silewp2014 004.
®
The Phonology of Lopit and
Comparison of Dialects
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Timothy M. Stirtz
SIL International
®2014
SIL Electronic Working Papers 2014-004, May 2014
© 2014 SIL International®
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Five of the six Lopit dialects of South Sudan have at least 90% lexical similarity and are rightly called dialects of the same language. Nevertheless, 60% of words differ in at least two dialects. In addition, the same phonemes, syllable types, and morphological alternations can be claimed for all the dialects with few exceptions. Although there are some common alternation patterns among the dialects, the
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Abstract Introduction
1 Phonology of Lopit
1.1 Consonants
1.1.1 Consonant distribution
1.1.2 Consonant contrasts
1.2 Vowels
1.2.1 Vowel distribution in word positions
1.2.2 Vowel contrasts
1.2.3 Vowel distribution in two adjacent syllables of roots
1.3 Syllables
1.3.1 Syllable structure
1.3.2 Ambiguous segments
1.4 Tone
1.5 Noun plural formation
1.6 Vowel morphophonology
1.7 Consonant morphophonology
1.8 Tone morphophonology
2 Comparison of Lopit dialects
2.1 Dialect comparison of lexical similarities and identical words
2.2 Consonant alternations among dialects
2.3 Vowel alternations among dialects
2.4 Dialect comparison of syllable structure
2.5 Noun plural formation alternation among the dialects
2.6 Vowel morphophonology in other dialects
2.7 Consonant morphophonology in other dialects
2.8 Dialect alternation of prefixes
3 Summary
Appendix Aː Dialect comparison wordlist Appendix Bː Lopit villages in dialect areas
References
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Lopit (ISO code [lpx]) is an Eastern Nilotic, Eastern Sudanic, Nilo-Saharan language. It is related to Otuhu, Dongotono, Lango (of South Sudan), Lokoya, and more distantly related to Bari, Kakwa, Mandari, and Toposa. The Ethnologue (Lewis et. al. 2013) states there are 50,000 Lopit speakers who mainly live in the Lopit Hills northeast of Torit, South Sudan.
There are six dialects of Lopit (Moodie 2012): namely, Ngabori, Dorik, Ngotira, Lomiha, Lohutok, and Lolongo. Turner (2001) analyzes the phonology of Lopit, using language resource people from the Lolongo dialect. In his verb analysis primarily using the Dorik dialect of Lopit, Moodie (2012) also gives a brief phonology. This paper analyses the phonology of the Ngotira dialect of Lopit, and makes
comparisons with four other dialects where they differ. Only Ngabori, which is reported to be nearly the same as Dorik, is not represented1.
Although 60% of words are segmentally different in at least two dialects, all dialects are at least 90% lexically similar with each other. The dialects share nearly all of the same phonemes, syllable structures, and phonological processes. And although there are some common alternation patterns among the dialects, the alternations, as well as which dialects alternate are mostly unpredictable.
This analysis is based on 285 nouns in singular and plural form and 60 imperative verbs, all collected in each of five Lopit dialects. The tone analysis is more tentative in that it is based on the tone of 200 Ngotira noun roots and the corresponding number forms of 120 of each of these nouns.
In the first half of the paper, I describe phonological aspects of the Ngotira dialect, in which I first discuss consonant and vowel phonemes, showing contrastive pairs and their distribution in sections 2.1– 2.2; secondly, syllable structure and interpretation of ambiguous segments in 2.3, and some tone features in 2.4; and thirdly, various morphological processes in 2.6–2.8, including vowel alternations, consonant alternations, and tone alternations. In the second half of the paper, I compare the Lopit dialects based on their similarity in the wordlist of appendix A, and how they differ or are similar in their phonological aspects to Ngotira.
1 Phonology of Lopit
1.1 Consonants
The 23 consonant phonemes of table 1 are found in the Ngotira dialect of Lopit. Table 1. Consonant phonemes
Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal
Voiceless plosives p t c k
Voiced plosives b d ɟ g
Fricatives f s h
Nasals m n ɲ ŋ
Approximants r, l
semivowels w y
The symbol y is used for the palatal approximant instead of the IPA symbol j so as to be more easily
seen in the data in contrast with ɟ.
1 Special thanks to language resource persons: Valente Otwari Ladu (Dorik), Achaha Samuel Nartisio (Ngotira),
Caesar Ongorwo Bong (Lomiaha), Philip Horiho Odingo (Lohutok), and Paul Ahatar Gilbert (Lolongo).
1
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The related language Otuho (Coates 1985) has the additional phonemes /θ/ and /đ/ (voiced alveolar tongue blade flap).
1.1.1 Consonant distribution
The data in (1) show that all Ngotira Lopit consonants can occur word-initial and intervocalically. Nasals
/m/, /n/, /ɲ/, /ŋ/, the fricatives /f/, /s/, and the approximants /l/, /r/ surface word-final, but not the
fricative /h/ or the semivowel /w/. The voiceless plosives /t/, /k/ also occur word-final, but the voicing contrast present between these plosives and /d/, /g/ in other environments is neutralized word-final. Note that unless a hyphen is present, the words of (1) and following examples are analyzed to be mono-morphemic in that they cannot reasonably be divided into two or more attested roots or affixes found in the data.
(1) Word-initial Intervocalic Word-final
p pír ‘point’ ipɔtit ‘brush’
t tuluhu ‘squirrel’ mɔ̀tì ‘pot’ tàmɔ̀t ‘bull’
c ciwali ‘flute, instrument’ ícɛ́t ‘dancing ornament’
k kɔ̀rì ‘giraffe’ akaf ‘hold up, raise’ bàtàk ‘pig, hog’ b bɔlɔrɔŋ ‘hippo’ kɛ̀bù ‘hoe’
d dɔ́ŋɛ́ ‘mountain’ màdɔ̂k ‘gum’
ɟ ɟá-tí ‘green vegetable’ táɟí ‘heart’
g gùs ‘skin’ mùgù ‘granary’
f fɔ́fɔ́ng ‘cactus trees’ ɛ̀fír ‘fat (adj)’ ŋádyɛ́f ‘tongue’
s súhɛ́ ‘chest’ bùsùk ‘bull’ ìdîs ‘shadow of cloud’ h hɔhɔrɔ ‘chicken’ súhɛ́ ‘chest’
m múnú ‘snake’ tɔ́mɛ́ ‘elephant’ ngíɟím ‘chin’
n nuha ‘burying’ jànî ‘broom’ fácàn ‘color, marking’
ɲ ɲá ‘utter’ múɲá ‘liver’ ŋìdɔ̀ɲ ‘monkey’
ŋ ŋàmà ‘grains’ bɔ́ŋɔ́ ‘item of clothing’ mɔ̀lɔ̀ŋ ‘baboon’
l lɔgulɛ ‘elbow’ wɔ̀lɔ̂ ‘dove’ bɛ́l ‘stripe, spot’
r ráng ‘bow’ gɔ̀rɔ̀ ‘gourd jug’ fɔ́tír ‘warthog’
w wɔ́ttì ‘cow dung’ lɛ́wá ‘gazelle type’ eytiriw ‘hears’
y yáyá ‘porcupines’ mìyàŋ ‘grass’ háy ‘rain’
1.1.2 Consonant contrasts
The Ngotira words with contrastive pairs of consonants in (2) show that each of the consonants are phonemes. All words are monomorphemic unless they contain a hyphen to indicate a morpheme boundary.
(2) p – b pɔr ‘mancala game’ bɔ́k ‘goat stable’
p – f pɔr ‘mancala game’ fɔ̀k ‘earth, ground’
b – m bɔ́ŋɔ́ ‘item of clothing’ mɔ́ɲɛ́ ‘father, owner’
b – w bɔ́k ‘goat stable’ wɔ̀k ‘escarpment’
f – w fɔ̀k ‘earth, ground’ wɔ̀k ‘escarpment’
m – w mɔ̀lɔ̀ŋ ‘baboon’ wɔ̀lɔ̂ ‘dove’
t – d tɔ́mɛ́ ‘elephant’ dɔ́ŋɛ́ ‘mountain’
t – s tɔhɔni ‘person’ sɔ̀hɔ̀t-í ‘palm tree’
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d – r dɔ̀rɔ̀ŋ ‘barren high land’ rɔ̀fán ‘roof frame’
d – l dɛ́mí ‘knife’ lɛ́wá ‘gazelle type’
n – r hana ‘hand’ hárá ‘stool, chair’
n – l ɟànî ‘broom’ sàlì ‘cooking place’
r – l rɔ̀fán ‘roof frame’ lɔgulɛ ‘elbow’
c – ɟ càlù ‘porridge’ ɟànî ‘broom’
ɟ – ɲ ɟá-tí ‘green vegetable’ ɲá ‘utter’
ɟ – y ɟànî ‘broom’ yànì ‘tree (general)’
ɲ – y ɲá ‘utter’ yàfà ‘moon, month’
k – g kɔ̀rì ‘giraffe’ gɔ̀rɔ̀ ‘gourd jug’
g – ŋ girisa-y ‘bush, forest’ ŋìryà ‘thick porridge’
g – w gɔ̀rɔ̀ ‘gourd jug’ wɔ̀lɔ̂ ‘dove’
ŋ – w lɔŋɔhɛ ‘cow manure’ lɔwɔtɛ ‘diarrhea’
k – h kɔ̀rì ‘giraffe’ hɔ́tɔ́ ‘blood’
f – h fúrɛ́ ‘name, song’ hùrɔ̂ ‘kid’
s – h sàlì ‘cooking place’ hárí ‘river’
w – h wɔ̀lɔ̂ ‘dove’ hɔ̀lɔ̀ŋ ‘sun, day’
m – n hìmɔ̂ ‘nose’ hinɔ ‘excrement’
n – ɲ yɔni ‘dried skin’ mɔ́ɲí-tí ‘intestine’
n – ŋ hana ‘hand’ màŋât ‘camp, platform’
ɲ – ŋ mɔ́ɲɛ́ ‘father, owner’ dɔ́ŋɛ́ ‘mountain’
In (3), voiced and voiceless plosives are shown to be contrastive at the beginning (B) and middle (M) of words. However, this contrast is neutralized at the end (E) of words.
(3) Neutralization of voicing contrast for word-final plosives
t – d B tɔ́mɛ́ ‘elephant’ dɔ́ŋɛ́ ‘mountain’
M hìtɔ̂ ‘child’ ídɔ́ ‘sky’ E tàmɔ̀t ‘bull’ ---
k – g B kɔ̀rì ‘giraffe’ gɔ̀rɔ̀ ‘gourd jug’
M íkát ‘door’ igɔlɔ ‘bell’
E bàtàk ‘pig, hog’ ---
Word-final plosive phonemes surface as voiceless in the intervocalic environment resulting when the plural noun suffix -i is attached. We can assume the word-final plosives are voiceless in the underlying form since they are not voiced in the intervocalic environment. Root-final /k/ is merely
weakened to /h/ as in ìtàh-í ‘ostriches’, a process further discussed in section 2.7.
