Concluding discussion: why contradictions and intractable conflict rather than hybridisation?

Concluding discussion: why contradictions and intractable conflict rather than hybridisation?

Our finding of overt contest between conflicting modes of clinical risk management contrasts with much literature reviewed earlier. Returning to our heuristic (see Figure 1), our case elucidates interlinked dimensions along which the two contrasting modes of clinical risk management interacted perversely.

Conflicting truth discourses: From background tension to overt contest and conflict We suggest the homicide can be seen as a critical incident that precipitated a collision between

ethics-orientated and rules-based modes of clinical risk management. Interagency tensions over accountability and blame for this incident shifted rules-based clinical risk management from a background resource to an alternative truth regime, proposed, suggested, and imposed (Foucault, 1996) by worried managers and commissioners.

As Kosmala and McKernan (2010) argue, ethics-orientated regulation is never entirely separate from rules-based forms; the balance between them is dynamic and tends to vary between different epochs. Nevertheless, rules-based regulation may remain a background social framework. In our empirical case, the pre-incident DTC had drawn upon, re-interpreted, and

6 Both the original DTC, dating from the 1940s, and the other ‘sister’ DTC were later closed, as NHS policy subsequently shifted away from DTCs towards high secure, forensic settings.

assimilated into its ethics-orientated clinical risk management certain external codes, notably adapting some principles of the Care Programme Approach (as described below). But

authorities’ increased involvement with the community and its ‘inner life’ brought into play contradictory truth discourses about how risks should be constructed, identified and handled. Clashes arose not just over substantive clinical risks (notably, sexual relations, drugs and alcohol use), but second order risks of reputation and performance (Power, 2007), important in NHS regulation systems.

So how did these competing ‘truth regimes’ interact? In contrast to much of the literature reviewed earlier, we find the development of escalating contest and contradictions with two key effects: firstly, erosion of the ethical basis of self-regulation and secondly, the developmemt of intractable conflict. Imposing rules-based ideals undermined valued aspects of therapeutic relations and eroded staff and residents’ shared commitment to an ethics-orientated mode of self- regulation. This did not, however, lead to rules-based clinical risk management becoming dominant. As p arties’ various efforts to steer risk management practices and decision making became mutually mistrusted, the community’s carefully ‘negotiated order’ (Strauss, Schatzman, Bucher, Ehrlich & Sabshin, 1964) was disrupted. In its place, overt (and covert) contest between conflicting notions of clinical risk management interacted perversely, eroding moral authority and undermining members’ trust in the DTC as a ‘safe and therapeutic space’.

Contradictory practices: Non-hybridising, but conflicting modes The DTC ’s indigenous clinical risk management practices had developed gradually through a

participative method involving deep relational engagement, reflecting on shared experience, and collective decision-making. These practices were relatively well defined, tended to be internally coherent, and they were strongly embedded within the community. Furthermore, they were tied to a set of ethics-orientated principles that promoted therapeutic meaning and interpretation. In the charged and risk averse policy environment following the homicide, certain DTC practices such as democratisation (resident s’ influence in democratic decision-making), permissiveness (privileging experiential learning over strict adherence to rules) and communalism (care plans participative method involving deep relational engagement, reflecting on shared experience, and collective decision-making. These practices were relatively well defined, tended to be internally coherent, and they were strongly embedded within the community. Furthermore, they were tied to a set of ethics-orientated principles that promoted therapeutic meaning and interpretation. In the charged and risk averse policy environment following the homicide, certain DTC practices such as democratisation (resident s’ influence in democratic decision-making), permissiveness (privileging experiential learning over strict adherence to rules) and communalism (care plans

These introduced rules-based practices were experienced, though, not as neutral ‘technologies’ (Miller & Rose, 2008), but morally laden and designed to attribute blame and punishment. Demands that DTC staff should monitor, record and report resident activities – and that residents should ‘confess’ intimate relations, report illicit drug taking, and allow examination of bodies through substance testing – were experienced as authorities’ efforts to control and dominate ‘subjects of risk...debris of pathology’ (senior therapist). Clinical risk management practices thus

became aligned with deeply held and contested positions.

Whereas heterogeneous practices certainly mixed in the DTC’s post-incident phase, instead of the complementarity (Roberts, 2001), managed tension, (Gendron, 2002; Rahaman et al., 2010) or hybridisation and proliferation of practices (Miller et al., 2008) noted by other scholars, we find clinical risk management techniques were used as devices by parties seeking to control and outmanoeuvre each other. Through intensifying their use of rules-based codes, for example, DTC leaders attempted to weaken residents’ – and some staff members’ – engagement in the embedded ethics-orientated regime (through which they could democratically outvote DTC leadership). Conversely, residents’ anger at what they experienced as ‘untrustworthy’ attempts by DTC staff to take control stimulated a strongly politicised response amongst residents who became increasingly engaged in challenging, subverting and overtly refusing hierarchical authority. In relation to our Foucauldian framing, the DTC’s original ethics-orientation may be seen as later developing an ‘agonistic exteriority’ to domination (Foucault 2011), in which residents’ outspokenness, self-determination, and opposition to authority became central.

Altered forms of reflexivity: From intersubjective relations to externally orientated defensiveness

DTC members’ reactions towards imposed formal clinical risk management after the homicide shifted patterns of reflexivity that had been sensitised to relations within the community. As

emerging second order risk representations recast DTC practices from ‘exemplary’ forms of service user involvement to risky ‘clinical laxity’, members’ sensitivities to external judgement

and criticism increased. We suggest this shift altered intersubjective reflexivity to produce more self-conscious intra-subjective patterns, orientated towards external judgement.

These altered patterns of reflexivity following the homicide – shifting from an interpersonal to an externally facing focus – disrupted members’ sensitivity to intersubjective relations within the community. Whereas the DTC’s original therapeutic model promoted a sophisticated ‘craft’ of intersubjective reflexivity to manage first order risks, members’ increasing orientation towards second order scrutiny produced reactive defensiveness. Whereas increased awareness of external perspectives might have served as an important learning resource (Kosmala & McKernan, 2010; Luhmann, 1993), we rather see increased self-consciousness and defensiveness amongst DTC residents and staff, fearing “the finger of blame” (senior therapist), disciplinary action and, in the case of DTC staff, potential damage to their professional careers.

Emotionally charged intersubjective relations: The emotional organization Finally, an important aspect of this case was the development of intersubjective relations

characterised by strong personal and group engagement, which were experienced as emotionally intense. This analysis fits with much of the approach of one school of organizational studies which emphasises the role of emotions in organizations, as a corrective to rationalist, functionalist or institutionalist accounts (Fineman, 2008; Gabriel, 1999). In our case study, high levels of emotion and personal values invested in contested modes of clinical risk management characterised by strong personal and group engagement, which were experienced as emotionally intense. This analysis fits with much of the approach of one school of organizational studies which emphasises the role of emotions in organizations, as a corrective to rationalist, functionalist or institutionalist accounts (Fineman, 2008; Gabriel, 1999). In our case study, high levels of emotion and personal values invested in contested modes of clinical risk management

Much sociological accounting literature does not consider emotional loading in risk management and accountability regimes, tending instead towards an assumption of ‘cool’ climates, characterised by pervasive rational techniques. An important exception is Roberts et al’s (2006) study of meetings between executives and investment advisers, involving major ‘points of anxiety’. Executives’ anxieties about face-to-face meetings with advisers, ‘seeing the whites of their eyes’, led them to intensive preparations. These meetings produced strong self-disciplining effects, accompanied by a strong desire to avoid conflict as executives conscientiously rehearsed presentations to investment advisers.

In our case, by contrast, external authorities were drawn into emotionally charged face-to-face meetings with DTC members, whilst this closer involvement with the community only increased officials’ anxiety and reactivity to its “intense atmosphere” (senior official). This high emotional loading produced ‘heated’ intersubjective exchanges and mobilised underlying tensions, leading to escalating and intractable conflict. Instead of rehearsed performances (Roberts et al 2006), we see competing beliefs and values, polemical resistance and, in the case of some residents, attempts to undermine formal clinical risk management.