Rumours and Realities of Marriage Practices in Contemporary Samin Society | Rohman | Humaniora 990 1815 2 PB

HUMANIORA
No. 2 Juni 2010

VOLUME 22

Halaman 113-124

RUMOURS AND REALITIES OF MARRIAGE
PRACTICES IN CONTEMPORARY SAMlN SOCIETY
Arif Rohman *

ABSTRACT

-

Since the mid 19"hcentury the Samin people have made a contributionto resistingthe Dutch
colonial rule in ruralJavathroughtheir non-violence movementand passive resistance (lijdeiijk verset).
History also notes that they have a unique culture and system of values which reflect their own local
wisdom. However, many negative rumours have become widespread regarding this community.
This article explores the marriage practices in Samin society and investigates how this society gives
meaning to these marriage practices. It also examines whether the practice of 'virginity tests' and

'stray marriages' exist in contemporary Samin qociety.

Key Words: Samin, marriage, rumours, 'virginity tests', 'stray marriages'

ABSTRAK
Sejak pertengahanabad ke- 19, masyarakatSamintelah banyak bejasa dalam melawan penjajahan
Belandadi pedalamanJawamelaluigerakan anti-kekerasan dan penolakanpasifnya. Namundemikian,
menariknyajustru banyak rumor negatif yang muncul dan berkembangseputar komuniti ini. Paper ini
membahas praktek perkawinan di masyarakat Samin dan bagairnana rnereka memberi rnakna pada
sistem perkawinan mereka. Tulisan ini memeriksa apakah praktek 'Tes Keperawanan' dan 'Kawin
Umbaran' benar ada dan terjadi di masyarakat Samin, khususnya di IUopoduwur Btora.
Kata Kunci: Samin, perkawinan, rumor, 'tes keperawanan', kawin umbaran

*

Staff of the Directorate Generalfor Rehabiliitionand Social Senbs,the Mnistryof SodelAffairs.

Humnioml Vd. 22#No. 2 Juni2010: 113-124

people can conclude that they are livingtogether

out of wedlock. Furthermore, these marriages
usually are not reported officially to the
govemment, so that most ofthem are iltegal (not
certified). As a mnseqwnce,the multingch4dfBi-1
do not have birth certificates. The rumour about
the 'virginity test' has become Mespreiad, as
evidenced by jokes like: 'If you want to "get
married under a tme" (iltegdlyt without any
mnseqm17~8s)and want to gett "frse" *in&
just go to the Sarrtin, you can leave the woman
whenever you want, even just one day after
having sex.'
A number of studies have been conducted
on M nsociety from dierent perspectives. For
example, there are those that examinethe Samin
movement in terms of the causes and origins of
the movement2,the nature of their religion3,the
patron-client relationships around their
movemenv, the uniqueness of their language5,
and how they survived the Dutch colonialperiod

by creating a special architectural design in their
dwelling system6. However, little information
regarding marriage practicesin Samin society is
available. The study of mamage practices in this
communityistherefmcrucial becauseit mcems
the status and treatment of women.
Marriage can be defined as 'a life-long union
of a man and a woman for the purpose of
establishing a family'.'The goals of marriage are
to provide opportunities for sexual intimacy,
companionship, family continuity, establishment
of parenthood, legitimate reprodudion,emotional
fulfilment, and widening of inter-personal
relati~ns.~
Through marriage, humans can build
a family and strengthen their kinship
In his worklo,M u l l a h discusses marriage
p m d e s in Saminsociety. He dassifiesmarriage
practices in Samin society as endogamous.
Endogmy refers to a system where group

membersfind spousesfromwithin the group. He
ar~uesthat endogamous marriage has been
~toenswethattheirarstornsandMi
may continue. Thus, there are several steps in
their mamage practices, such as looking for the
wife, engagement, apprenticeship, harmonizing

h
and answering, andt
to that of RosyidI2,
of marriage. Howewr,
more on the care o
community, while Rosyid
the marriage practi
without analysing their meanings.
The uniqueness of the manSagh3 pradio85in
Samin society has been recognised by
Shiraishi.I3 Shiraishi describes the concept of
'stmy marriage' as a way in which a man who
~ o o ~ a d u l t e r y c a n ' p u f i f y h ~ b o dSbrry

y'.
martiage,acowelingto Shiraishi, is a ritualinwhich
a man has to ask a woman, not his intendedwife,
to many himwithout any coeraon or tricks. After
sleeping together, only once, and after leaving
the woman, he can return to his wife.I4 However,
even though he described the 'stray marriage'
custom in Samin society, he was interested in
the social and political context surrounding the
Samin movement and his data was based only
on an old document, 'Dangir's testimony', which
comprises the notes that the patih (vice regent)
of the Regencyof Pati made after he intermgated
Dangir, a Samin villager of Genengmulyo who
was arrestedon November 26,1928.
Another study related to the marriage
practicesin Samin society is that of Murnfangati.15
She mentions that their marriages are usually
performed by parents and are not reported
officially to the govemment, so that most of the

resulting children do not have birth certificates.
However, her study is too superF6cfal and lacks
focus, endeavouring as it does to aovertoo many
aspects of the Samin society.
To understand the m a w system in the
Samin community we need to understand their
belief system. In relation t~ this, Martin van
Bruinesseni6 argues that the hmin community
is one of the sectarian movaments which
developed and left ~kilam.We ~ ~ t q o the
h s
Saminfnobmmtsa cmmwnit)rwhlchdevelops
by withdrawing from other o o m n i t i e s and
makingan md&i group. They tries to find their
own spiritualitywithartcaring about what people
say outside their mmunity. van Bruinessen

i

i

4

i
i
I

1

1
j

Arif Rohmn, RumoursAnd Realities of MElniage Pradr'e~tsIn ContempmtySarrJn Sodety

explains that this happened due to the lack of era cannot be separated f m the life of
communication bebeen Islamic organnuations, Soemntiko amin, the founding father of this
was boFn in lW%l
whiehwerem~inttrban~,andperipheral m m & . Sfman& Samb~
ocmmwnitsesind~.Howlevler,h'hisargmt as Raden K ~ h a r . ~ n K&ar changed his
has been nejedd by Niels lvb~kW~UVh0

Wives name to Soemtiko
ita~skto
that Agama Adam (the 'Religion of Adam') sodalke with 0relinau)cpeople. Many saum~
resembles Buddhism. On the other hand, James menth that P b Kedbn Bkm was bdmed
C.
believesthat gamin teachings ar&ma
to be the hometown of S08mko."
Aaaamc#n bedassiiapartd-beM,
most peopte in PIoss W h do not
that is the non-Isa
l mc
i
local ~ @W$
i f siof to b e t h e c a s e . " P e o p l e i n R m ~ E r w
rural Java. Bendaand Castles1salso argue that him as a simple and konest
A g m Adam is not Islamic. They see it as an gaodattitudeandwasweb
indigenous messianicrnomt, notinspiredby u f t h i s , h e w a s w e l l ~ . ~ n U k t )
Islam (which
salvation in a Holy War popular in his neighbourhodwhen he reskstd
andthe cxxningof a M i ) , bu2 ratherwasinspired by Hindu-Buddhist Javanese culture which

looks to a RatuAdil or Hem T
j (Jugt King).
new imageof himas a hero, At the time,
The literaturemkw k s shorwn4hat mmy
scholars have been intembd in &dying the
Samin movement
difbmt
Thgse studies, however9haw
es: (1) most of them are
~ ~ f r o m t t t e D u t e h
generation to sprehld Sammism around 191f.
any attempts to investigate the subjective
meaningsof the marriage practicesthemselves; sons
(2) mostufthem havefocused on theclamiption and Kajen Pati, and EngW (a mnEn;korM
of the marriage process without positioning of Soerantiko), who spread Sarninisrn in
women on centre stage; (3) even though there
~.310ra.#ErlgtaP$c
are studies related to the M a g e pradkm in &minim in -due
Samin sxkty, the analysis of the practices in wmgw'(a h m n w h o W v 6 F ) I g O M ) m m
these studies is supe-1,

and has a lack of and saMi,which meanshe had s u m & and
focus, notseekingan i-ton
dtheamspt magicalpower).
However, after Surosentikod
i
d
,
Saminism
was split into five groups: SBmfn Lugw, a m i n
SangM,~ m i n h p i ~ m m r p i nSsmin
g , Gogd
and&&--,
Samblq~ucomprisesthe
of §uemn&a Salwln who stressed
paper poses the following questions:
extentdothepra
marriages' exist m
What are the actual ma
Samin people in Klopodwt?