(4) Word-final /t/, /k/
t tàmɔ̀t ‘bull’ tàmɔ́t-ì ‘bulls’
k ítàk ‘ostrich’ ìtàh-í ‘ostriches’
As shown in the pairs of words in (5) there is some evidence for contrastive consonant length in
roots. Since there are unambiguous CVC syllables such as in fɔ̀k ‘earth’, lengthened consonants are
analyzed as two of the same consonant occurring across adjacent syllables (C.C) such as in hìt.tɔ ‘anus’
with initial CVC syllable. In this analysis, there is no need to posit extra phonemes such as /tː/, /dː/, /lː/,
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(5) Contrastive consonant length
t – tt hìtɔ̂ ‘child’ hìttɔ̀ ‘anus, source, root, beginning’
d – dd màdɔ̀h-í ‘gums’ hàddɛ̀ ‘roots’
l – ll bùlà ‘cow stable’ ìllá ‘friend, brother’
r – rr hɔhɔrɔ ‘chicken, hen’ mɔ̀rrɔ̂ ‘beans’
w – ww áwɔ́ŋ ‘monkey’ hàww-ɛ̀ ‘arrow’
y – yy yáyá ‘porcupine’ hayyɔhɔ-ni ‘shepherd’
As discussed in section 1.3.2 there are no unambiguous consonant sequences in Lopit such as
word-medial non-geminate consonant sequences (*C1.C2). Thus, it can be posited that the first of two adjacent
consonants assimilates to the second consonant in all its features, provided that neither of these consonants are the semivowels /y/ or /w/.
(6) Assimilation of adjacent consonants
word-medial C1C2→ C2C2, where C1 and C2 ≠ /y/ or /w/
As shown in section 2.3.2, there is evidence for this process happening through morphology. When the singular suffix -ti is attached to the root-final /r/ of hɔ̀fìr ‘hairs’, the /r/ and /t/ become /tt/ in the singular noun hɔ̀fít-tî ‘hair’.
Alternatively, lengthened consonants could be analyzed as single-unit syllable onsets (.C:) rather than two of the same consonant occurring across adjacent syllables. In such an analysis, the contrastive consonant length would be a fortis/lenis or strong/weak distinction. Such an analysis adds at least the six consonant phonemes /t:/, /d:/, /l:/, /r:/, /w:/, /y:/ and is therefore not taken in this description.
In (7), /k/ and /h/ are shown to be contrastive at the beginning and middle of words. However, this contrast does not occur at the end of words in that /h/ does not occur word-final.
(7) Neutralization of /k/-/h/ contrast word-final
k – h B kɔ̀rì ‘giraffe’ hɔ́tɔ́ ‘blood’
M ikubɔri ‘hunt’ ihuma ‘do’
E bàtàk ‘pig, hog’ ---
In roots, the surface form of intervocalic /h/ varies depending on the speed of the utterance, speaker and word. However, the surface form of /h/ corresponds often to the alternations of (8).
(8) Alternation of /h/
Phonemic Phonetic
/h/ → [x] / ____ a, ɔ lahalai [laxalai] ‘pole’ halɔhɔ-ni [halɔxɔni] ‘trapper’ [ɣ] / ____ ɔ, u hɔhɔrɔ [haɣɔrɔ] ‘chicken’
tuluhu [tuluɣu] ‘squirrel’
[h] / ____ i, ɛ haydihita-ni [haydihitani] ‘leader’
sìhɛ̂t [sìhɛ̂t] ‘chicken comb’
1.2 Vowels
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Table 2. Vowel phonemes
Front Central Back
High i u
Non-high ɛ ɔ
a
The word hʊ́tʊ́k ‘mouth’ has the vowel /ʊ/, which is contrastive with the vowel /ɔ/ in hɔ̀lɔ̀ŋ ‘day’ and with the vowel /u/ in bùsùk ‘bull’. However, hʊ́tʊ́k ‘mouth’ is the only word found thus far with the vowel /ʊ/.
Turner (2001ː40) proposes a 9-vowel system in his description of the Lolongo dialect of Lopit. In
this description, the four vowels of table 2 have a corresponding [+ or – ATR] vowel ([i]-[ɪ], [u]-[ʊ],
[e]-[ɛ], [o]-[ɔ]). Moodie (2012ː16) acknowledges a 9-vowel system in the Dorik dialect of Lopit, but
mostly ignores the [ATR] distinction in his transcription of data.
The [ATR] distinction explains the vowel contrast between hʊ́tʊ́k ([-ATR]) ‘mouth’ and bùsùk
([+ATR]) ‘bull’. However, it causes us to ask why there is no [ATR] contrast for the vowels /i/, /ɛ/ and
/ɔ/. Perhaps a contrast with these vowels will be found in a larger data set, or perhaps only certain
speakers or dialects are aware of the [ATR] contrast in these vowels. The speakers I worked with from five different dialects were not aware of and did not speak with an [ATR] distinction in the data for this analysis2.
1.2.1 Vowel distribution in word positions
All Lopit vowels occur in word-medial and word-final positions. The vowels /i, ɛ, a/ occur in word-initial
position of a few nouns.
(9) Word-initial Word-medial Word-final
i ítàk ‘ostrich’ hìɟì ‘middle’ hárí ‘river’
ɛ ɛ̀fír ‘fat (adj)’ fɛ́rɛ́ ‘spear’ tɛ́rɛ́ ‘hail’
a áwɔ́ŋ ‘oribi, monkey’ hárá ‘stool’ yàfà ‘moon, month’
ɔ ---- hɔ́tɔ́ ‘blood’ gɔ̀rɔ̀ ‘gourd jug’
u ---- múnú ‘snake’ mùgù ‘granary’
1.2.2 Vowel contrasts
The words with contrastive pairs of vowels in (10) show that each of the vowels are phonemes.
2 In analyzing the vowels, I relied both on speaker intuition and on my own hearing. That is, each of 285 nouns were
written in all dialects on slips of paper and sorted according to the syllable structure of the Ngotira dialect. After reading each noun, the Lopit speakers from five different dialects sorted the Ngotira words into piles as a group effort, arriving at a consensus for each placement decision. The result was five different vowel piles for each syllable structure. It was only when I pointed out the difference in vowel quality of hʊ́tʊ́k ‘mouth’ that the speakers separated this word into a sixth pile. Apparently the speakers were not even aware of the sound difference for this word until I pointed out the difference. I did not hear a difference in [ATR] vowel quality for other vowel pairs ([i] – [ɪ], [e] – [ɛ], [o] – [ɔ]) in any of the Lopit data, although I have heard this difference clearly in Mandari and other Eastern Sudanic languages.
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(10) i – ɛ sìhɛ̂t ‘chicken comb’ sɛhi ‘thing, property’
ɛ – a hɛɟu ‘leg, foot’ hàɟì ‘house’
a – ɔ màrìŋ ‘fence, pen’ mɔ̀rìŋ ‘dikdik’a
ɔ – u sɔ̀hɔ̀t-í ‘palm tree’ súhɛ́ ‘chest’
i – u sìhɛ̂t ‘chicken comb’ súhɛ ‘chest’
ɛ – ɔ lɛkyɛrɛ ‘pebble’ lɔkuduk ‘crow, bird type’
a a type of gazelle
1.2.3 Vowel distribution in two adjacent syllables of roots
The Ngotira data of (11) show that all possible combinations of vowels in adjacent syllables of roots are found. There are no co-occurance restrictions on vowels in adjacent syllables, and the same vowel distribution in two adjacent syllables of roots occurs in other Lopit dialects.
(11) Vowel distribution in adjacent syllables
i, i ìdîs ‘shadow’ ɔ, i mɔ̀tì ‘pot’
i, ɛ sìhɛ̂t ‘chicken comb’ ɔ, ɛ tɔ́mɛ́ ‘elephant’
i, a rísá ‘tail’ ɔ, a rɔ̀fán ‘roof frame’
i, ɔ ídɔ́ ‘sky’ ɔ, ɔ wɔ̀lɔ̂ ‘dove’
i, u ihuma ‘tortoise’ ɔ, u lɔkuduk ‘crow’
ɛ, i dɛ́mí ‘knife’ u, i bùnî ‘pool’ ɛ, ɛ fɛ́rɛ́ ‘spear’ u, ɛ súhɛ́ ‘chest’ ɛ, a lɛ́wá ‘gazelle type’ u, a bùlà ‘stable’ ɛ, ɔ teterɔk ‘prepare’ u, ɔ hùrɔ̂ ‘kid’ ɛ, u kɛ̀bù ‘hoe’ u, u múnú ‘snake’
a, i hàɟì ‘house’
a, ɛ hàddɛ̀ ‘roots’
a, a hárá ‘stool’
a, ɔ tàmɔ̀t ‘bull’
a, u tàmù ‘helmet’
1.3 Syllables
1.3.1 Syllable structure
Lopit has the syllable types V, CV, and CVC. In addition, the semivowels /y, w/ (S) can be the second consonant of complex consonant onset (CSV, CSVC), or can be the first consonant of a complex consonant coda (CVSC).
Table 3. Syllable Types
V í.tàk ‘ostrich’
CV rɛ́ ‘milk’
CVC fɔ̀k ‘earth, ground’
CSV fwà.râ ‘dancing place’
CSVC cyàŋ ‘animal’
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The syllable type V only occurs word-initial, and the syllable type CVC only occurs word-final in unambiguous syllable constructions. Monomorphemic nouns are most commonly disyllabic, but may also be monosyllabic or trisyllabic.
(12) Syllable structures
V.CV ídɔ́ ‘sky’
V.CVC íkát ‘door’
CV.CV bùhù ‘shield’
CV.CVC bùsùk ‘bull’
V.CV.CV itulɛ ‘small hole’
V.CV.CVC irɛfit ‘container’
CV.CV.CV lɔgulɛ ‘elbow’
CV.CV.CVC kurufat ‘whip’
Syllable structures with semivowels in complex onsets and codas are given in (13). CSV syllables are only found in word-initial position of disyllabic words, and only with the semivowel /w/. CSVC and CVSC are only found in monosyllabic words.
(13) Syllable structures with semivowels in complex onsets and codas
/y/ /w/
CSV.CV fwàrâ ‘dancing place’
CSV.CVC mwárák ‘animal horn’
CSVC kyɛ́r ‘sheep’ kwàn ‘body’
CVSC hɔ̌yt ‘bones’
As shown in (14), the semivowels /w/, /y/ can also be the only consonant in onsets and codas. However, /w/ is not found in syllable-final position.
(14) Syllable structures with semivowels in simple onsets and codas
CV V.CVC CVC
w wɔ́ttì ‘cow dung’ áwɔ́ŋ ‘monkey’ háy ‘rain’
y yáyá ‘porcupines’ mìyàŋ ‘grass’
As mentioned above, CVC syllable constructions only occur unambiguously in word-final position. However, they are also analyzed to occur in word-initial position, when semivowels either fill the coda slot of the CVC syllable (lɛ́ymɛ̀ ‘lion’), or when semivowels fill the onset slot of a syllable following a CVC
syllable (ŋádyɛ́f ‘tongue’). In the resulting consonant sequences of such words, the semivowels /y/ can be
the first consonant (lɛ́ymɛ̀ ‘lion’), and both /y/ and /w/ can be the second consonant (ŋádyɛ́f ‘tongue’,
hɔ̀rwɔ̀ŋ ‘back’). However, /w/ is not found to be the first consonant of a sequence (except when it
geminates, as in hàww-ɛ̀‘arrow’).
