (speech
style) (Wolfram and Christian, 1989:4). If dialect patterns are examined from the
viewpoint of context of speech interaction (speech style), there will be seven
patterns to consider. They are: loud or soft volume, fast or slow tempo, discrete
overlapping in taking turns, directness or indirectness, high or low pitch, voice
quality, and formal or informal style.

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Holmes (2001:212) says that writers use non-standard language in novels
and short stories to tell readers that their characters speak in a regional or social
dialect, and they use distinctive pronunciation to demonstrate social class by
having characters in novels, stories or plays speak in dialect.
The theories above clearly indicate that style is closely related to dialect
and dialect is closely related to language. Thus, there is no attempt made in this
paper to categorize the African American English in Georgia Doyle Johnson’s
Frederick Douglas and Lorraine Hansbery’s A Raisin in the Sun as style, dialect
or language. Instead, it is simply referred to as one variant of informal English.
2. 1. 1 Style
To use a language properly, in addition to knowing the grammatical
forms and structure, one also has to know what forms of language are appropriate
for a given situation. Therefore, for this purpose, variety labels such as formal and
informal style are important (Leech and Svartvik, 1975:9).
Trudgill (1999) characterizes style as a variety of language viewed on a
sliding scale of formality ranging from very formal to very informal, with English
having the fullest possible range. In addition, the degree of formality of a social
situation can be influenced and changed by manipulating stylistic choice, and
stylistic switching occurs within dialects and not between them.
Stating it quite differently but still in the same tone, Quirk et al (1985:25)
recognize varieties of style from a viewpoint of attitude, as an expression of how a
speaker behaves toward the language. Quirk et al call it stylistic. In the Quirk et al
concept, stylistic is closely interrelated to the choice of the linguistics form that is
generated from the speaker’s attitude to the listener, to the topic, and to the

12
purpose of communication. Therefore, Quirk et al recognize a gradient in attitude
between formal (relatively stiff, cold, polite, impersonal) on the one hand and
informal (relatively relaxed, warm, friendly) on the other.
Cruse (1986) offers a more complete definition. He states:
Style refers to language characteristics which mark different
relationships between the participants in a linguistics exchange. These
may depend on a number of factors – roles defined by situation (e.g.
interviewer and interviewee), how familiar the participants are with
each other, what their relative social positions are, whether they are
mutually hostile, indifferent, or friendly and so on. To some extent, this
may be regarded as formal- informal dimension.
Trudgill, Quirk et al and Cruse simply categorize style into formal and
informal. Poedjosoedarmo’s (1979) definition of style based on the situation is
divided into three categories: formal, informal and sacred. These classifications
particularly exist in a language community which has a written literature culture.
Since sacred style is not directly interconnected to the research, this style will not
be discussed.
2. 1. 2 Formal Style
Since the focus of this research is informal English style, in particular the
African American dialect, this section is included only to point out the differences
between formal and informal English.
Poedjosoedarmo (1979) says that formal style is usually employed in
written language. Written English discourse, sentences, and words must be
complete and should follow standardized grammatical form, causing it to be
referred to as official, written, complete or standard style.
Wolfram

and

Christian

(1989)

follow

the

same

theory

as

Poedjosoedarmo, saying that formal Standard English includes the norms

13
prescribed in grammar books and is most typically preferred in the written
language of certain people such as the highly educated, and probably older
members, of society.
According to Leech and Svartvik (1975:29), formal language is the type
of language used publicly for some serious purpose, for example in official
reports, business letters, regulations and academic writing. Formal English is
nearly always written, but can be used in speech, for example in formal public
speeches or lectures.
Leech and Svartvik (1975:30) give their example that there are many
friends to whom one would hesitate to entrust one’s own children (1) leans
towards the formal end of the scale for a number of reasons. They are: a) Use of
there are, which, unlike the less formal there’s or there is, maintains the plural
concord with many friends as the subject; b) Use of many friends, rather than the
more informal a lot of friends or lots of friends; c) Use of the initial preposition to
introduce a relative clause (to whom), rather than a construction with a final
preposition who(m)…to; d) Related to the preceding feature is the use of whom,
which is a rather formal pronoun compared with who; and e) Use of the generic
personal pronoun one, rather than the more informal use of the generic you.
Leech and Svartvik suggest that if replacing the more formal sentence (1)
above with its informal equivalents, it would read stiffly as follows: There’s lots
of friends to who you would hesitate to entrust your own children to (1a).
In practice, informal English prefers its own typical features, which
include, for example, contracted forms of verbs (there’s rather than there is, etc.),
omission of the relative pronoun who/whom/that, and informal vocabulary rather