w

m,

r

SAMIN KLOPODUWUR
A study of the Geger Sattrin (Sanin
movement)in rural Java during the Dutchcdonial

Humaniora, W. 22, No. 2 Juni 201.0: 113-124

do not really know about the Samin beliefs but
neverthelessdamt h m as Samin people
(peoplealso call them Samfn-s~mhan
or nyamin,
which means pretending to be M n people).
The last group is Samh Kas&dw, who are the
followers of Sowmtiko Samin who put more
stress on spedal rituals. This caMcatkm is
that of Benda and Castles
slightly different
who dassify Srtmin pero(ale into onJy two categories: Samin Lugu and Samin Sangkak..2b
Engkrek, who spread Saminism in Klopoduwur, had other names such as Siman-and
Sodikromo. He came to Klopoduwur with five
canfrik (students) including Dungkik, Gaiman,
Singosamin, Mint0and Sahmo. With hican'k,
Engkrek babat alas, i.e., he deared an area for
settlement at Karang Pace. This area was given
to his catfk and Karang Pace became the headquarter for the Samin people in Klopodhuwur.
Throughrnaniageswiththelocalwwnen, Engkmk
and his cantrik became inmasingly popular in
this village. After discoveringthat Engkrekwasa
saktiperson, almostall village rnernbew became
his followers and he became well-known to
people in other villages. Many people, m
n
iJy
coming from Pati, Kudus and Jepara, came to
the area to study aminism. Inhis efforts to seek
followam, Engkrek@n gave kas8MBnsuch 9s
fFMn-1-

~~

A Samin in
Wong Sikep or
always does setf-inm-R
or her faith) rather than Wm$j
because the term Wong Sam&
connotations because of the Sam&
pay tax. Most people in K l a p o d w
hmw
Engkrek, since there was a rurnour that
Engkrek, even though he was a cetrik of
Soerantiko, rejected the idea of c
e
3
e
h
m
Soerantiko Samin as the &tuj Adil. A
p
becauseof Wis rejection, he was expetled Barn
the communitywhich initiatedthis debmbn.
This explains why Engkrek came to
Klopoduwurand never m e n t h d ~ & o f s
name subsequently. Engkrek died two p a r s
after Indonesia's Independence and he was
buried in Klopoduwur inI947.n

THE STAGES OF MARRfAOE
The marriage practice in the Samin
community differs from that in the common
Javanese tradition. Matiage is carried out only
between the Barnin members base-el on adat
(customary law) which requires endogamy.
Samin pmpk can many outside the Samin
commwfityanty
people beeamSamin.
is meant to mainbin the
min community. Samin
bib&at marriage is s a d as it is
awq+to adsieve magnanimity and to produce

.. . ..
~ ~ ' W Blom.
mr,
?

Picture 1. Proud to be Samin: A Sarnin '

