CAPITAL PENETRATION AND ITS IMPACT ON CUSTOMARY COMMUNITY (Case Study toward Talang Mamak Community in Indragiri Hulu Regency, Riau Province) Achmad Hidir
CAPITAL PENETRATION AND ITS IMPACT ON CUSTOMARY COMMUNITY
(Case Study toward Talang Mamak Community in Indragiri Hulu Regency, Riau Province)
1 Achmad Hidir
ABSTRACT
Results of study indicate that the incoming capital penetration into the customary
community changes social, economical and cultural aspects of the community. The incoming
market economy system into the culture of Talang Mamak crushes traditional service
economic system and weakens the use of traditional technology. The narrawed forest area
and less productive rice field represent the job shift though it still underlines their forest,
such as the shift of field function into rubber plantation and its convesion into oil palm
plantation. The community of Talang Mamak responds any changes in their regional in
several manners such as intensive farming, hunger rent, self-exploitation, land diversification
into rubber plantation, and ritualism involving technological transfer. This strong effect
does’t stimulate the cruelty among the community of Talang Mamak. The unfavorable
phenomenon occurs because a certain social agency successfully calms down their emotional
fluctuation.I. INTRODUCTION
1. Background
Riau topographically and geographically, do has forest both of primary forest and the secondary. This condition surely gives “passion” for the ruler and the businessman to keep doing exploitation to its natural resource. In the other hand, Riau community itself surely has their own characteristic to constantly utilizing forest as a part of their life. Therefore, Riau Community’s life generally has a tight connection with forest environment and rubber gardening.
Furthermore, the facts in Riau area, The Isolated Community also still can be found (concept about this isolated community further called as Costumary Community). Customary Community in Riau, among other Talang Mamak Community. This Talang Mamak Community generally still lives down-to-earth and modest. With that condition, many of them live and depend their lives upon the forest resources as tiller.
Livelihood activity, by this shifting cultivation pattern has been done since dozens even hundreds years ago as activity that has been inherited from generation to generation. But nowadays, as tolerated, that the ecosystems in Riau forest now has changed a lot and that change surely brings social economy and cultutre impact towards the Costumary Community around the forest. Forms of penetration that change the forest in Riau a lot, caused by various activity, among others: the existence of transmigration acitvities, gardening, exploitation of Forest Mastery Right (FMR). And all of those activities do not obey the concept and principle of environment preservation. Whereas, the fact as reported by various research result, such as 1 Florus (1994); Dove (1985); Mubyanto (1991) and the others stated that impact of clearing
FISIP Univeristas Riau land for plantation, FMR, and Transmigration do not always bring advantages for the community around the forest.
Consequences costumary community who depend their lives on natural resources of the forest now increasingly pressured. Meanwhile, for facing the ecosystem transformation like that, Talang Mamak Community now has to constanly effort to overcome that condition. In other words, they have to do technic and strategy of adaptation with the ecosystem changing. It means that they have to still try to survive in order to still exist as either individual or cultural community.
2. Question Formulation
1. How is the social economy change of Talang Mamak Community in a row with increasing number of the capital penetration (HPH, HPI, PIR-bun, and Transmigration) that come into the area?
2. How is the prosses of farming technology change and Talang Mamak Community livelihood as the impact of ecosystem change in their area?
3. How is their the adaptation strategy in overcoming the ecologist change and culture as the continuation of many cultural penetration in their life?
3. Research Purposes
1. Describing the social economy change in economical moral context and Talang Mamak Community modernitation in row with the increasing number of capital penetration (HOH, HTI, PIR-bun, and Transmigration) that come into their area.
2. Analysing the evolution pattern in their farming system that is now start to less adaptive as an impact of ecologist change.
3. Analysing the their adaptation in overcoming the ecologist and cultural change from the rise of capital penetration in their life.
4. Research Advantages
1. Erudite contribution in rural sociology study. Especially things about forest natural resources problem and forest society/community, that during this time has less study on it especially for Riau area case.
2. Giving etnograph picture about society and Talang Mamak farming system, that also has less literature which study this case comparing with farming community in Kalimantan and Papua area.
3. As an input for every parties who are competent (especially Goverment of province, district, and forest service) as direction of policy evaluation in building the foresthood in Riau.