(15) Syllable structures with semivowels in consonant sequences
/y/ /w/
CVC.CV lɛ́ymɛ̀ ‘lion’
hàryɛ̂ ‘night’ hɔ́fwɔ́ ‘flour’
CVC.CVC ŋádyɛ́f ‘tongue’ hɔ̀rwɔ̀ŋ ‘back’
CVC.CV.CV hafyala ‘claws’ haswani ‘buffalo’
In addition, the word ís.yɔ́ ‘honey, oil’ could be analyzed as having a VC syllable when /y/ is
(12)
1.3.2 Ambiguous segments
Regarding ambiguous segments, I first consider three alternatives to analyzing syllable types as having semivowels in complex onsets and codas; that is, they could be: (1) vowel sequences, (2) vowel glides, or (3) prenasalized and labialized consonants. I now discuss why each of these alternate analyses is not preferred.
The semivowels in complex consonant onsets and codas of (16) are not analyzed as vowel sequences for the following reasons: There are no unambiguous vowel sequences, such as two consecutive non-high vowels. Rather, all adjacent vowels involve at least one high vowel, which is analyzed as a semivowel /y/ or /w/. Furthermore, there is no contrastive vowel length. When analyzed as semivowels, all high vowels to adjacent to other vowels in the same syllable fill the S slot of CSV, CSVC or CVSC syllable types, and there is no need for syllable types such as CVV or CVVC.
(16) Semivowels in complex consonant onsets and codas:
kyɛ́r ‘sheep’
hɔ̌yt ‘bones’
kwàn ‘body’
fwàrâ ‘dancing place’
A second alternate analysis is that there are on and off vowel glides. Such an analysis removes the
need for the syllable types CSV, CSVC, CVSC. For example, CSVC words such as cyàŋ ‘animal’ would then
be CVC (cⁱàŋ). It also removes the need for CVC syllables in non-final position, which is advantageous in
that CVC syllables are only unambiguous in word-final position. CVC.CV words such as bɛ̀lyɛ̌ ‘skin’ would
be CV.CV (bɛ̀lⁱɛ̌). However, such an analysis is not taken because it would add at least the 9 vowel glide
phonemes /ⁱɛ, ⁱa, ⁱɔ, ⁱu, ᵘa, ᵘɔ, ɛⁱ, aⁱ, ɔⁱ/.
(17) Semivowels preceding vowels Vowels preceding semivowels
yɛ bɛ̀lyɛ̌ ‘skin’ ɛy lɛ́ymɛ̀ ‘lion’
ya cyàŋ ‘animal (general)’ ay fàyt-î ‘ebony tree’
yɔ hìfyɔ̂ŋ ‘water’ ɔy mɔytɛ ‘morning’
yu tɛlyu ‘climb, jump down’
wa fwàrâ ‘dancing place’
wɔ hɔ̀rwɔ̀ŋ ‘back’
Thirdly, the consonants immediately preceding semivowels are not analyzed as being labialized or
palatalized, since this analysis would require at least the 17 additional consonant phonemes /tʷ, cʲ, kʲ,
kʷ, bʷ, dʲ, dʷ, fʲ, fʷ, sʲ, sʷ, mʷ, nʷ, lʲ, lʷ, rʲ, rʷ/. There are at least 7 consonants that can precede the semivowel /y/, and at least 10 consonants that can precede the semivowel /w/. In additon, this analysis
does not account for the semivowels immediately preceding other consonants, such as in lɛ́ymɛ̀ ‘lion’,
fàyt-î ‘ebony tree’ and mɔytɛ‘morning’.
(18) Consonants preceding semivowels
/y/ /w/
t ---- lɔtwala ‘ash’
c cyàŋ ‘animal’ ----
k kyɛ́r ‘sheep’ kwà-n ‘body’
b ---- ibwɔ-ni ‘diviner’
d ŋádyɛ́f ‘tongue’ dwànî ‘weed’
f hìfyɔ̂ŋ ‘water’ hɔ́fwɔ́ ‘flour’
s ísyɔ́ ‘honey, oil’ haswani ‘buffalo’
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(18) Consonants preceding semivowels
/y/ /w/
n ---- hinwara ‘ash’
l bɛ̀lyɛ̌ ‘skin’ lɔlwari ‘dry ground’
r hàryɛ̂ ‘night’ ŋɔ̀rwɔ̀ ‘wives’
Lengthened consonants are analyzed to be two of the same consonant across adjacent syllables
(VC.CV) rather than single-unit syllable onsets (V.CːV). As mentioned in section 1.1.2, the geminate
consonant analysis eliminates the need for the phonemes /tː/, /dː/, /lː/, /rː/, /wː/, /yː/. Instead, the CVC syllable type that unambiguously occurs in final position is analyzed as also occurring in word-initial position, having the same consonant coda as the consonant onset of the following syllable.
(19) Word-medial lengthened consonants
tt hìttɔ̀ ‘anus, source, root, beginning’ dd hàddɛ̀ ‘roots’
ll ìllá ‘friend, brother’
rr mɔ̀rrɔ̂ ‘beans’
ww hàww-ɛ̀ ‘arrow’
yy hayyɔhɔ-ni ‘shepherd’
1.4 Tone
As in related languages, Lopit is analyzed to have two underlying level tones, High and Low, as in hɔ̀y
‘you sg.’ and hɔ́y ‘us’. Contour tone consists of more than one level tone on the same syllable. The
syllable is the tone-bearing unit, and at most two tones are allowed on the same syllable. Rising tone such as in hɔ̌yt ‘bones’ and bɛ̀lyɛ̌ ‘skin’ is rare. Falling tone is common on the final syllable of words, but rare elsewhere, as in bɔ̂rɛ̀ ‘stable’ and hɔ̀fît-tî ‘hair-sg.’ The lexical function of tone is low in that there are few tone minimal pairs. The grammatical distinctions of case and noun plural formation can be made solely by tone, and are discussed in section 1.8.
Noun tone melodies are represented by the nouns in isolation of (20–21), where the number of nouns with the given tone and syllable structure is shown to the left of each noun. There are four tone melodies in (C)VCV and (C)VCVC syllable structure of nouns, besides combination tone melodies, which indicates a system with two underlying level tones.
(20) Singular noun root Plural noun root
CV CVC CV CVC
H 3 háy ‘rain’ 9 bɔ́k ‘stable’ 1 kɔ́y ‘pathes’ 2 sáŋ ‘properties’
L 2 mày ‘place’ 10 fɔ̀k ‘earth’ 1 hì ‘breasts’ 4 hùŋ ‘knees’
HL 1 yɛ̂y ‘death’
LH 1 hɔ̌yt ‘bones’
(21) Singular noun root Plural noun root
(C)VCV (C)VCVC (C)VCV
H 32 hábú ‘chief’ 20 tɔ́bɔ́k ‘bowl’ 8 mɔ́ɲí ‘intestines’
L 16 kɔ̀rì ‘giraffe’ 16 bùsùk ‘bull’ 11 ŋàmà ‘grain’
HL 3 lɛ́ymɛ̀ ‘lion’ 4 ítàk ‘ostrich’
LH 3 gàráy ‘bush,
pasture’
4 hìlúk ‘hyena’ 1 fàrá ‘leaves’
(14)
I now discuss the morphophonology of Ngotira Lopit. Sound alternations across morpheme boundaries include vowel alternations (1.6), consonant alternations (1.7), and tone alternations (1.8). Noun plural formation is briefly described in section 1.5 to assist the reader in following the noun examples of later sections. For further explanation of Lopit morphology and syntax, see the Lopit Grammar Book (Ladu et al. 2014).
1.5 Noun plural formation
There are three ways that nouns have singular and plural forms. As shown in table 4, nouns can attach various suffixes or a certain specific prefix to mark the singular form, as in hàddɛ́-tí ‘root-sg’ or hì-yɛ̀nì
‘sg-rope’. They can attach suffixes to mark the plural form as in cyàŋ-ì ‘animal-pl’, or they can mark both the
singular and plural form as in hi-ɲaŋ/ɲaŋ-i ‘sg-crocodile/crocodile-pl’. A suffix or prefix before the slash indicates affixation on singular nouns, whereas following the slash indicates affixation on plural nouns.
Table 4. Three segmental ways of forming singular and plural nouns
Suffixes, Prefix Singular noun Root Plural noun
-ti/ hàddɛ́-tí hàddɛ̀ hàddɛ̀ ‘root’
hi-/ hì-yɛ̀nì yɛ́ní yɛ́ní ‘rope’
/-i cyàŋ cyàŋ cyáŋ-ì ‘animal (general)’
hi-/-i hi-ɲaŋ -ɲaŋ- ɲaŋ-i ‘crocodile’
The noun system has multiple singular and plural marker suffixes, the most common of which are listed in (22–24). They are listed according to the number of nouns found to attach the suffix or prefix. The suffixes are mostly unpredictable as to which root they attach, by either the root-final segments or by the semantics of the root. Vowel-initial suffixes attach to roots with either vowel or consonant-final roots. Consonant-initial suffixes attach to vowel-final roots, and only rarely to consonant-final roots. (22) Noun singular suffixes and prefix
# Root-final/initial Suffix, Prefix Singular Plural
17 con., vow. -i/ fàrá-y fàrá ‘leaf’
11 con., vow. -ti/ mɔ̀rrɔ̀-tí mɔ̀rrɔ̂ ‘bean’
2 con., vow. -ɔ/ hɔyt-ɔ hɔ̌yt ‘bone’
1 con., vow. -ɛ/ hàm-ɛ̂ hàm ‘fish’
3 con. hi-/ hì-yɛ̀nì yɛ́ní ‘rope, trap’
(23) Noun plural suffixes
# Root-final Suffix Singular Plural
32 con., vow. /-i gùs gús-ì ‘skin’
22 con., vow. /-a kɛ̀bù kɛ̀bw-â ‘hoe’
19 con., vow. /-ɔ hárí háry-ɔ́ ‘beating stick’
13 vow. /-ɟin wɔ̀lɔ̂ wɔ̀lɔ̀-ɟín ‘dove’
6 vow. /-n hɔhɔrɔ hɔhɔrɔ-n ‘chicken’
4 vow. /-ha lɛmini lɛmini-ha ‘leopard’
4 vow. /-hɔ haswani haswani-hɔ ‘buffalo’
4 vow. /-sɛn lɛtiri letiri-sɛn ‘hoe’
3 vow. /-si múrɔ́ múrɔ́-sì ‘thigh’
2 vow. /-ɛ hɔ́ɲɛ́ hɔ̀ɲy-ɛ̂ ‘mother’
2 con. /-in íkát ìkát-ìn ‘door’
(15)
(24) Combinations of singular and plural affixes
# Root-final Suffix Singular Plural
3 con., vow. hi-/-i hi-ɲaŋ ɲaŋ-i ‘crocodile’
3 vow. hi-/-si hì-tɔ̂ tɔ-si ‘scorpion’
2 vow. -i/-ara hanas-i hanas-ara ‘sister’
2 con. -ɛ/-a hamuh-ɛ hamuh-a ‘shoe’
In addition, there are three nouns that only differ by tone in singular and plural form.
(25) Nouns that differ only by tone in singular and plural form
# Root-final Suffix Singular Plural
3 vow. Tone/Tone yànì yání ‘tree (general)’
1.6 Vowel morphophonology
When certain vowels are joined at morpheme boundaries in noun plural formation, they become
semivowels. As represented by the formation rule of (26), root-final /i, ɛ/ become /y/ before a
vowel-initial suffix; root-final /u/ becomes /w/ in the same environment, and a suffix-vowel-initial /i/ becomes /y/ following a root-final non-high vowel.