/

~

Atif Rohman, RumoursAnd Realities of h.f%wtagePractices In Cont~mpmry
Samtn WWy

good descendants. M a w e is based on love whether st-leagrees r x d h g m . This stmws
without coercion by others. They have a belief that in Samin marriage bacfitkwr, a wonm has
that 'Kabehlmang ganteng, kabeh W o k ayu' freedom to chose her hu8band witha$ m y
(all men are handsome, a11women beautiful). coercion from others;. This difftam fmm t
b
This meansthat thydo notd i i i m t e against Javanese adat, where most maMages am
people on the basis of physicalappearance or arranged by the parents of the coupk.=
status.
For some people in Samin communities,
Mamiage in Samin community is performed nyuwuk is then followed by nywito (the
without government involvement. They refuse groom's family applies for
kawin coro twgum (marriage by govmment In this stage, they will
rubs). In the Samin M(lopoduwur community and g d a n i g setangkep"as part ofthe
today, whieh can be cxmklered as ribre tmdm The gambjr and sirih is believed
than other Samin communities such as spirits away, while gedang
BomtKmg, Balong and Tanduran, after their symbolises a relationship between the
marriage, a newly married cuuple report thdr bridegroomand bride that will continue hpptty
marriage to the government to get a marriage until the end of their lives. At this &tag&,the
certificate. In the past, Samin psaple in parents of the groom eatrrrst their w n fa Ms
Klopoduwur did not report their marriages. As
a consequence, their offspring did not have birth
certifmtes or identity cards. They argued that manycases where after
if they registeredtheir marriage, thaJ gcwwmmt
would record them as the fdkwers of one of
the six state religion^.^ This wcnold m a n they view the nyuwito tmdiiion a
smmty a pro$lem
would be betrayingAgama Adam as their belief of selem (taste). The groam's pslaene usual&
system.
understand his attitude
Adat in the Samin community divides the b a b o ~The
. ~ parents
mamiage process into several stages. These son's decisionaocolrdingt~ the
~ . g ~ d h e lf%.&~
stages have been examined by R o ~ y i d ~ nyuw
However, Rosyid's work is descriptiveand does Ian (eloping) rarely happens. 713'1 ##am fmrn
not analyse the meaningof marriage practices the Javanese adat, which has many ceretnoin Samin society. According to Rosyid, the first nies and demands high costs.SBIn nyuwuk or
stage is nyuwuk (asking a woman's marib! nyuwo, there is no as& fubn or m s kawin
status). In this stage, a man who is ready to (bride prim). this is because Samin people
marry asks about the status of a woman he believe that this system has more diswants to marry. Nyuwuk -can be done by the advantages than advantages. For example, if
man or by his parents. If her status is m a W , the groom is from a poor
then the man will withdraw
the woman is still
woman's parentswill ask
she consents or not to the p
agrees with the proposal, the man a n
st@twa8 hwmn beings) so that
the woman's house to continuer fbr s
e f ~ t B dbtrJrb5ng to the Samin
stage, that is ngawulo ('appmn
woman's house). However, in n ) l m k I h
woman has a right to accept or to refuse the W to stay in the parents-in-law's house and
marriage proposal. The man has to accept workg forthem as a peasant in sawah or t q a l

Hmnion,, Vd. 22, No. 2 Juni2010: 113124

(wet or dry rice fields), or as a shepherd of
mffle. In this stage, he does not rec~iveafiy
payment, but all of his needs wiU be
for by his parents-in-law. Inthis stage
is regarded as a family memberand is
to sleep with his YisnM. The length af the
ngawulo stage is relative and depends on the
situation. For bridegrooms who are already
mature, it may not take a long time. It m i d be
a week or two. But for thosewho ape still young,
it could reach up to two years. In this coptext,
the marriage will be considered 'lawful' if the
bride's parents have approvedtheir relations.
After ngawulo, the next stage is kondo
(reporting to the woman's parents) that they
have done sikep rabi31(sexual intercourse) as
proof that they really pod0senenge (love each
other). Samin people believe that marriage has
to be based on love and this has to be proven
by having sexual intercourse during the
ngawulostage.
The last stage in the Samin marriage
process is diseksekno (witness ceremony). In
this stage, the groom will testify that he has
done sikep rabi with the bride. The bride's
parents wilt witness that the bridegroom has
passed the process well. It is thus shown that
they tumbuh katresnan(realty love each Qther)
and are mkun (harmonious). Based on isdat,

'Kuk wong,

JmRS~ m w ,
Pang8tlW
Dam1 kuk, sikq M i ,

Demen jag,
Tata-tata wedok,
Pangaran Y,
D m k s laki
Demenjanp
&tk nikah empm kulb lakoni.'