II. FRAME OF IDEA
Talang Mamak Community are faced with dilematic situation, they still have to keep farming or have to make a change in their farming pattern. And also how is their preseption in overcoming the environment change and resistance machanism that probably they do to keep survive in current of change which going so fast attacking their life joints. From that problem, the frame of idea to explain the field phenomenon and research problem that is done could be visualized as follows:
Natural Population PSBN HPH HTI Transmigration Growth In The Community
Mentality Of The Forest Multietchnic Market Economy Ecosystem Migration
Tradition and Farming Pattern
Social and Cultural System of Talang sion fu
Mamak Di
Anomie And Deviant Behavior
social action based on the flow of information and
energy
Adaptation strategies
Changes in:
1. Technology
2. Livelihood
3. Tools and Equipments
Survival Mechanism:1. Diversification
2. Intensive Agriculture
3. Ritualism
4. Declining Standard of Living
5. Self Exploitation
Information: = Direct Impact = Indirect Impact
Picture 1. Frame of Idea
III. RESEARCH METHODS
The research location is determined surposively in forest areal consession in Rakit Kulim Subdistrict. By the consideration that Rakir Kulim Subdistrict is the mains and the origin of Talang Mamak Community spreading to the other subdistrict. Dialogical Interpretation approach will be used for data analysis, which are the dialog between emic understanding and ethic understanding to understand symptom that is found in the field. From this dialog, will cause negotiate meaning, then poured to a report. Data analysis actually has been done from the beginning at the same time with data collecting. Data that has been collected then immidiately analyzed and recorded in notebook, same data are compared for comparing the accuration of each data. This technique usually called as triangulation.
Tringulation itself is interpreted: data will be collected thorugh multiple sources to include interviews, observation and document anlysis (Creswell, 1994). This technique is used to test same data that are got from different source (cross check) that then will be discussed with the one who knows about that problem more, for example Batin (Talang Mamak Customary person), and the other connected stakeholder party.
IV. RESEARCH RESULT
1. Talang Mamak Community Socio Economy Change
Production prosses and food farm and rubber garden productivity that is belong to the farmer affected a lot by some factors, for example facilities and basic facilities and also the labour. For farm producing activity, Talang Mamak Community still use beliung equipment to open the farm field, parang for cutting, tuai for harvesting and the others small equipments. While for rubber gardening, they use tools such as: tap knife, coconut shell for rubber accomodating, bucket, and also can or takung tanah.
In Tapping activity usually use various energy, this depends on area of the field that is being tapped so then the result will be various too. To see the average tapper, tapping, and the result per month, can be seen on the tabel as follows:
Table 1. Averages The Results Of Tapping And Rubber Plantations Number Information Amout (day, person, Kg) Average
15-20 21-25 25-30
1 Average days of
19
21 27 22,33 Tapping / month
2 Average labors
2
2
3
2.3 working (person)
3 Average resut per 90,2 kg 145,3 kg 173,7kg 136,4 kg hectare / month Source: field data processing, 2010 Information : for the average working day rice cultivation, does not count because it does not work every day, depending on the season. but for the average rice yield is described in the following description.
From the data above, can be seen that the number of working time and average number of labour with their wide of the field. Wide of rubber farm correlated with the tapped result. Tha calculation above is done in normal condition, that is to say not in the rain. But if there is rain, tapping could not be done. The average of working days is 22,33 days with average result 136, 4 Kg/month with labour average 2,3 persons. Beside the rubber problem, it also good for us to see the result of kasang rice that is done by Talang Mamak Community. To see the result of kasanf rice we can see the data as follows: Table 2. the average results of farm field and rubber plantation
Number Business Area Category Comparison 10 years before present
1 Average result of rice 934 kg 607 kg 3:2 fields harvest per one harvest
2 Average result of rubber 367 kg 136,4 kg 2:1 tapping per day Source: field data processing, 2010 Information : to to calculate the average measured based on their subjective, because they are generally difficult to estimate the crop, they had counted and weighed. while many of them do not understand the scale. they measure the size of a bushel.