(26) Semivowel formation
i, ɛ → y / ____ + V u → w / ____ + V i → y / a, ɔ, ɛ + ____
In (27), the number of nouns with the given plural or singular suffix and root-final vowel is shown. Before a vowel-initial suffix, the root-final vowel /u/ becomes /w/ as in kɛ̀bù/kɛ̀bw-â ‘hoe’ and the root-final vowels /i, ɛ/ become /y/ as in ɟànî/ɟàny-â ‘broom’. In this process, the non-high root-final vowel /ɛ/ is raised to the high semivowel /y/ as in tɔ́mɛ́/tɔ̀my-â ‘elephant’. In addition, a suffix-initial /i/ becomes /y/ following the root-final low vowel as in rísá/rìsâ-y ‘tail’. In Mandari (Stirtz 2014), root-final
/ɛ/ and /ɔ/ become the semivowels /y/ and /w/ respectively, when vowel-initial suffixes are attached.
(27) Semivowels resulting from vowels joined through morphology
Suffix Root-final # Singular Plural
Plural suffix /-a u → w 1 kɛ̀bù kɛ̀bw-â ‘hoe’
i → y 4 ɟànî ɟàny-â ‘broom’
ɛ → y 3 tɔ́mɛ́ tɔ̀my-â ‘elephant’
/-aha ɛ → y 1 lɔgulɛ lɔguly-aha ‘elbow’
/-ɔ u → w 5 mùgù mùgw-ɔ̂ ‘granary’
i → y 6 hárí hàry-ɔ̀ ‘club, stick’
/-ɔhɔ ɛ → y 1 itulɛ ituly-ɔhɔ ‘small hoe’
/-ɔk ɛ → y 1 dɔ́ŋɛ́ dɔŋy-ɔk ‘hill’
/-ɛ ɛ→ y 2 hɔ́ɲɛ́ hɔ̀ɲy-ɛ̂ ‘mother’
/-i→ y a 4 rísá rìsâ-y ‘tail’
/-ita → yta ɛ 1 fúrɛ́ fúrɛ́-ytà ‘name, song’
Singular suffix -ɔ/ u → w 1 mɔrw-ɔ mɔ́rú ‘stove’
-i→ y/ a 7 ìwâ-y ìwâ ‘wing’
(16)
Depending on the speaker, when some words such as fɛ́rɛ́/fɛ̀rì.à ‘spear’ are said slowly, the suffix-initial vowel is juxtaposed to the root-final vowel, introducing a new syllable. At normal speed, such words have a semivowel (fɛ́rɛ́/fɛ̀ryà ‘spear’).
When the singular suffix -i attaches to hìkwà ‘thorns’, there is a resulting semivowel /y/ in the
singular hìkwâ-y ‘thorn-sg’. However, when the plural suffix -i attaches to the word ŋìryà ‘porridge’ with
the same syllable structure, /y/ is inserted as a syllable onset (ŋìríyà-y ‘porridges’), and thus increases the number of syllables. This is the only word found with this alternate solution of insertion for joined vowels.
Nearly all nouns have the same root vowels in both singular and plural forms. But root vowels alternate between the singular and plural form in ‘sheep’, ‘knife’, ‘fat’ and ‘oribi monkey’ as shown in (50). Nouns that do not have vowel alternations are given for comparison.
(28) Nouns with vowel alternations
Root vowel Singular Plural
ɛ akyɛr akyɛr-i ‘star’
ɔ fúryɔ́ fùryɔ̀-ɟìn ‘smoke’
ɛ / ɔ kyɛ́r kyɔ̀r-ɔ̀ ‘sheep’ ɛ tàfɛ̀ŋ tàfɛ̀ŋ-ɔ̂ ‘guinea pig’
ɛ / ɔ dɛ́mí dɔ̀my-ɔ̂ ‘knife’
u hut-ti hur-u ‘worm’
ɔ sɔ̀hɔ̀t-í sɔ̀hɔ̂t ‘palm tree’
a hàlâ-y hàlâ ‘side, end’
ɔ, a / u sɔ̀mâ-y sùmù ‘fat, oil’
ɔ sɔ̀fɛ̂ sɔ̀fy-â ‘drill, planting tool’
ɔ / a áwɔ́ŋ àwáŋ-à ‘oribi monkey’
1.7 Consonant morphophonology
In (7), /k/ and /h/ were shown to be contrastive at the beginning and middle of words (kɔ̀rì ‘giraffe’ –
hɔ́tɔ́‘blood’; ikubɔri ‘hunt’ – ihuma ‘do’). However, in the intervocalic environment resulting when the
plural suffixes -i, -a, -ɔ, -ɛ are attached to root-final /k/, the /k/ weakens to an allphone of the phoneme
/h/ as represented by the rule of (29). (29) Morphological alternation of /k/
k → h / ____ + V
Depending on the suffix vowel attached, the /h/ is realized as the allophones [x], [ɣ] or [h]
according to the phonological alternations of /h/ in (8) (/h/ becomes [x] before /a/ or /ɔ/, [ɣ] before
/ɔ/ or /u/, and [h] before /i/ or /ɛ/). The nouns of (30) are shown to alternate in this way.
(30) Nouns with morphological alternations of /k/ Singular Plural
Phonemic
Plural Phonetic
/k/ becomes
[x] before + a bàtàk bàtàh-â [bàtàx-â] ‘pig, hog’
bùsùk búsúh-à [búsúx-à] ‘bull’
fɛ̀tɛ̀k fɛ̀tɛ̀h-â [fɛ̀tɛ̀x-â] ‘fish
spear’ [ɣ] before + ɔ tɔ́bɔ́k tɔ̀bɔ̀h-ɔ̀ [tɔ̀bɔ̀ɣ-ɔ̀] ‘bowl’
(17)
Singular Plural Phonemic
Plural Phonetic
[h] before + i, ɛ màdɔ̂k màdɔ̀h-í [màdɔ̀h-í] ‘gum’
ítàk ìtàh-í [ìtàh-í] ‘ostrich’
lɛfɛrrɛk lɛfɛrrɛh-i [lɛfɛrrɛh-i] ‘hare’
lɔkuduk lɔkuduh-i [lɔkuduh-i] ‘crow’
lɛfidik lɛfidih-i [lɛfidih-i] ‘trap’
hìyɔ̀k yɔ́h-ɛ́ [yɔ́h-ɛ́] ‘ear’
There is some evidence for an alternation of /r/ to /t/ at morpheme boundaries. In (31), when the singular suffix -ti is attached to the root-final /r/ of hɔ̀fìr ‘hairs’, the /r/ and /t/ become /tt/ in the singular noun hɔ̀fít-tî [hɔfîttî] ‘hair’. This is an application of the assimilation rule of (6) that says the first of two adjacent consonants assimilates to the second consonant in all its features, provided that neither of these consonants are the semivowels /y/ or /w/.
(31) Nouns with morphological alternations of /r/
Suffix Singular Plural
-ti/ hɔ̀fît-tî hɔ̀fìr ‘hair, feather’
-ti/-u hut-ti hur-u ‘worm’
-ut/-tɔ múr-út mut-tɔ ‘neck’
-ɛ/-tin bɔ̂r-ɛ̀ bɔt-tin ‘stable’
Possibly, a similar alternation takes place for root-final /n/ in mán-á/mát-tà ‘farm’.
There is also evidence for an alternation of /t/ to /c/ before /y/ and a vowel, as represented by (57).
(32) Alternation of /t/ t → c / ____ yV
When the plural suffix -ɔ is attached to ŋátí ‘side, part’, /t/ becomes /c/ before the root-final /i/ that results as /y/ through semivowel formation (ŋàcy-ɔ̂ ‘sides, parts’). As shown in (18), no roots are found with /t/ before the semivowel /y/. So, the alternation of (32) can be analyzed to occur throughout the Ngotira dialect and not merely as a result of morphology. In Dorik, the /t/ remains in the plural nouns of (33) (ŋati-hɛn ‘sides, parts’, etc.) just as /t/ is present in the Dorik word tyaŋ ‘animal (general)’
instead of /c/ (cyàŋ) as in other dialects. Thus, an alternative analysis of the words of (33) having
suffixes in both singular and plural form (-ti/-cyɔ) is not warranted.
(33) Nouns with alternation of /t/
Suffix Singular Plural
/-ɔ ŋátí ŋàcy-ɔ̂ ‘side, part’
ɟátí ɟacy-ɔ ‘green vegetable’
mɔ̀tì mɔ̀cy-ɔ̂ ‘pot’
1.8 Tone morphophonology
I now briefly discuss the tone changes across morpheme boundaries in nouns, as well as case, which can be distinguished only by tone.
When plural or singular morphemes are attached to nouns, there can be polar tone, replacement tone, and various other allotones (tonal allomorphs of the same suffix). The plural suffix -i (P) has polar tone in that it always surfaces as opposite the surface tone of the root-final syllable. However, the tone of the root often differs from singular to plural form, and is not entirely predictable.
(18)
(34) Singular Plural Singular Plural CVCVC -i (P) CVC -i (P)
H 1 ígɛ́m ìgɛ̀m-í ‘work’ 1 bɛ́l bɛ́l-ì ‘stripe, spot’ L 2 hɔ̀lɔ̀ŋ hɔ́lɔ́ŋ-ì ‘day’ 3 gùs gús-ì ‘skin’
1 tàmɔ̀t tàmɔ́t-ì ‘bull’ HL 2 fácàn fácán-ì ‘marking’
2 lɛ́dìs lɛ̀dìs-í ‘shadow’ LH 2 rɔ̀fán rɔ̀fàn-í ‘roof frame’
LHL 2 sìhɛ̂t sìhɛ̀t-í ‘chicken comb’
The plural suffix -a may have the allotones -â, -à with root Low replacement (LR) tone or -â with
root (LR) tone. The suffix -â attaches in màrìŋ/màrìŋ-â ‘fence’; the suffix -à (LR) attaches in ŋíɟím/ŋìɟìm-à
‘chin’ and the root High tone is replaced with Low tone; the suffix -â (LR) attaches in mwárák/mwàràh-â
‘horn’ and the root High tone is replaced with Low tone.
(35) Singular Plural Singular Plural
(C)VCV -â, -à (LR), -â (LR) (C)VCVC -à (LR), -â (LR)
H 3 táɟí tàɟy-â ‘heart’ 5 ŋíɟím ŋìɟìm-à ‘chin’
1 fɛ́rɛ́ fɛ̀ry-à ‘spear’ 1 áwɔ́ŋ àwáŋ-à ‘monkey’ 1 mwárák mwàràh-â ‘horn’
L 2 sàlì sàly-â ‘stove’ 5 màrìŋ màrìŋ-â ‘fence’
1 bùsùk búsúh-à ‘bull’
LHL 2 sɔ̀fɛ̂ sɔ̀fy-â ‘drill, hoe’
Singular Plural CVC -â, -à (LR)
H 2 ráŋ ràŋ-à ‘bow’
L 1 tɛ̀l tɛ̀l-â ‘calf pen’
The plural suffix -ɔ may have the allotones -ɔ̂, ɔ̀ (LR) and -ɔ̂ (LR).
(36) Singular Plural Singular Plural
(C)VCV -ɔ̂, -ɔ̀ (LR), -ɔ̂ (LR) (C)VCVC -ɔ̂, -ɔ̀ (LR)
H 3 bálú bàlw-ɔ̂ ‘beer’ 3 húnɔ́m hùnɔ̀m-ɔ̀ ‘cave’
1 hárí hàry-ɔ̀ ‘club, stick’
L 5 kɔ̀rì kɔ̀ry-ɔ̂ ‘giraffe’ 4 ŋìdɔ̀ɲ ŋìdɔ̀ɲ-ɔ̂ ‘monkey’
The plural suffix -ɟin may have the allotones -ɟìn (LR) and -ɟin (P).
(37) Singular Plural
CVCV -ɟìn (LR), -ɟin (P)
H 5 hárá hàrà-ɟìn ‘stool’
L 1 yàfà yáfá-ɟìn ‘month’
LH 1 hɔ̀twáy hɔ̀twày-ɟín ‘inside’
LHL 1 wɔ̀lɔ̂ wɔ̀lɔ̀-ɟín ‘dove’
1 hàryɛ̂ háryɛ́-ɟìn ‘night’
(19)
The singular suffix -i may have the allotones -î, -í, -ì. The singular suffix -ti may have the allotones -tí, -tì.
(38) Singular Plural Singular Plural
-î, -í, -ì CVCV -í, -ì CVCVC
H 1 fɔ́fɔ́ŋ-ì fɔ́fɔ́ŋ ‘cactus’
1 lɔ́rwɔ́t-í lɔ́rwɔ́t ‘cannibal’ L 2 hìkwâ-y hìkwà ‘thorn’
LH 1 fàrá-y fàrá ‘leaf’
LHL 2 hàlâ-y hàlâ ‘side, end’ 1 sɔ̀hɔ̀t-í sɔ̀hɔ̂t ‘palm tree’
(39) Singular Plural Singular Plural
-î CVC -tí, -tì CVCV
H 2 mɔ́ɲí-tí mɔ́ɲí ‘intestine’
1 hàlá-tì hálá ‘tooth’
L 2 cɛ̀ŋ-î cɛ̀ŋ ‘animal’ 1 hàddɛ́-tí hàddɛ̀ ‘root’
LHL 2 mɔ̀rrɔ̀-tí mɔ̀rrɔ̂ ‘bean’
Plural formation of the three nouns of (40) is only by tone. Although tone is the only distinction between singular and plural form in these nouns, the tone differs in each noun. The root tone changes from singular to plural form are the same as in the nouns of (34) with the suffix -i (P). Thus, these nouns may have dropped or merged suffix -i, but kept the root tone changes caused by the suffix. Alternatively, one or more of the nouns of (40) may have previously had a different suffix that was dropped or merged. The noun hínɛ́/hìnɛ̀ ‘goat’ may have had the plural suffix -ɛ̂ as in hɔ́ɲɛ́/hɔ̀ɲy-ɛ̂ ‘mother’ and later dropped the suffix.
(40) Plural formation only by tone Similar tone in nouns with -i (P), -ɛ̂, -ɔ̂ (LR)
Tone Singular Plural Singular Plural
H/L hínɛ́ hìnɛ̀ ‘goat’ ígɛ́m ìgɛ̀m-í ‘work’ hɔ́ɲɛ́ hɔ̀ɲy-ɛ̂ ‘mother’
L/H yànì yání ‘tree (general)’ hɔ̀lɔ̀ŋ hɔ́lɔ́ŋ-ì ‘day’
LHL/L bùnî bùnì ‘pool’ sìhɛ̂t sìhɛ̀t-í ‘chicken comb’
bálú bàlw-ɔ̂ ‘beer’
The noun bùnî/bùnì ‘pool’ may have had the plural suffix -ɔ̂ (LR) as in bálú/bàlw-ɔ̂ ‘beer’ since the segmental suffix -ɔ still occurs in two other dialects of ‘pools’.
(41) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo
buni bùnî buni buni buni-t ‘pool’
buni-cɔ bùnì buny-ɔ buny-ɔ buni
As shown in (42), tone also distinguishes at least accusative, nominative, and genitive case3. The
frames in which the data were elicited are shown above the words in each case.
3 To be a true comparison of tone, the noun slot should be clause-final in all three case frames. Or, it should first be
determined how following and preceding High and Low tone effect the tone of nouns in a given phrase.
(20)
(42) Case tone
Isolation Object Subject Possessor
ɔ̀wɔ̀lɔ́mɔ́rìŋ ______ ɔ̀wɔ̀lɔ́ ______ mɔ̀rìŋ ɔ̀ttú mɔ̂ttɛ̀ ______
‘Dikdik saw ______’ ‘______ saw Dikdik’ ‘friend of ______ comes’
H hítɛ́ŋ hítɛ́ŋ hítɛ̀ŋ hìtɛ́ŋ ‘cow’
L mɔ̀lɔ̀ŋ mɔ̀lɔ̀ŋ mɔ́lɔ̀ŋ mɔ̀lɔ̀ŋ ‘baboon’
HL ítàk ítàk ìták ìtâk ‘ostrich’
LHL màdɔ̂k màdɔ̂k mádɔ̀k màdɔ̂k ‘gum’
2 Comparison of Lopit dialects
Having briefly discussed Ngotira Lopit phonology, I now make comparisons between Ngotira and other dialects of Lopit. I begin with a comparison of lexical similarities as well as words that are segmentally identical (2.1). Then I discuss dialect comparisons of consonants (2.2), vowels (2.3), syllables (2.4), noun plural formation (2.5), vowel morphophonology (2.6), and consonant morphophonology (2.7). Lastly, variation among dialects in derivational noun prefixes and inflectional verb prefixes are also discussed (2.8).
2.1 Dialect comparison of lexical similarities and identical words
The Lopit dialects are spoken on different mountains or sides of mountains in the Lopit mountain range running approximately north to south, northeast of the community of Torit. A list of village names in various dialect areas is given in appendix B. The northern most dialect is locally known as Ngabori, followed by Dorik, and so forth until the southern most dialect—Lolongo. The lexical similarities among five dialects shown in table 5 follow the geographic proximity of the dialects. Thus, the percentages of lexical similarity diminish moving down and to the left; that is, as the dialects are further spaced from each other. The percentages of table 5 are based on the dialect comparison wordlist in appendix A.
Table 5. Percentage of words lexically similar among Lopit dialects Dorik
Ngotira 96.0
Lomiaha 93.6 96.6
Lohutok 93.4 96.3 99.7
Lolongo 90.7 93.1 94.3 94.4
Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo
In comparing the phonology of the dialects, I generally ignore the differences in lexemes among the dialects, and instead focus on patterns of alternation among the lexically similar words and morphemes of the dialects. Thus, it is important to also consider the percentage of words segmentally identical among the dialects, which are given in table 6. Note that the percentages of identical words are
significantly lower than the percentages of lexical similarity, and also diminish moving down and to the left, as the dialects are further spaced from each other. Only 39.2% of words are segmentally identical in each of five dialects. Thus, more than 60% of words are different in at least two dialects. The
(21)
Table 6. Percentage of words segmentally identical among Lopit dialects Dorik
Ngotira 62.6
Lomiaha 48.7 66.3
Lohutok 49.1 64.6 93.4
Lolongo 41.7 52.8 67.3 70.0
Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongok
2.2 Consonant alternations among dialects
Five Lopit dialects have the same consonants as table 1 with the exception of Dorik, which does not have the phoneme /s/. Words with /s/ in other dialects have /c/ in Dorik. Futhermore, five Lopit dialects have the same consonant distribution as in (1), and in addition, /b/ can be word-final in Dorik as in the
word hɔb ‘ground’. Although phonemes are nearly the same in all Lopit dialects, there are some notable
consonant alternations in some dialects, although which dialect has which alternation is not always predictable.
In the Dorik dialect, the phoneme /b/ can be word-final as in hɔb ‘ground’, whereas /b/ is not found
word-final in other dialects.
(43) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo
hɔb fɔ̀k fɔw faw faw ‘ground’
In Dorik, which has no /s/ phoneme, /c/ is used instead of /s/ in all word positions.
(44) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo
Word-initial cali sàlì sali sali sali ‘stove’
Intervocalic bucuk bùsùk busuk busuk busuk ‘bull’
Word-final guc gùs gus gus gus ‘skin’
All Lopit dialects have words with initial /l/, such as lɛ́ymɛ̀ ‘lion’. However, /l/ is elided word-initial in some Lomiaha and Lohutok words, and more frequently in Lolongo words.
(45) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo
l lɛymɛ lɛ́ymɛ̀ lɛmyɛ lɛmyɛ lɛmɛ ‘lion’
l ~ ∅ lɔgulɛ lɔgulɛ lɔgulɛ lɔgulɛ ɔgulɛ ‘elbow’ l ~ ∅ lɔyami lɛyamɛ ɔyami ɔyami ɔyamɛ ‘wind’
However, in some words before a front vowel /i/ or /ɛ/, /l/ is used instead of /r/—either
word-initial or intervocalically in Lomiaha, Lohutok and Lolongo.
(46) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo
r rɔrɔy rɔrɔy rɔrɔy rɔrɔy rɔrɔy ‘thing, issue’
r ~ l rɛ rɛ́ lɛ lɛ lɛ ‘milk’
r mariŋ màrìŋ mariŋ mariŋ mariŋ ‘fence, pen’
r ~ l hari hárí hali hali hali ‘club’
In some words before a front vowel, word-initial /h/ is elided in some dialects. However, which dialects elide /h/ vary from word to word.
(22)
(47) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo
h hiyɔk hìyɔ̀k hiyɔk hiyɔk hiyɔk ‘ear’
∅ idɔ ídɔ́ idɔ idɔ idɔ ‘sky’
h ~ ∅ icyɔ ísyɔ́ hisyɔ hisyɔ isyɔ ‘honey, oil’
hikway hìkwây ikway ikway hiway ‘thorn’
hidik ìdîs idis idis ɛdis ‘shadow of cloud’
iha íkát ikat ikat hihat ‘door’
In some words, intervocalic /k/ is weakened to /h/ in some dialects. However, the dialects in which
/k/ weakens to /h/ vary from word to word. Furthermore, in the word súhɛ́ ‘chest’, /h/ becomes /g/ in
the Dorik dialect.
(48) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo
h ihɔ íhɔ́ ihɔ ihɔ ihɔ ‘dew’
k lɛykɛrɛ lɛkyɛrɛ ɔkɛlɛ ɔkɛlɛ ɔkɔfɛ ‘pebble’
k ~ h ihɔy ikɔy ikɔy kɔy hihɛ ‘path, road’
ikuma ihuma ihuma ihuma ihuma ‘tortoise’
tuhɛ lɔkuduk lɔhuruk lɔhuruk ɔhuruk ‘crow’ g tɔgɔli tɔgɔli tɔgɔli tɔgɔli tɔgɔli ‘canoe’
h ~ g cugɛ súhɛ́ suhɛ suhɛ suhɛ ‘chest’
Most other consonant phonemes are found in five dialects of the same word. However, in a few words there are other consonant alternations among the dialects.
(49) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo
s cihɛt sìhɛ̂t sihɛt sihɛt sihɛt ‘chicken comb’
t tafar táfár tafar tafar tafar ‘lake, pond’
s ~ t cɔhinɛ sɛhi sɛhinɛ sɛhinɛ tɛhinɛ ‘thing, property’
y yɔni yɔni yɔni yɔni yɔni ‘hide’
w wɔr wɔ́r wɔr wɔr wɔr ‘stream, river’
y ~ w yɔŋ wɔŋ wɔŋ wɔŋ wɔŋ ‘come’
ŋ dɔrɔŋ dɔ̀rɔ̀ŋ dɔrɔŋ dɔrɔŋ dɔrɔŋ ‘barren land’ m hunɔm húnɔ́m hinɔm hinɔm hinɔm ‘cave’
ŋ ~ m hɔmwɔŋ hɔ̀mwɔ̀ŋ hɔmɔm hɔmɔm hɔmɔm ‘face, forehead’
n ɟani ɟànî ɟani ɟani ɟani ‘broom’
r garay gàráy garay garay igara ‘dry grassland’
n ~ r dwani dwànî dwani dwani dwari ‘weed’
In the words ‘water turtle’, ‘hyena’ and ‘call’ of (50), consonant length alternates among the dialects. Although /nn/ is not found in the nouns or verbs of this analysis for any dialect, it occurs in
demonstratives and relative connectors such as ìnnâŋ ‘that, which’ in all dialects except Ngotira.
(50) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo
r dɔrɔŋ dɔ̀rɔ̀ŋ dɔrɔŋ dɔrɔŋ dɔrɔŋ ‘barren land’ rr mɔrrɔ mɔ̀rrɔ̂ mɔrrɔ mɔrrɔ mɔrrɔ ‘stone’
r ~ rr ihɛrɛk ikarrak ikarrak ikarrak ikarrak ‘water turtle’
l cali sàlì sali sali sali ‘stove’
ll illa ìllá illa illa illa ‘friend, brother’
l ~ ll hilluk hìlúk hilluk hilluk ibu ‘hyena’
(23)
Some lengthened consonants are found in more word positions in certain dialects. In these dialects, it may be preferable to analyze lengthened consonants as single-unit syllable onsets (.C:) so that they fit
into word-initial CV and CVC syllable types. Word-initial /ll/ occurs in the word llɛ́wá ‘gazelle type’ in
Lomiaha, Lohutok and Lolongo. Word-initial /tt/ occurs in the word ttim ‘bush, wilderness’ in Lohutok
and Lolongo. Word-medial /mm/ occurs in the word immadɔk ‘gum’ in Lomiaha, Lohutok and Lolongo.
(51) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo
l lɛymɛ lɛ́ymɛ̀ lɛmyɛ lɛmyɛ lɛmɛ ‘lion’
l ~ ll lɛwa lɛ́wá llɛywa llɛywa llɛwa ‘gazelle type’
t taɟi táɟí taɟi taɟi taɟi ‘heart’
t ~ tt tim tìm tim ttim ttim ‘bush, wilderness’
m mana máná mana mana mana ‘farm’
hima hímá hima hima hima ‘fire’
m ~ mm madɔk màdɔ̂k immadɔk immadɔk immadɔk ‘gum’
2.3 Vowel alternations among dialects
Five Lopit dialects have the same vowel distribution as (9), and in addition, Lomiaha, Lohutok and Lolongo have word-initial /ɔ/ as in ɔyiri ‘spirit’.
Most vowel phonemes are found in five dialects of the same word. However in some words, the vowel alternations seen in (52) occur among the dialects. And which dialect has which vowel, varies from word to word.
(52) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo
ɛ bɛl bɛ́l bɛl bɛl bɛl ‘stripe, spot’
ɔ wɔr wɔ́r wɔr wɔr wɔr ‘stream, river’
a haŋ hàŋ haŋ haŋ haŋ ‘home, village’
u huk hùk huk huk huk ‘charcoal (pl)’
i hit hìt hit hit hit ‘excrement (pl)’
yɛ haryɛ hàryɛ̂ haryɛ haryɛ haryɛ ‘night’
ya ifya ifya ifya ifya ifya ‘ask’
ɔy rɔrɔy rɔ́rɔ́y rɔrɔy rɔrɔy rɔrɔy ‘thing, issue’ ɛ ~ ɔ ɛfir ɛ̀fír ɔfir ɔfir ɔfir ‘fat (adj)’
dɔmi dɛ́mí dɛmi dɛmi dɛmi ‘knife’
ɔ ~ a lɔhɔlay lahalay lahalay ahalay ɔhɔlɛ ‘pole’ halɔha-ni halɔhɔ-ni halaha-ni halaha-ni halɔhɔ-ni ‘trapper’ ilɔma ilɔma ilama ilama ilama ‘distance’ ɛ ~ a ihɛrɛk ikarrak ikarrak ikarrak ikarrak ‘water turtle’
hayyɔhɔni hayyɔhɔni hɛyyɔhɔni hɛyyɔhɔni hɛyyɔhɔni ‘shepherd’
u ~ i hiwaru hiwaru huwaru huwaru huwaru ‘cat (general)’
hunɔm húnɔ́m hinɔm hinɔm hinɔm ‘cave’ huhɔy hikwɔy huhwɛ huhɛ huhɛ ‘charcoal’
hicu husuŋ husuŋ husuŋ hisuŋ ‘cows’
ɛ ~ i pir pír pɛr pɛr pɛr ‘bicycle’
u ~ ɔ cumay sɔ̀mây sɔmay sɔmay sɔmay ‘fat (n)’
a ~ i hanaci hanasi hanasɛ inasi hinasi ‘sister’
yɛ ~ ya hafyɛlay hafyalay hafyalay hafyalay hafyalay ‘claw’
iryɛtak iryɛtak iryatak iryatak iryatak ‘tie around neck’
(24)
In some words, a vowel without an adjacent semivowel alternates with a vowel and adjacent semivowel among the dialects. And which dialect has which vowel and semivowel, varies from word to word.
(53) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo
yɔ hayyɔhɔ-ni hayyɔhɔ-ni hɛyyɔhɔ-ni hɛyyɔhɔ-ni hɛyyɔhɔ-ni ‘shepherd’
wɔ mɔrwɔ mɔrwɔ mɔrwɔ mɔrwɔ mɔrwɔ ‘stone’
ay cumay sɔ̀mây sɔmay sɔmay sɔmay ‘fat’
ɛ ~ yɔ dɛrɔ dɛrɔ dyɔrɔ dyɔrɔ dyɔrɔti ‘rats’
ɛ ~ yɛ kɛr kyɛr kɛr kɛr kɛr ‘sheep’
irɛfit irɛfit ilyɛfit ilyɛfit ɔlɛfit ‘container’ ɛ ~ ya imɛtak imɛtak imyatak imyatak imyatak ‘increase,
become’ inɛfɔ inɛfa inɛfu inyafa inyafa ‘catch’ lɔrɛwa lɛrɛwa lɔlyawa lɔlyawa ɔlɛwa ‘husband’ ɔ ~ wɔ idɔŋɔ idɔŋɔ idwɔŋɔ idwɔŋɔ idwɔŋɔ ‘appear’
hɔmwɔŋ hɔ̀mwɔ̀ŋ hɔmɔm hɔmɔm hɔmɔm ‘face, forehead’ ɛ ~ ɛy lɛymɛ lɛ́ymɛ̀ lɛmyɛ lɛmyɛ lɛmɛ ‘lion’
lɛwa lɛ́wá llɛywa llɛywa llɛwa ‘gazelle type’ lɛyfɔri lɛyfɔri lɛyfɔri lɛyfɔri ɛfɔri ‘kitchen’ ɔ ~ ɔy mɔytɛ mɔytɛ mɔtyɛ mɔtyɛ mɔtɛ ‘morning’
a ~ ay fayti fàytî fati fati fati ‘ebony tree’
garay gàráy garay garay igara ‘dry grassland’
a ~ aw hawwɛ hàwwɛ̀ hawwɛ hawwɛ hawɔ ‘arrow’
In a few other words, there are vowel-consonant alternations among the dialects.
(54) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo
wa mɔrwari mɔrwari mɔrwari mɔrwari mɔrwari ‘rocky place’
wa ~ wa kwan kwàn wan wan hwan ‘body’
wa ~ usa ibwari ibwari ibusari ibusari oburusari ‘escape’
ca ~ tya icaha icaha ityaha ityaha ityara ‘begin’
cɔw ~ sw hɔcɔwan haswani haswani haswani haswani ‘buffalo’
llu ~ lyu tɛ-lyu tɛ-lyu tɔ-llu tɔ-llu tɔ-llu ‘jumb down’
sːi ~ syɔ ma-cɔhi may-syɔka ma-sːik ma-sːik ma-sːik ‘places’
a In Ngotira, ‘places’ can be either may-sihior may-syɔk.
2.4 Dialect comparison of syllable structure
Syllable types and structures are generally the same for the five dialects. However, CVSC syllable types
are not found in Lomiaha or Lohutok. However, the semivowel /w/ is found word-final in Lolongo faw
‘earth, ground’ in Lolongo.
Semivowels precede and follow the same vowels in other dialects as in (17), except that in Lomiaha,
Lohutok and Lolongo, /y/ does not precede /u/, but instead precedes /ɔ/ as in dyɔrɔ ‘rats’. In addition,
/w/ precedes /ɛ/ in Lomiaha huh-wɛ ‘charcoal’ and Lolongo ilulwɛ ‘cry’.
The same consonants precede semivowels in other dialects, except that in Dorik —which has no /s/
(25)
found to precede /w/. In addition to the Ngotira consonants preceding adjacent vowels shown in (18), /t/ precedes /y/ in Dorik as in tyaŋ‘animal’, and /ɟ/ precedes /y/ in Lolongo as in ɟyani ‘broom’.
Lastly, tone was only elicited for the Ngotira data in this analysis. However, Turner (2001ː44)
claims a two contrastive level tone system in Lolongo (High and Low), and Moodie claims at least High and Low tone in Dorik (2012ː15).
2.5 Noun plural formation alternation among the dialects
In other dialects, the same plural formation affixes are found except that Lomiaha, Lohutok and Lolongo do not have -sen, and these dialects use -ira instead of -ara. In Dorik, which has no phoneme /s/, the suffixes -ci and -cen are used instead of -si and -sen.
Most plural formation affixes are found in five dialects of the same word. However in some words, there are alternations of the affixes among the dialects. And which dialect has which alternation, varies from word to word. Which suffix alternates also varies from word to word. In (55), the plural suffix -a is shown to alternate with various suffixes and in various dialects. Singular forms of nouns are listed above plural forms in each of five dialects.
(55) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo
tafar táfár tafar tafar tafar ‘lake, pond’
-a tafar-a tàfàr-à tafar-a tafar-a tafar-a
cɔfɛ sɔ̀fɛ̂ sɔfɛ sɔfɛ hisɔfɛ ‘drill, hoe’
-a ~ -cin cɔfɛ-cin sɔ̀fy-â sɔfy-a sɔfy-a sɔfy-a
hɔrwɔŋ hɔ̀rwɔ̀ŋ hɔrwɔŋ hɔrwɔŋ hɔrwɔŋ ‘back’
-a ~ -itcɔk hɔrwɔŋ-a hɔ́rwɔ̀ŋ-â hɔrwɔŋ-a hɔrwɔŋ-a hɔrwɔŋ-itɔk
fɔtir fɔ́tír fɔtir fɔtir fɔtir ‘warthog’
-a ~ -ak fɔtir-a fɔ̀tìr-à fɔrtir-ak fɔrtir-ak fɔrtir-ak
cali sàlì sali sali sali ‘stove’
-a ~ -cɔ, -tɔ cali-cɔ sàly-â sali-tɔ sali-tɔ sali-tɔ
In (56), the plural suffix -ɔ alternates with various suffixes and in various dialects.
(56) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo
mɔlɔŋ mɔ̀lɔ̀ŋ mɔlɔŋ mɔlɔŋ mɔlɔŋ ‘baboon’ -ɔ mɔlɔŋ-ɔ mɔ̀lɔ̀ŋ-ɔ̂ mɔlɔŋ-ɔ mɔlɔŋ-ɔ mɔlɔŋ-ɔ
tamu tàmù tamu tamu tamu ‘helmet’
-ɔ ~ -cin tamu-cin tamw-ɔ tamw-ɔ tamw-ɔ tamw-ɔ
dɔrɔŋ dɔ̀rɔ̀ŋ dɔrɔŋ dɔrɔŋ dɔrɔŋ ‘high land’ -ɔ ~ -i dɔrɔŋ-ɔ dɔ́rɔ́ŋ-ì dɔrɔŋ-i dɔrɔŋ-i dɔrɔŋ-i
fuhɛr fúhɛ́r fuhɛr fuhɛr fuhɛr ‘farm’ -ɔ ~ -a fuhɛr-ɔ fùhɛ̀r-ɔ̀ fuhyar-a fuhyar-a fuhyar-a
buni bùnî buni buni buni-t ‘pool’
-ɔ ~ -cɔ, ∅ buni-cɔ bùnì buny-ɔ buny-ɔ buni The alternations of the plural suffix -ɟin are similarly unpredictable.
(57) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo
hɔfwɔ hɔ́fwɔ́ hɔfwɔ hɔfwɔ hɔfwɔ ‘flour’ -ɟin hɔfwɔ-ɟin hɔ̀fwɔ̀-ɟìn hɔfwɔ-ɟin hɔfwɔ-ɟin hɔfwɔ-ɟin
hɔtwa hɔ̀twáy hɔtway hɔtway hɔtw-ay ‘inside’ -ɟin ~ -ɛ hɔtwa-yɟin hɔ̀twày-ɟín hɔtway-ɟin hɔtway-ɟin hɔtw-ɛ
(26)
(57) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo
hɔtɔ hɔ́tɔ́ hɔtɔ hɔtɔ hɔtɔ ‘blood’
-ɟin ~ ∅ hɔtɔ hɔtɔ-ɟin hɔtɔ-ɟin hɔtɔ-ɟin hɔtɔ-ɟin
gɔrɔ gɔ̀rɔ̀ gɔrɔ gɔrɔ gɔrɔ ‘jug’
-ɟin ~ -na gɔrɔ-na gɔ̀rɔ̀-nà gɔrɔ-ɟin gɔrɔ-ɟin gɔrɔ-ɟin
bɛlɛ-lyɛ bɛ̀lyɛ̌ bɛlyɛ bɛlyɛ bɛly-ɛ ‘skin’
-ɟin ~ -sin, -lɛ bɛly-ɛ bɛ̀lyɛ̀-ɟìn bɛlyɛ-sin bɛlyɛ-sin bɛlɛ-lɛ The singular suffix -i also has unpredictable alternations.
(58) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo
-i cɛŋ-i cɛ̀ŋ-î cɛŋ-i cɛŋ-i cɛŋ-i ‘bird’
cɛŋ cɛ̀ŋ cɛŋ cɛŋ cɛŋ
-i ~ -ti iwa-y ìwâ-y huwa-ti huwa-ti iwa-ti ‘wing’
iwa ìwâ huwa huwa iwa
-i ~ -iti, -yɔ lakyɛ-ti lɛfɛr-iti ɔfyɛr-i ɔfɛr-i hafɛr-yɔ ‘louse, lice’
lakyɛ lɛfɛr-ɔ ɔfyɛr ɔfɛr hafɛr
The singular prefix hi- is most common in singular nouns of all dialects, such as in hì-yɛ̀nì/yɛ́ní
‘rope’. However, hi- begins both singular and plural nouns in some dialects of the words of (59).
(59) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo
hi- hi-yɛni hì-yɛ̀nì hi-yɛni hi-yɛni hi-yɛni ‘rope’
yɛni yɛ́ní yɛni yɛni yɛni
hi-riŋɔ hi-riŋɔ hiri-ŋɔ hiri-ŋɔ hiri-ŋɔ ‘meat’
riŋɔ-y riŋɔ-y hiri hiri hiri
hiɲaŋ hi-ɲaŋ hi-ɲaŋ hi-ɲaŋ hi-ɲaŋ ‘crocodile’ hiɲaŋ-a ɲaŋ-i ɲaŋ-i ɲaŋ-i ɲaŋ-i
hunɔm húnɔ́m hi-nɔm hi-nɔm hi-nɔm ‘cave’ hunɔm-ɔ hùnɔ̀m-ɔ̀ nɔm-i nɔm-i nɔm-i
Most nouns utilize the same mechanisms for forming singular and plural nouns in all dialects. That is, in most nouns, all dialects attach a suffix or prefix to the singular form, or they all attach a suffix to the plural form, or they use a combination of the two. However in the nouns of (60), the dialects alternate in the way they form the singular and plural of the noun.
(60) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo
mwarah-i mwárák mwarah-ati mwarah-ati mwarah-ati ‘horn’
mwarah-a mwàràh-â mwarak mwarak mwarak
tɔgɔli tɔgɔli tɔgɔl-i tɔgɔl-i tɔgɔl-i ‘canoe’ tɔgɔli-cɛn tɔgɔli-sɛn tɔgɔl-ɔ tɔgɔl-ɔ tɔgɔl-ɔ
haŋɛr-i haŋɛr-i haŋɛr-i haŋɛr-i haŋɛri ‘fruit, seed’ haŋɛr haŋɛr haŋɛr haŋɛr haŋɛry-ɔ
huŋ-u huŋ-u huŋu huŋu huŋu ‘knee’
(27)
2.6 Vowel morphophonology in other dialects
In other Lopit dialects, the root-final vowels /u, i, ɛ/ also become the semivowels /w/ or /y/ before
vowel-initial suffixes. In addition, the suffix -i becomes the semivowel /y/ when attached to singular or plural nouns with root-final /a/.
In some dialects of certain words, there is rounding assimilation of the root vowel /ɛ/ to the plural
suffix -ɔ.
(61) Rounding assimilation
ɛ →ɔ / ____ +ɔ
However, which dialect has the alternation, varies from word to word. In kyɛ́r/kyɔ̀r-ɔ̀ ‘sheep’, /ɛ/ becomes /ɔ/ in the four dialects with suffix -ɔ. In dɛ́mí/dɔ̀m-ɔ̂ ‘knife’, /ɛ/ becomes /ɔ/ in Ngotira, but not in other dialects. In tàfɛ̀ŋ/tàfɛ̀ŋ-ɔ̂ ‘guinea pig’, /ɛ/ becomes /yɔ/ in Lomiaha, Lohutok and Lolongo, but not in Ngotira.
(62) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo
kɛr kyɛ́r kɛr kɛr kɛr ‘sheep’
kɛr-a kyɔ̀r-ɔ̀ kyɔr-ɔ kyɔr-ɔ kyɔr-ɔ ‘sheep-PL’
dɔmi dɛ́mí dɛmi dɛmi dɛmi ‘knife’
dɔmy-ɔ dɔ̀my-ɔ̂ dɛmy-ɔ dɛmy-ɔ dɛmy-ɔ ‘knife-PL’
tafiŋ tàfɛ̀ŋ tafɛŋ-i tafɛŋ-i tafɛŋ-i ‘guinea pig’
tafiŋ-ɔ tàfɛ̀ŋ-ɔ̂ tafyɔŋ-ɔ tafyɔŋ-ɔ tafyɔŋ-ɔa ‘guinea pig-PL’
a In kyɛ́r/kyɔ̀r-ɔ̀ ‘sheep’ and tafɛŋ-i / tafyɔŋ-ɔ ‘guinea pig’ of (62), yɔ occurs following
non-alvoelar /k/ and /f/, whereas in dɛ́mí/dɔ̀m-ɔ̂ ‘knife’ /ɔ/ (without /y/) follows alveolar /d/. However, /ɔy/ is common following alveolar consonants in other words such as hisyɔ ‘honey, oil’.
2.7 Consonant morphophonology in other dialects
In other dialects of Lopit, /k/, /r/, /t/ have the same morphological alternations as in Ngotira.
Consonant sequences are not found in roots or through morphology in Ngotira. However, in Dorik, the consonants ŋk are joined when the suffix -kɔ attaches to liŋ in the singular noun liŋ-kɔ ‘salt’, which has no plural form. The consonants ŋɲ in the Dorik singular noun ciŋɲati ‘sand’, again having no plural form, may also be joined through morphology. For still unknown reasons, the consonant sequence rt
occurs in the Lomiaha-Lohutok-Lolongo plural noun fɔrt-ir-ak ‘warthogs’, but not in the singular noun
fɔtir. To date, no other consonant sequences are found in the data of any dialect.
(63) Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo
ŋ-k liŋ-kɔ líŋ liŋ liŋ liŋ ‘salt’
ŋɲ ciŋɲati siŋɛta siŋatay siŋata siŋatɛ ‘sand’ fɔtir fɔ́tír fɔtir fɔtir fɔtir ‘warthog’ rt fɔtir-a fɔ̀tìr-à fɔrtir-ak fɔrtir-ak fɔrtir-ak
2.8 Dialect alternation of prefixes
In derivational noun prefixes, as well as in imperative verb prefixes, certain alternationsoccur among
the dialects.
The derivational noun prefix da- in Ngotira dá-mày ‘position’ may have originally been the
(1)
Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo
1 mɔttɛ mɔ́ttɛ́ mɔttɛ mɔttɛ mɔttɛ ‘friend’ n
11 mɔttɛ-ɟa mɔty-arak mɔty-arak mɔty-arak mɔty-ak
2 lɔgur mùgù mugu mugu mugu ‘granary’ n
2 lɔgur-i mùgw-ɔ̂ mugw-ɔ mugw-ɔ mugw-ɔ
1 muhuɲɔ muhuɲɔ muhuɲ-ɔ muhuɲ-ɔ muhuɲ-ɔ ‘leather’ n
5 muhuɲɔ-n muhuɲɔ-n muhuɲ muhuɲ muhuɲ
1 mun-u mún-ú mun-u mun-u mun-u ‘snake’ n
5 mun-yɔk mun-yɔk mun-ɔk mun-ɔk mun-ɔk
1 muɲa múɲá muɲa muɲa muɲa ‘liver’ n
11 muɲa-na mùɲâ-y muɲa-y muɲa-y muɲa-ɟin
3 murɔ múrɔ́ murɔ murɔ ɔhuya ‘thigh’ n
12 murɔ-ci múrɔ́-sì mɔrɔ-ɟin murɔ-y ɔhuya-ha
1 mur-ut múr-út mur-ut mur-ut mur-ut ‘neck’ n
1 mut-tɔ mut-tɔ mut-tɔ mut-tɔ mut-tɔ
6 mwarah-i mwárák mwarah-ati mwarah-ati mwarah-ati ‘horn of animal’
n
5 mwarah-a mwàràh-â mwarak mwarak mwarak
5 nɔlɔwɔri nɔlɔwɔri nɔlɔkwat nɔlɔkwat nɔlɔkwat ‘loud sound’ n.sg
7 na-ŋɔrwɔ nɔ-ŋɔrwɔ ɔ-ŋɔrwɔ ɔ-ŋɔrwɔ a-ŋɔrwɔ ‘wife’ n
1 ŋɔrwɔ ŋɔ̀rwɔ̀ ŋɔrwɔ ŋɔrwɔ ŋɔrwɔ
3 ŋabura ŋabura ŋabura ŋabura tɔŋɔs-a ‘wound,
infection’
n 3 ŋabura-ha ŋabura-ha ŋabura-ha ŋabura-ha tɔŋɔs
1 ŋadyɛf ŋádyɛ́f ŋadyɛf ŋadyɛf ŋadyɛf ‘tongue’ n
3 ŋadyɛf-a ŋàdyɛ̀f-à ŋadyɛf-a ŋadyɛf-a ŋadyaf-a
12 ŋaɲin-i ŋayn-i ŋɛn-i ŋan-ay ŋani-ni ‘girl’ n
13 ŋaɲin-ɔk ŋayn-ɔk ŋɛn-ɔk ŋan-yɔk ŋany-ɔk
1 ŋama-ri ŋama-ri ŋama-ri ŋama-ri ŋama-ri ‘grain in field’ n
1 ŋama ŋàmà ŋama ŋama ŋama
1 ŋati ŋátí ŋati ŋati ŋati ‘side’ n
2 ŋati-hɛn ŋàcy-ɔ̂ ŋacy-ɔ ŋacy-ɔ ŋacy-ɔ
1 ŋidɔɲ ŋìdɔ̀ɲ ŋidɔɲ ŋidɔɲ ŋidɔɲ ‘monkey’ n
1 ŋidɔɲ-ɔ ŋìdɔ̀ɲ-ɔ̂ ŋidɔɲ-ɔ ŋidɔɲ-ɔ ŋidɔɲ-ɔ
1 ŋiɟim ŋíɟím ŋiɟim ŋiɟim ŋiɟim ‘chin’ n
1 ŋiɟim-a ŋìɟìm-à ŋiɟim-a ŋiɟim-a ŋiɟim-a
1 ŋirya ŋìryà ŋirya ŋirya ŋirya ‘thick
porridge’
n 5 ŋiriya-y ŋìríyà-y ŋirya-sin ŋirya-sin ŋirya-sin
5 ɲa ɲá ɲawa ɲawa ɲawa ‘utter’ n
10 ɲa-tin ɲa-tin ɲawa-tin ɲawa-tin ɲawa-ra
1 ɲahu-tɔ ɲahu-tɔ ɲahu-tɔ ɲahu-tɔ ɲahu-tɔ ‘iron, mettal’ n
1 ɲahu-wɔ ɲahu-wɔ ɲahu-wɔ ɲahu-wɔ ɲahu-wɔ
22 ɲɔŋa-ti ɲɔ̀ŋɔ̀-tí ɲaŋa-ti ɲaŋa-ti ɲɔŋa-ti ‘beeswax’ n
22 ɲɔŋa ɲɔ̀ŋɔ̂ ɲaŋa ɲaŋa ɲɔŋa
5 pir pír pɛr pɛr pɛr ‘bicycle’ n
(2)
38
Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo
2 bwac pír pir pir pir ‘point of
spear’
n
2 bwac-i pír pir pir pir
1 pɔr pɔr pɔr pɔr pɔr ‘mancala (game
type)’
n.sg
4 rabɔlɔ-ti rabɔlɔ-y rabɔlɔ-ti rabɔlɔ-ti rabɔlɔ-ti ‘banana’ n
1 rabɔlɔ rabɔlɔ rabɔlɔ rabɔlɔ rabɔlɔ
3 raŋ ráŋ raŋ raŋ iraŋ ‘bow’ n
3 raŋ-a ràŋ-à raŋ-a raŋ-a iraŋ-i
5 rɛ rɛ́ lɛ lɛ lɛ ‘milk’ n.pl
6 hi-dɔŋay rísá lisa lisa lisa ‘tail’ n
6 dɔŋay rìsâ-y lisa-ra lisa-ra lisa-ra
6 rufan rɔ̀fán ɔfyɔt-i ɔfyɔt-i ɔfyɔt-i ‘roof frame’ n
6 rufan-i rɔ̀fàn-í ɔfyɔt ɔfyɔt ɔfyɔt
5 rɔmɔtɔ rɔmɔtɔ rɔmɔtɛ rɔmɔtɛ rɔmɔtɛ ‘planted field’ n.sg
1 rɔr-ɔy rɔ́rɔ́y rɔrɔy rɔrɔy rɔrɔy ‘thing, issue,
problem’
n
2 rɔr-i hirrɔ hirrɔ hirrɔ hirrɔ
2 cali sàlì sali sali sali ‘stove,
cooking place’
n
6 cali-cɔ sàly-â sali-tɔ sali-tɔ sali-tɔ
7 cɔhinɛ sɛhi sɛhinɛ sɛhinɛ tɛhinɛ ‘thing, property’ n
2 caŋ sáŋ saŋ saŋ saŋ
2 cihɛt sìhɛ̂t sihɛt sihɛt sihɛt ‘chicken comb’ n
6 cihɛc-ɔ sìhɛ̀t-í sihɛt sihɛt sihɛt
12 ciŋɲati siŋɛta siŋatay siŋata siŋatɛ ‘sand’ n.sg
11 cɔfɛ sɔ̀fɛ̂ sɔfɛ sɔfɛ hisɔfɛ ‘drill, hoe’ n
2 cɔfɛ-cin sɔ̀fy-â sɔfy-a sɔfy-a sɔfya
2 cɔhɔt-i sɔ̀hɔ̀t-í sɔhɔt-i sɔhɔt-i sɔhɔt-i ‘palm tree’ n
2 cɔhɔt sɔ̀hɔ̂t sɔhɔt sɔhɔt sɔhɔt
2 cɔlɔ sɔlɔ sɔlɔ sɔlɔ sɔlɔ ‘spoon’ n.sg
2 cuma-y sɔ̀mâ-y sɔma-y sɔma-y sɔma-y ‘fat’ n
11 cumu sùmù sumu sumu suma
2 cugɛ súhɛ́ suhɛ suhɛ suhɛ ‘chest’ n
6 cugɛ-na sùhɛ̀-nà suhy-ɛna suhy-ɛna suhy-ɛna
11 tɛbak tábàk tabak tabak tɔduk ‘beat, hit’ v.t
2 tedada tadada tadada tadada tadada ‘touch, feel’ v.t
1 tafar táfár tafar tafar tafar ‘lake, pond’ n
1 tafar-a tàfàr-à tafar-a tafar-a tafar-a
6 tafiŋ tàfɛ̀ŋ tafɛŋ-i tafɛŋ-i tafɛŋ-i ‘guinea pig’ n
6 tafiŋ-ɔ tàfɛ̀ŋ-ɔ̂ tafyɔŋ-ɔ tafyɔŋ-ɔ tafyɔŋ-ɔ
1 taɟi táɟí taɟi taɟi taɟi ‘heart’ n
1 taɟy-a tàɟy-â taɟy-a taɟy-a taɟy-a
11 tɛmala tamalay tamalay tamalay tamalɛ ‘bleet, cry’ v.i
2 tɛmaɲa tamaɲay tamaɲay tamaɲay tamaɲay ‘live’ v.i
1 tamɔt tàmɔ̀t tamɔt tamɔt tamɔt ‘castrated bull’ n
(3)
Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo
1 tamu tàmù tamu tamu tamu ‘helmet’ n
2 tamu-cin tamw-ɔ tamw-ɔ tamw-ɔ tamw-ɔ
2 tira tara tara tara tara ‘is, be’ v.i
1 taturɔ taturɔ taturɔ taturɔ taturɔ ‘scatter’ v.t
7 tɛcɛnita tɛcɛytay ilɔhitay ilɔhitay ilɔhitɛ ‘laugh’ v.i
7 tɛɟiŋak tɛ́ɟìŋày tɔɟiŋay tɔɟiŋay tɔɟiŋɛ ‘enter’ v.i
5 tɛɟiŋu tɛɟiŋu tɔɟiŋu tɔɟiŋu tɔɟiŋu ‘exit’ v.i
7 gul na hacak
tɛl ifagi ifagi bɔŋit a
tawa
‘calf pen’ n
7 gul-a hunna
hacak tɛl
-a ifagi ifagi bɔŋit-tɔ a
tawa
5 tɛlyu tɛlyu tɔllu tɔllu tɔllu ‘jumb down’ v.i
5 tɛrɛ tɛ́rɛ́ tɛlɛ tɛlɛ tɛlɛ ‘hail’ n.pl
7 tɔrɔm tɛ́rɛ̀m tɔryɛm tɔryɛm tɔrɛm ‘spear’ v.t
7 tɛcɛhu tɛsyɛhu tɔsyɛhu tɔsyɛhu itufu ‘look, find out’ v.t
9 tɛyɛf tɛyɛf tabak tabak tɔfɔdɔk ‘lash, whip, beat’ v.i
5 tɛyyɛt tɛyyɛt tɔyyɛt tɔyyɛt tɔyyɛt ‘pull’ v.t
5 tɛryɔhɔ tɛryɔhɔ tɔryɔhɔ tɔryɔhɔ tɔryɔhɔ ‘be dark’ v.i
12 tɛriŋu tɛriŋay tɔriŋay tɔriŋa tɔriŋɛ ‘see, watch’ v.t
17 tɛtɛrɔk tɛtɛrɔk tɔtyɔrɔk tɛtɛrɔk tɛtɛrɔk ‘prepare’ v.t
9 tɛyɔ tɛyɔ tɔyɔ tɔyɔ tɔyɛyɔ ‘die’ v.i
7 tɛyɔ tɛyɔy tɔyɔy tɔyɔy tɔyɛ ‘cry’ v.i
15 tim tìm tim ttim ttim ‘grass, bush,
wilderness’
n.sg
13 tim-ɔ --- tim-ɔtin ttim-ɔtin ttim-ɔtin
1 tɔbat tɔbat tɔbat tɔbat tɔbat ‘continue’ v.i
1 tɔbɔk tɔ́bɔ́k tɔbɔk tɔbɔk tɔbɔk ‘bowl’ n
22 tɔbɔh-a tɔ̀bɔ̀h-ɔ̀ tɔbwah-a tɔbwah-a tɔbɔh-a
1 tɔbɔt tɔbɔt tɔbɔt tɔbɔt tɔbɔt ‘proceed’ v.i
23 tɔdɔra tɔdɔra tadara tadara tɔdɔra ‘be ripe, ready’ v.i
4 tɔfɔŋyɔ tɔfɔŋi tɔfɔŋyɔ tɔfɔŋyɔ tɔfɔŋyɔ ‘be satisfied’ v.i
1 tɔgɔli tɔgɔli tɔgɔl-i tɔgɔl-i tɔgɔl-i ‘canoe’ n
6 tɔgɔli-cɛn tɔgɔli-sɛn tɔgɔl-ɔ tɔgɔl-ɔ tɔgɔl-ɔ
1 tɔgɔrɔ tɔgɔrɔ tɔgɔrɔ tɔgɔrɔ tɔgɔrɔ ‘hang, strangle’ v.t
17 tɔhɔni tɔhɔni tihɔni tuŋani tuŋani ‘person’ n
26 hiyɔ hùwɔ̀ huwɔ hiyɔ hiyɔ
1 tɔhɔɲ tɔ́hɔ̀ɲ tɔhɔɲ tɔhɔɲ tɔhɔɲ ‘bite’ v.t
2 tiɟːɔ tɔɟːɔ tɔɟːɔ tɔɟːɔ tɔɟːɔ ‘say, speak’ v.i
1 tɔlwak tɔlwak tɔlwak tɔlwak tɔlwak ‘help’ v.t
1 tɔmɛ tɔ́mɛ́ tɔmɛ tɔmɛ tɔmɛ ‘elephant’ n
1 tɔmy-a tