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Commerce and Industry — or even the troubled farmers’ federation in Uganda. Such a national body makes an obvious
partner for policymakers, whereas inconsistent participation is all but guaranteed for a loose assemblage of NGOs.
5.1.2 Representation without agency
Socialist governments of Latin America, where social movements and unions representing farmers have signiicant
political sway, might be expected to have more inclusive policies for small-scale farmers. But in the Learning Network,
Galleguillos’ study from Bolivia describes a disconnect between the apparent political power of smallholders and
results on the ground. In 2005 strong social movements, including movements of small-scale farmers, brought to
power the Evo Morales government —part of ‘the left turn’ in Latin America. As noted in Box 5.2, the new national
development strategy of 2006 puts small farmers front and centre within its vision of ‘Living Well’. President
Morales and other legislators come from a rural and farming background themselves and purport to speak for the sector.
But even such changes at the top do not necessarily create a constructive environment for small-scale producers, or
conditions that better support their agency.
In reality the country has gone against its own development plan, Galleguillos writes, with policies that prioritise
the industrialisation of natural resources. The goal of strengthening small farmers’ capacities remains on the back
burner. And those new policies that have arisen from the 2006 development strategy ‘are implemented in line with
the ‘political opportunity’ perceived by those in government and at their convenience, rather than on the initiative of
the producers or in response to their demands,’ he reports. Under the very general ‘Living Well’ agenda, leaders are
allowing political conditions, rather than economic and social ones, to dictate action. In short, despite the high-proile
political representation of small-scale farmers in Bolivia — and the rhetoric around their importance — Galleguillos
sees little sign that small producers’ political agency is being translated into concrete policies and programmes that
strengthen their economic agency in markets where they operate.
In the Knowledge Programme’s irst Provocation Seminar, Diego Muñoz of Mainumby in Bolivia argued that while the
government does seek to work with farmers’ organisations that make up social movements, ‘it does not go down
deep to see what the real market problems are for those small producers’ IIED 2010. Such problems include
price luctuations, accessing markets as individuals and transporting their produce. It’s easier to discuss the political
agenda related to big organisations, Muñoz said, than it is to tackle day-to-day economic problems of small farmers.
In the case of Venezuela, examined in the Knowledge Programme by Michelutti 2012, it is also not clear that
producers’ economic interests and agency are supported. After oil transformed the Venezuelan economy, agriculture
was neglected and food imports to ensure food security became the rule del Pozo-Vergnes 1999. Responding to
this, the Chavez government that came to power in 1999 has become one of the leading voices in the defence of
‘food sovereignty’. The state has massively promoted and funded cooperatives to meet this goal, and in addition, the
ALBA trade agreement aims to ensure food security through an alliance of left-wing governments in Latin America. But
Michelutti notes that many of ALBA’s pro-farmer policies, as well as the national policies of member governments,
emphasise the social and political aspects of development rather than small producers’ business needs and agency in
markets.
5.1.3 Lack of capacity for knowledge- based advocacy