From the data above can be seen that there is differences between farming result income and rubber garden for ten years ago. For the rice harvest with ratio 2:3, while rubber 2:1. It means, from this condition, they got decreasing number of produce for one period. All of this thing are not released by the field condition that is and will still changing in their environment. Especially for harvest result of rice, they never sell it, they use it for their own consumption (subsitent). From the data above, no matter how many price that they get for this time, they still feel it’s heavy enough. This is caused by the Rupiah kurs and their harvest result that they got decreased too far compared with ten years ago. They feel this a lot on their kasang rice harvest productivity. For rubber harvest, they sell it to get the money to buy every family needs that they need. The income that they got is the number of rubber that was sold multiple the price. The number of rubber that is sold depends on the number of field area and average result per hectare. The number of area average that we mean here is number of productive area. So then the total farmer income depends a lot by the number of production
- – and wide of the field. The buying price from seller who also a rubber collector on March December 2006 per Kg is Rp. 4500-5000/Kg on farmer stage when the research was being done.
So then if the average of tapped result/hectare for the seller is 136,4 Kg. With Rp 4500-5000.Kg on farmer stage that sell their rubbe, so as the illustration of conmparison and income change that is received by the farmer (Talang Mamak community) is as follows: Table 3. Comparison of the revenue of rubber sale result in the past and present
Revenue in the 10 year past Present revenue (gross weight x price) (gross weight x price)
- – 20% – 20% = 367 x 5.000 – 20% = 3136,4 x 5.000 – 20%
= 1.835.000 = 682.000
- – 367.000 – 136.400 =1.468.000 =545.600
Source: field data processing, 2010
From the illustration above, can be seen there is 20% cuts for one sell. In their point of view, this cutting is based on the tauke command as form of cost compensation decrement and transportation. So then wide of area and result quantitiy affect a lot on selling rubber income. It means for them who have large field will get much income from their farm. In the other hand, for them who have tiny area have a tiny income too. In the selling pattern inside of Talang Mamak community also occurs a patron-klien connection. It can be visualized as follows: Table 4. Typology Of Each Needs Of Resources Between Traders And Suppliers (The Talang Mamak) Talang Mamak Tauke (Traders And Suppliers)
Resulting Source Resulting Source
Rubber latex Various materials food and money cash Forest products in the form of resin, rattan, Secondary needs ; bicycle, motorcycle, honey, incense and animals for hunt mobilephone and others (especially pigs)
Advantage Of The Interaction Advantage Of The Interaction
Primary needs and service availability of Guaranteed supply of raw materials and cash at all times / week. profits on a regular basis Ease of marketing of forest products Unilateral determination of the purchase price Ease of obtaining credit secondary goods that Gains from the sale and purchase on credit can not afford to buy them in cash in the city (buy-lease) unilaterally and secured such as tv, satellite dish, generator sets and installment of the rubber is cut slim. motorcycles Source: field data processing, 2010
From the working condition like that, the sources family income farmer society that also as the research data are full of uncertainty especially for them who have tiny area and when the bad weather (rain). As tolerated that the output from the job that depends on how high or low the result. Whereas for type of farmer job and rubber garden full of runcertainty risk. The factor based on the study result can be identificated etically from some finding, for example:
1. They generally has production factor lackness, they just count on nature cheapness in increasing their productivity.
2. They in general do not have possibility to get production asset with their own power. This make them depend too far with the tauke (patron) to get bussiness capital. The consequence is they become trapped on interest system with the low bargaining position.
3. Their education level that are on low average cause they generally spend their time just for for finding forest product and farming so there is no more time to study. Children in farmer family (including the study age) in general has been entangled as the procuction factor to help the family business. The effect is the children are heritaged their parents job and still in the low level of education. If we analyzed further, the impact of the development that come into their area has cause the sosio economy change in the farmer community. All of these thing rooted on the complex factors that connected each other. Those factors can be classified into the natural factor and non natural factor and also the internal and the external. In summary, based on the research on the field, the problems that cause the poor circle in farmer circle is as follows:
Table 5. Groove Causes Of Poverty Among Cultivators (Talang Mamak) Number Natural/Internal Non-Natural/External
1 Declining land productivity and narrowing / Technology limitation difficulties in acquiring productive land
2 Poor rural infrastructure Imbalance sharing system
3 Lack of capital Absence of social assurance
4 Consumptive culture Lack of marketing network
5 Low human resource Lack of farmers organization (group) who organized to fight for their common interests
Other Trigger Factors Timber thieves, hunt animals (pigs, deer, etc.) are done by people outside the region by using modern tools
Law enforcement tends to be low Overlap / land-use claims
Source: field data processing, 2010 With those situation and condition, the problem platform that are being faced by the farmer familiy (Talang Mamak community) who are in the low level income and uncertainty is how to develop the economical resources that are belong to effieciently and effectively so they can “survive” and work. With that way, the farmer household feel secure and able to pass the crisis periods that can threat their family continuity.
For the household of farmer, the most important thing is every day foods, and very simple meals. The general meals that they consumpt every day is the fish that they got from their haul in the river surrounds them, and that also depends on the quality of the river. If the fish couldn’t be got, the wifes of the farmer buy the other meal, such as briny fish with cassava leaf vegetables combination or the other vegetable that they find surround their area.
So that, the needs overcoming problem in the farmer circle take the main place, compared with the other main needs element such as, food and clothing. Various modes of the limitation that become the houshold social characteristic of the farmer are the potential barrier of their mobility to reach the good life’s level/
2. Culture Change in Talang Mamak Community.
2.1 The Technology Change and Life Supply Tools
From the reaseacrh result, it can be seen that by the final time, the field to do farming become more tight and gone too far from settlement. Various projects that entering the Talang Mamak area, also has bleach the basolang-manugal spirit, where in this culture the togetherness when opening the forest shoul still be felt. But, as impact of forest ecosystem change, slow but sure, the values of basolang-manugal has disappear. This is caused that has occur the new orientation for some of Talang Mamak Community to not do the basolang-
manugal anymore.
So slow but sure, it seems that basolang manugal and their farming technology had an erotion. As the illustration about the pattern of farming on Talang Mamak community, can be explained by the farming activity that seems to start to change from farming to the gardening with annual plantation that cause culture disappearing progressively planting kasang rice as their culture core. Those thing we can see as follows: Table 6. Changes In The Traditional Production Pattern Talang Mamak
Direction of Farming Farm 1 Farm 2 Farm 3 Farm 4 Farm 5 Farm 6 Farm 7 after the expiration of fertility left to grow naturally after the expiration of fertility left to grow naturally after a period of fertility is left to grow naturally kasang paddy fields are being used now fertility after it is planted with rubber or other crops after the expiration of fertility left to grow naturally after the expiration of fertility left to grow naturally
Reverse Direction Direction of Farming
Farm 1 Farm 2 Farm 3 Farm 4 Farm 5 Farm 6 Farm 7 rubber or oil palm plantation after the expiration of fertile period paddy fields are being used now 1 rubber or oil palm plantation after the expiration of fertile period kasang paddy fields are being used nown 2 rubber or oil palm plantation after the expiration of fertile period kasang paddy fields are being used nown 3 rubber or oil palm plantation after the expiration of fertile period
The direction of fields tend to settle Source: field data processing, 2010
Past Condition Present Condition If we pay attention to the arrows on the former condition with the now condition there is differences, especially in arrows direction in turn around target upon the bero area. On the former condition, some of the rice field is let to grow naturally to show the natural fertility and not all of them that is planted with rubber tree. The rubber tree plantation just for business diverficaton and food sufficiency that laid on the rice field. But for the now condition happens a change, where the bero period become shorter. As the effect of the bero short period, so the natural fertility to plant kasang again become lower.
As a result the farmers shy at planting the field rice and change it to the garden tree (especially rubber tree, and recently palm tree). The direction of the rotation arrow to spin back to area I slow but sure not happened, and this is instructed in to remain farming (gardening) pattern, because the rice field has change to rubber or palm. As a result of production pattern change in the farming, so step by step also happens the pattern change in the production tools. Those thing generally described as follows:
Table 7. Examples of changes in the traditional production tools Number Elements Past Present
1 Farming
1. Pickaxe Some are using existing chain shaw (or
2. Parang by private hiring) 3. reap
2 Hunt Spears, Catapults Is rarely used, the more difficult game And Javelin animals deer sought (except pigs). for hog hunting done by using a snare. to shoot the birds used a pellet gun
3 Fishing Bubuh, Fish Trap Still used but with slightly less And Fishing Rod frequency, due to the rare and small fish.
4 Gardening Machetes, Knives Still in use Tapping
Source: field data processing, 2010 From the result table above, it is a fact that has happened a transformation or a change in production tools that are used by the Talang Mamak people. This thing caused by the change of their production pattern, beside that also has happened culture diffusion prosses and their life needs that has changed. In the house developing context, Talang Mamak has change a lot. In the former time, Talang Mamak Community houses are made by toro leaf skin, with wooden pillars and thatch roof. But for them who make new house, now has many change also.
Even then, most of the new house of Talang Mamak Community always made with keep pay attention on the pattern and the function of the house in their culture context. But the materials and forms has change, where now Talang Mamak house made by wood, zinc roof, and also painted. In the other context, Talang Mamak people also seldom using the clothing made by toro wooden skin. The prohibition of the Batin and Camat in the use of their traditional clothing, also minimize their chances of using the traditional clothing. Other than that the intensity of the merchants that sell used clothing on the days of the week in their markets also helped ease they buy used clothing is sold with a price range of 5,000 - 10,000 per sheet for adult sizes.
From what explained in several paragraphs above, further by tracing the results of field data and information from several field informants then changes in technology and fittings Talang Mamak community life, can generally be summarized as follows:
Table 8. Overview Of The Equipment Changes In The Lives Of Talang Mamak Number Category Form of tools and equipment present
(past)
1 Kitchen
1. Furnace is made from
1. Kettle / pot to keep equipment / soil water cooking
2. Firewood and kerosene
2. A variety of plastic
3. A dried gourd as a products as a place vessel to store food
4. Coconut shells and
3. Some already are woven rattan to a using plastic plates variety of food places and flasks
5. tin plate / plastic
2 Fishing
1. Fishing rod
1. Fishing rod
2. Fish trap
2. Fishing net
3. Lance
3 Hunting
1. Spear / javelin
1. Just use a snare 2. poisoned blowgun only, other tools are
3. Sikin (knife) not / rarely used
4. Tundang (a type of anymore machete) 2. some already are
5. Slingshot using a pellet gun
4 Farming tools
1. Pickaxe Some are using existing
2. Parang chain shaw (or by private
3. Reap hiring)
4. Kombuik (basket carrier of forest products) consists of various sizes.
5 Source of home using "togok" or kerosene lamp Some are using generator lighting and electric lights
6 Dress pattern Clothing of bark toro Normal dress Source: field data processing, 2010
Condition changes and more difficulties to find farming land, the community still needs efforts to enhance the standard of living of Talang Mamak. The efforts for changes and living is absolute needs for them due to consideration that some of them are not conducive.
The reality and expectation refelct the impotance of helping and to empower the community of Talang Mamak. Enhancing the standard of living of Talang Mamak is not an easy or instant process. It requires a long period of process and seriousness of all parties. There actually been a desire to move forwards, the community has started to understand the concept of better living. Therefore, they need stimulus from the outside to help them out of poverty.
Based on studies, Talang Mamak has a lot potential and their area are pretty much entirely untapped. Beside rubber (the community have started planting palm oil too, espceially in Desa Talang Sungai Lima and Selantai), they also produce durian, cempedak, coconut, kedondong, petai, and mata kucing. But they have major problems in marketing. Difficulties of their area has caused a low sale value of fruits and even lower when the large harvest arrived.
It is necessary to seek efforts to utilize the existing potential into a value that economically and ecologically beneficial. Based on the result of a focus group discussion (FGD) with several informants, there are some solutions that could be implemented:
1. Economically, there is a need of therapies of new understanding of technology and accessibility and their ability of processing for them correctly adapted to their human resources.
2. Ecologically, there is a need of new understanding and cutivation techniques on plants that are economically valuable. The community never knows the patterns of plant breeding and rejuvenation.
2.2. Changers of Livelihood
Based on field observation obtained: in a broader view; nowadays there have been many communities in the villages of Talang (there are 15 villages in the District Rakit Kulim and 7 of them are rural villages of Talang Mamak) that not all tribes of Talang Mamak; nowadays, many of the rural communities have interested in illegal logging business that promisses instant results. While farming and gardening rubber takes a long time and less results, illegal logging takes a short period of time and gives cash. The issue has bring a tendency to Malay communities to deal with the illegal logging, small traders, or accomplice of organized illegal logger who asked them to cut off the trees and sell it to them.