14
than more formal vocabulary such as entrust. As an example of informal English,
the following is a more natural-sounding sentence than (1a): There’s lots of
friends you’d never trust with your own children (1b).
According to Leech and Svartvik (1975:30) there is room to make lexical
changes to increase or decrease the formality of the sentence. For example,
replacing children with kids would make the sentence even more informal:
There’s lots of friends you’d never trust with your own kids (1c).
On the other hand, the following, with its use of there are and would, is a
more formal variant: There are lots of friends you would never trust with your
own children (1d).
2. 1. 3 Informal Style
Poedjosoedarmo (1979:8) states that informal style is usually not
employed in written form, causing most people to call it spoken style, even
though other sociolinguists say that some written types can also be informal.
Poedjosoedarmo explains further that discourses and words in informal style are
often elliptic, cut and shortened. This style is also called short/simple style.
Informal English is the language spoken by most people everyday, is
more relaxed about grammar and is less concerned with vocabulary. Informal
writing reflects this relaxation. Sentences are shorter and tend to avoid the more
formal punctuation of the semi-colon and colon. Contractions and first persons are
acceptable. Newspaper articles and columns are written informally as are letters to
friends. Informal speech also allows deletions. In an informal context where
people know each other well, it would often be considered inappropriate,

15
unnecessary and possibly even insulting to close friends, to spell everything out
and make it explicit (http://claweb.cla.unipd.it/home/scloke/style.html).
Leech and Svartvik (1975:29) state that informal language is described as
the language of ordinary conversation, of personal letters and private interactions
in general. It is the first variety of language that a child becomes familiar with.
Because it is generally more accessible to readers or listeners than formal English
is, it is used more and more nowadays in public communications, for example in
advertisements, newspapers, popular fiction and broadcasting. It also is found
private communication, e.g. in diaries and personal letters.
2. 1. 3. 1 Features of Informal English Style: Pronunciation
Some features of style that make up proper language are phonetic
variants, different ways of pronouncing the same words; lexical variants, different
words for the same thing; and syntactic variants, different grammatical
constructions for the same meaning (Chaika, 1992:43).
Chaika (1992) calls these variants stylistic when the choice of one or the
other does not change the content of the message but does signal a different social
or emotional message, a different register. Chaika gives examples that it is normal
and usual in American English to convert a final [t] into [ch] or [c] if the next
words starts with [y]; or a final [d] turns into [j] under the same condition. For
example, won’t you become woncha and did you become dija.
This process is technically termed palatalization. There are two reasons
why this is the realm of style, not proper language. First, one variant is normal and
usual and departure from it signals that circumstances of the utterance are not

16
ordinary. Second, the words are perceived as remaining the same, whichever
pronunciation is adapted.
In contrast, tin and thin; dale and jail are perceived as being different
words because of the differences between [t] and [d] and [d] and [j]. The
meanings and possible contexts of usage are changed because of the presence of
one or the other pronunciations. There is no such difference between won’t you
and woncha and did you and dija, despite the fact that the same pronunciations
are alternating in each pair.
According to Chaika, the change from [t] to [c] and [d] to [j] is
perceived as linguistic in tin vs thin, and dale vs jail but is stylistic in woncha vs
won’t you and dija vs did you. When Would you please eat your lunch? is
pronounced without palatalization and each [t] and [d] is clearly articulated
separately from the [y]s, it signifies that the speaker outranks the person spoken to
or is angry, or wishes to keep distance between them, or all three.
Moreover, Chaika states that the differences between dialects pervade the
entire speech pattern, whereas the differences between styles are concentrated on
the outset of social interaction. The markers of style and the markers of dialect
neatly correlate with their function, illustrating how language is a finely tuned
social instrument.
Wolfram and Christian (1989) give an example of how pronunciation can
change according to a different style. Speakers control a range of patterns from
which they choose depending on how formal they think the situation is. With an
intimate friend, someone might say Watcha feel like doin’?; with a casual