the task of the bride's mother is oqmbingt
M
ca;rmmony (to make them mkun). The task of
the We's father is to giw agresrrrent to fkdr
relaf-ion$hSp. The period far dimk~eknois
apik'(the faster the better).
&minpeopk do not irmdve
the w v m m & . This h because g m r r r m
authority is not seen a$ superior to parents'
authority (gowrnmnt is made up d human
beings who are not su
are just as human). That is wh
considered 'legal' even th
only by parents. By contrast, they rept#t to
Sesepuh Samin (a Samin ekler), who attmds
the ceremony. This d i i r s from the txdirwry
Javanese custom in which marriages are
performed by naib or penghulu (a b a d Islamic
religious representative).* Diseksekfio is
marked by adang a k W .
In diskwkm, the g r m h a to say the
Sadat (The Samin profession of kith). The
Sadat contains a statement that the g m
acknowledges the bride as b t u r urip ( M d
for life) and promises to stay together and
nukulke wlji sejati(give descmdanb). Hem is
the Sadatthat is said by the groom:

'I am a human,
of the male wx,
Called X,

i
1
j

Arif Rohman, RumoursAnd Realities of MaRiaw PracEtiws In

palakrama qmm q w ,
memangun tramWyd,
kasempar kasandhung dugi

haBefofly your maniage will produce goorl
dmdanb.'

.

.
-2

The other reason why the 'virginity test' is

has to be b a s 4

an

OQhmnt and

nat mmgnised in the Samin community is

-

htty is n dimportant. Samin people
people are married based on the
lother).
Fwfncipte of podhosenenge (kwhyl
They believethat as humanbeings, they should
respect others; ewen those who are dis8bM
or not virgins. Many cases show that d i b l e d
~ k , a l s o m n y ; W i d o ; w s a
because of love. People are seen as being the
same and Samin do not discriminate on the
W
i
s of physicalappearance or virginity. A han
who loved a widow will fully accept her (unlike
in mainstream Javanese culture). Due ta this
belief, the idea of a 'virginity test' in Samin
sodety does not make sense and contradicts
the Samin belief system.
The last argument against the idea of
'virginity tests' in Samin society is basedon their
bel'mf that 'Bojo siji kanggo s8Iawasca'(one wife
farewer). This means that when a rnan has sex
with a woman, he is effectively making a pegat
mati oath? He and his wife seek to keep their
oath and try to niteni (always be introspective
and remember the oath). That is why Samin
KIopoduwur prefers to be called mngpcsnitt+n
(pecpie who are niteno. After having sexual
intercourse, a couple will not &wee until one

to be a wife'.*
Samin people in Kt@#
rmyfhat
If it
adultery rarely happensir9 tllts3r -&.
does happenit is m m i t t d
~the
~ community.
h ~
This is
live together with th
Samin. Thekickof u
system in this com
why people outside
judgmenbthatadwhBIm h
~
'Stray marriage' does ncd rn to exist in
the Samin Klopoduwur mmwrMy,This k due
to the belief that a woman's status in the
community is higher than that of8 man. This is
based on the reality that mcan ad as
mothers, and therefore have signifiaa~td t
because of smh mles as giving birth, b w 8 t
feeding, & i ,
caring and teaching OtaHdten.
They believethat w m n rnlke
place of rice). It is the hu&ndgs
givedlmtohiswffe.Sa
is woman
that b m i (&)
mother). Thsmfum, mothgr is the qmbd of
Thb b illustmbd by the pwerB
Iku ano ing ngisor telapak sikile
mboke'(Paradise lies under a m o W s feet).
~
A
~ As a result women can piay roles in both the
dear that A
dm&ic and publicspheres
b e l i ithat women can
heaven but not to hell
of 'virginity tests' and polyandry in the Samh highlyuntikely that the
community seems bbe myths.
support a practice as degrading to women as
ofwMchistouusa
'STRAY MARRIAGES'
Another rurnourabout the Saminm u n i t y
is that they encourage a practice of 'stray
marriage'. According to Dangir's Testimony, if
Samin men commit adultery, they haveto purify
their body through a 'stray marriage'. Ina 'stray
patiently; if insulted
rrraniage'a man should look for a m
n (apart
mmams~~1TQfWf-ormonsyorfoodfrom
from his own wife) to 'marry'. This ritual shoutd
be done without coercion or deception, and &so anyone; but ifmykineasks for food or money

Arif Rohman, Rumows And Reams of

from you, give it freely.'45In Agama Adam they
believe that sin cannot be absolved. If a sin
could be absolved then peoplewould sin more.
Samin people also believe in
in which
someone who does sin will suffer either in this
world or the next. In this world, for example,
they might face some bad experiences like
'Nandurpari,
tukul pan,
ngunduh pari,
nandurjagung,
tukuljagung,
ngunduhh u n g ,
sing becik ketitik,
sing oh, ketom.'

ahotution (and this

m ' s We is w m q
ttabni& wit1 wffer

PraaIn

disasters, accidents, failed harvests, social
isolation or gossiping by others. The
consequence of sin after salin sandangan"
(death) is more horrifying as they will be
reincarnated as animals. Related to this,
Saministssay:

'Plant rice,

grow rice,
harvest rice,
plant corn,
grow corn,

everyone will see what is good,
and what is bad.'
(i.e. 'You reap what you sow').

,Vd. 22, No. 2 Juni2070: 713-124
On the basis of my fieldwork, 1 betierwe
'virginity tests' and 'stray marriwes' are just
myths. In contrast, the Sarnin w m u n i Q
through their maniage s p t m show 8 wodd full
of respect for women, a world which is
egalitarian. This flows from A g m a Adam
beliefs. To maintain this system, social
sanctions are created for those who have
brokenthe rules. These rules seek to m a t e a
society which values women, a society which
is harmonious, tolerant, and egalitarian. In this
context, the myths of 'virginity tests' and 'stray
marriages' do not seem at all credible.
The Samin Klopoduwur marriage practice
system seems to show a high level of respect
for women. The rumours about the 'virginity
tests' and the 'stray marriages' have made
Samin people vulnerable and marginalised.
Those who were rnostty insulted by the rumours
were women. To reveal the reasons behind the
rumours, it is necessary to look at and to
understand the social and political context
surrounding Samin. Understanding the history
of Samin society will help in answering why the
rumours exist.

I.

I~tiketothankmysopervia>nrDr.~~,
Dr. Gail Hawkes, and Siepbn Millew.
lndira Perrnanasari, 'Saat 'sedulur sikep" bertemu
negara', Kovnipas,27 7 r M 0 5 . RtMeved28 July
2008 from KCM, httpJM.kompas.~~m/komp~woc3hrkll)51aM71h~m8nioraMI
58516.htm.
Harry J. Benda & Lance Castles, 'The Samin
Movement', in Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land- en
Volkenkunde 125, no. 2, Leiden. 1969; A. Pieter E.
Kower, 'The Samin movement and millenarism',
B!pmgenWde TaaC,Land- en Volkenkunde 132, no.
2/3,Leiden, 1976; V i T . King, 'Some obsewaOns
on the Samin movement of North-Central Java:
!&gps&m b t h etheoreticalanalygisof the clpmics
of rural unrest', Bijdragen tot de Taal-, hnd- en
Volkenkunde 129, no. 4, Leiden, 1973; Nancy Lee
Peluso, 'The emergence of uscientific"forestry in
adonhlJava',inRich~sts,RmrPeople:~
Contrd and Resistance in Jam, Berkeley, IW2.
Justus M. van der Kmef, 'Javanese messianic
expectations: Their oridin and cultural context',
CarPlparativsStudiesCn~fyandHistory,vol,
1,no.
4, Jun., 1959; Martin van Bnrinessen, 'Gerakan

:Later
sempalan di kalangan wrtrat
belakmgsosiaUxlday9', u d m ,vol.3, m. I,
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hrlichae( Adas, 'From avoidance to confrontation:
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Lanaage:mssinkl
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