Despite the prohibition of illegal logging by the government, the market of this business is still promising with a high demand. Even so, the people living around the forest are not getting rich, the cash of their livelihood as illegal loggers brought a new lifestyle into the community. If now we enter the forest, particularly the PIR-Trans area, and some area with wood industries it is the same as we get into “city in the jungle”. This context can be observed in the village of Belilas (District of Siberida) neighbouring directly to villages of Talang in the District Rakit Kulim.
There are many immigrants and external investors, they successly operating in the villages around the Talang Mamak communities with the patterns of oil palm plantation has led into a change of orientation of the Talang Mamak plantation. Some of Talang Mamak have started trying to plant oil palm as it is considered more promising because the harvest is more stable and a good price at the merchants. This pattern is not impossible to replace the rice fields towards rubber plantation and finally towards oil palm plantations.
Land increasingly Lack of care and Low Productivity narrow, increasingly rejuvenation as well short fallow period and as over-exploitation many pests
1
2 Oil Palm
Rubber
PlantationPlantation
Farming PatternLow Productivity Stable oil prices, maintenance and pest and a little bit more successful migrants
Image 1. The Shift Work and Patterns of Talang Mamak Plantation Source: Field Data Processing The scheme above shows the narrowing of land, shorter fallow (rest area) and more intense pest has reduced their agricultural productivity. This pattern of resulting the intense of rubber plantation pattern. But, because they dont do a pattern of rubber intensive maintenance and lawn care, the productivity of rubber becoming low too. The economic pressure has led to over eploitation thus decreasing their production. Talang Mamak community are mostly less educated, access to limited economic institution as well as the existence of nomenclature as an isolated tribe led them to no choce of other livelihood to take them out of the situation
In the other side, the relation between Talang Mamak and the forest culturally and emotionally has led them to stay working on the field related to the forest or planting. The success of the migrants in planting oil palm has brought a diffusion pattern on the Talang Mamak oil plantation pattern. Oil palm plantation pattern of the Talang Mamak have not spread yet to the whole community. Only some of them has tried this pattern. Their plantation pattern is done by replacing old rubber trees which are not productive with oil palm trees in phase. Therefore, the community of Talang Mamak has done diversification between the rubber plantation and oil palm plantation. This pattern if succeed will slowly spreading (diffused) into other part of the community to imitate this success. Based of this research founding, the changes of Talang Mamak income source and livelihood could be described as illustration below:
Table.10 chart of income sources and the changes of livelihood in Talang Mamak Number
10 Years past Present
1 Farm Rubber plantation has moving towards oil palm plantation
2 Forest commodity and animals for hunt Forest commodity Source: Field Data Processing From the description above, we found out that there has been a shifting of the income sources and livelihood pattern of Talang Mamak community. This shift of pattern is caused by the changes of the arrangement of field and forest utilization by multiple parties. So that there been several changes as well as described above.
2.3. Changes of Belief.
Talang Mamak is an original community of the forest. They utilize the whole space of the forest. Beliefs, their tradition and culture came from their interaction with the forest. Since the beginning, they have realized that even a small environmental change will led them into a harder living. Like most of ancient communities, who bring their daily life problems to supernatural, the Talang Mamak also do. The damage to the forest decrease the number of animal to hunt and forest resources. They assume it as a punishment from God. So that they develop a kind of static belief which not accepting any changes. They are afraid of making any damage to the forest that Gods punishment will fall over them in the form of an even harder life.
But the changes hit the forest of Talang Mamak really fast. In the last several decades massive programs of clearing for transmigration residence, production forest or plantation decreased the number of Talang Mamak forest dramatically. Also the forest explorer has gone deep into the woods and cut off the trees within.
At the moment, Talang Mamak is facing a superfast environmental change. They are facing a changing situation that their ancestor never faced before. While avoiding the changes is not possible due to the narrowing forest, they have to deal directly with the changes. Nowadays Talang Mamak also have to interact much more with external communities which are not only Malay. They are forced to interact directly with people from other ethnic such as Javanese, Bataknese, Sundanese, Minang, etc.