17
acquaintance it might be What do ya feel like doin’?; and in a formal context, the
sentence might sound like What do you feel like doing?
Wolfram and Christian (1989) describe informal English features from
the viewpoint of pronunciation or phonology. First, all speakers of English will
sometimes pronounce a word such as fast as fas, leaving off the final [t], as in fas’
break. It is not sloppy speech, it just one of the pronunciation patterns in Standard
English that happens more often in casual speech. Second, working-class speakers
always use [d] for [th] when they pronounce these, them, and those by dese, dem
and dose. At the beginning of the word, the [th] may be pronounced like [d], a
stop consonant. Third, after a vowel, the [r] may be lost and an [uh]- like vowel
(schwa or dictionary [u]) may take its place. The ca or fou pronunciation for car
and four are typical of this variation. In southern areas of the United States, the
so-called [r]- less pronunciation of a word gives Ca’ol for Carol or sto’y for story.
Fourth, the [l] following a vowel may be lost like [r], so that words such as table
and Bill may be pronounced something like tabu and biu. In some instances, the
[l] may be lost completely, including the [l] before [p] (for example hep for help)
or [f] (for example sef for self). Fifth, syllables that are not stressed within a word
may be eliminated. In casual speech, practically all speakers of American English
show this pattern to some extent, as indicated in pronunciations such as cause for
because and bout for about. This rule, however, may be extended considerably
beyond these kinds of words, affecting words ranging from lectricity for
electricity and el’phant for elephant to tatoes for potatoes and member for
remember.

18
Holmes (2001:140) states that one linguistic form which has proved
particularly interesting to sociolinguistics studying English-speaking speech
communities is the variable pronunciation of [r] in words like car and card, for
and form. There are two possible variants of [r] encountered. Either it is present
and pronounced [r] or it is absent. If a range of dialects is heard, it will reveal that
sometimes people pronounce [r] following a vowel and sometimes they do not. In
some regions, pronouncing [r] is part of the standard prestige dialect – the dialect
used by higher social classes – as in Scotland, Ireland and in the Boston and New
York areas of the eastern United States. In other areas, standard dialect speakers
do not pronounce [r] after vowels in words like car and card.
2. 1. 3. 2 Features of Informal English Style: Syntax
Chaika (1982) states for the purpose of giving a different social message,
syntactic variants involve the choice of one grammatical construction over
another. For example, saying Have I not? instead Haven’t I? Another syntactic
variant is the use slang words such as ain’t. It is often a difference between
educated and uneducated dialects that educated speakers, especially younger ones,
will on occasion use such forms stylistically. Educated middle-class speakers
might say double negatives and slang words such as ain’t at casual parties, rock
concerts, and sports events to emphasize a point. Wolfram and Christian (1989)
state ain’t is a highly stigmatized feature of negation among working-class
dialects. This form is used to correspond to Standard English is, am, are, has and
have in their negative versions, in cases such as they ain’t here and I ain’t found
it.

19
Holmes (2001:145) states that multiple negations are a very salient vernacular
form. The dramatic split evident between middle-class and lower-class usage of
multiple negations reflects this salience. Middle-class speakers tend to avoid it,
while lower-class speakers use it more comfortably.
Leech and Svartvik (1975:14-16) describe typical features of informal
English as follows. First, the tag question: We met before, haven’t we?; We
haven’t met before, have we? Second, ellipsis: Hope she’s coming for I hope
she’s coming and Want a drink? for Do you want a drink? Third is coordination
rather than subordination of a clause: Push the door hard and it’ll open for If the
door is pushed hard, it will open. Fourth is finite clauses: A Labrador is an
excellent retriever if it’s fit and I felt tired and went to bed early. Fifth is
signposts, expressions introducing new points: and so; in other words; all the
same; and the first thing is. Sixth is contractions, which can be in the form of the
negative not such as haven’t, didn’t, doesn’t, etc. and in verb forms such as I’ve,
I’m, I’d, and they’ve.
Leech and Svartvik (1975) also note other typical features of informal
speech. First is silent pauses. For example: they’ve probably left by now – so I
didn’t – and – twelve thirty – now that can’t be them – and it was – and. Second,
voice-filled pauses are indicated by erm which shows hesitation. For example,
and I get really erm – you know when when I’m trying to cook. Third, there are
repetitions, for example: I I, when when, they’d they’d, and you you. Therefore,
when features number one to three are combined the speakers may fail to
complete a sentence, or lose track of the sentence and mix one grammatical
construction with another. For example, I mean you know what getting up

20
Sunday’s like anyway and – I’d – I was behind in any case and I I get really
erm – you know when when I’m trying to cook – and people come and chat I I
get terribly put off. Fourth are fillers, certain words and phrases such as well and
you know. The opening well in the extract is a typical spoken discourse item in
this use of topic opener. When speaking, the speakers often fill in gaps with other
fillers such as you know, you see, I mean, kind of, and sort of to allow the
speaker to think of what to say next, or just to indicate that the speaker is
intending to go on talking.
Wolfram and Christian (1989) also describe two additional features of
informal English in working-class communities. First, the use of done signals
completion of an action, as in I done threw it away or they’ve