It seems like Talang Mamak will fade soon or later, especially that the role of Batin has rapidly decreased since the establishment of UU.No.5, 1979 about rural governance. Within the law, the role of headman has slowly replacing the function of Batin as the master of the area and the ruler of culture of Talang Mamak. Furthermore after the establishment of the decree of Riau Governor Number 526/IX/1996 about the status change of preparation village into definitive in the areas of ex-transmigration, then several guided villages which in the beginning are part of the official transmigration area turned into definitive villages with headman as the leaders of the villages. This phenomenon contributed to fade the role of existing informal actors in the village in a row with less role of chieftain to guide and give advices about things related to the value of life of the Talang Mamak community.
In the new formal law, the discipline of village governance administration require a headman who is able to read and write, voted democratically by the community and should be legalized by higher government institution (district). Improved requirement, able to read and write, is a problem to the system transfer from traditional into formal leadership, because there only few figures of the community are able to read and write. Almost all mature men and women within the community are not able to read and write. While in the traditional leadership pattern, Batin acts as a tradition and social ruler (similar to headman). The election pattern of a Batin is based on genetic, but the entrane of many capital penetration and the existence of many regulations has eroded the existence of political institution of the village community of Talang Mamak. The existence of many regulations, has eroded the power of tradition which is Batin as the ruler of UU.No.5, 1979 and the letter of authority (SK) of Riau Governor Number 526/IX/1996, has eroded the power of tradition which is Batin as the ruler of land (forest) and a protector as well as social controller of Talang Mamak. Now the function of Batin has slowly weaken and decreased (anomie).
Thereby, the existence of UU.No.5, 1979 introduced by the regime of new order has changed the pattern of traditional leadership and political institution of the village of Talang Mamak into a new pattern of a new style village called “jawa, and indirectly replaced the chieftain from the structure of village governance. This brought a serious consequence (including in the area of Talang Mamak) because the elite also has the authority of land (sitorus 1995). In the area of Talang Mamak forest problem and clearing are responsibilities of the Batin (see chapter 6), but now the function of Batin replaced by headman (eventhough headman also called as Batin). Thereby, in the terminology of Talang Mamak Batin has two meanings, first Batin as chieftain called Batin Adat and Batin as headman called Batin Kepala Desa. Batin Adat elected genetically based on genealogy line, while Batin as headman, as the existence of of UU.No.5, 1979 and the decree of Riau Governor Number 526/IX/1996 has changed the traditional/village leadership pattern of Talang Mamak. The Talang Mamak living close to the villages of migrants, latter raised into a definitive village has to accept and willing to be lead by a headman (Batin Kepala Desa) who is elected democratically and maybe a Javanese. This issue is turning the tradition of Talang Mamak upside down. According to Sitorus (1995) in the alliance of traditional law, the elite who lead has to bring prosperity to his people especially in arranging land location both for origins and for migrants. But in the arrangement of “hamene” or the new version village, the authority of
Batin is less and sometimes Batin
doesn’t stand where he has to be in the community. The leader has been replaced within the village leadership pattern. The headman elected democratically does not always shave to be from the tribes elite. These all brought implication to the land (forest) possession of Talang Mamak. This issue is similar to the founding of Sitorus (1995) in the case of Watutana, Flores. The elite of the village are not leading anymore, so that they assumed that they have no obligation to bring prosperity to the community. This point is a starting point of tradition land shifting into private land. Thereby, the farmers have a very limited access to the land. In other side, there is a must that the headman has to be able to read and write, this brought implication by narrowing the role of people of Talang Mamak into a Batin. The consequence is the increasing number of conflict occurance and dualism of traditional leadership and formal governance.
Talang Mamak has various traditional ceremonies. Giving birth with help from midwives, weigh infants, circumcision, wedding (gawai), treatment shaman, beranggul (entertain the people in bad luck) and the ceremony of batambak (respect to the spirit of dead people and rebuilding their graves to promote their social statuses). All of the ceremonies done in specific rituals lead by Kemantan, Balian and Batin. All of the various ceremonies have changed. According to several Batin interviewed in the research, the changes are caused by unavailability of several equipments in nowadays. One very common ceremony in the Talang Mamak community is gawai (wedding), the ceremony almost regularly held in every harvest.
3. Survival mechanism of the farmers
The changing forest ecosystem happened in the village of Talang Mamak, there also happened a decreasing productivity of farm. Beside, the community social structure of the farmer before the existence of projects in their area used to be homogeny. Ther is only one value in the community, a value to promote simplicity, equality, and mutual assistance. When the projects enter their territory with so many migrants, the plantation workers and the HPH caused an increasing community pressure and turned the homogeneity into differentiation.
Salman (1995) adopting the idea of Boeke; if the condition stays as what happened in Java before the green revolution, the farmer will take their way in a static expansion to protect the homogeneity of their group. In the rural area of Talang Mamak, static expansion happened where the residence and new farm tapped as much as they need to fill the needs of a simple living standard, and if in case the new community has grown overloaded with population pressure, they will re-expand in the same static way. What Boeke said was similar to Geertz (1983) idea. The pattern seen from their persistence in possessing farms and the field expansion although the fallow has come shorter (2-3 years), but they still trying to develop their farm that they assumed as heritage of their ancestors (the culture core).
Adopting a terminology of Merton (1979) the behavior pattern is called as ritualism. Talang Mamak community keep doing the practice of farming as their norms and culture although they know for sure that the harvest result will not be satisfying.
Boekes’s assumption as adopted by Salman (1995) seem to be right for the case of Talang Mamak, but after static expansion fill their farm, while the number of population keep growing, then the farmer adaptation led to the dynamic of internal community. Geertz (1983) explained the phenomenon ever happened in the rural of Java within the model of agricultural involution, and poverty sharing. Poverty sharing to preserve the social homogeneity happened as an implementation of the common and simple living pattern.
The phenomenon happened in the research area is forest community and farm as their culture core is narrowing. The narrowing field and tradition land (forest) made them hard to find additional income from the forestry. They do not want to leave their culture of farming no matter how low the production of their farm is. In addition, working opportunity in other sector is not available, and even there are some opportunities, they will not have them because they are lack of skill. That is why no matter the harvest result, they will keep doing it as a form of togetherness. Implementation of a feeling of social cohesion in Talang Mamak much more seen in their exclusive pattern of farming. Talang Mamak who are less educated and simple always assumed as isolated tribe. The label stick so tight and make them feel so condescending and not confident when facing with outsiders.
The exclusivity of Talang Mamak community shown in the various things, they usually avoid contact with other people they don’t know. In the context of changes of livelihood, Talang Mamak still wanting to preserve their culture related to the forest although the commodity they plant is not paddy but rubber and oil palm. They are not willing to change the way of their living and get out of the forest ecosystem and farms. This pattern is also similar to what was said by Merton (1979) as ritualism.
Local people are facing hard options, their world is surrounded by migrants and many kind of projects. Their farms are farther, as Greetz (1982) explained the phenomenon of agriculture involution in the rural Java caused by the change of ecology and growth of population, poverty sharing, this phenomenon could be analogized whit the idea of Greetz (1983) in the research area almost the same as the condition where the additional working hour in collecting forest commodity will not increase their income and productivity.
The farther fields and income resource from the forest, the more time they spend to work and to carry, while the number of labor are bigger because of the difficulty to access the fields. The consequence as Scott (1983) said , Chanayov, the family of the farmers who stay involved in the problem of living and economc pressure often reduce the quality of their meals and the frequency of taking meals called hunger rent. Small farmer live from a narrow farm which keeps narrowing in an area where population keep growing, force them to work so hard and longer (self exploitation) to get additional income for their family to maintain their substantial.
The narrowing fields in the area of Rakit Kulim, some batin, monti , dubalang,
kemantan and other chieftain could not prevent all the policy that has been made by the
government. Especially the decree of Riau Governor Number 526/IX/1996 about the status change of preparation village into definitive in the areas of ex-transmigration, therefore several guided villages which in the beginning are part of the official transmigration area turned into definitive villages with headman as the leaders of the villages. This phenomenon contributed to fade the role of existing informal actors in the village in a row with less role of chieftain to guide and give advices about things related to the value of life of the Talang Mamak community.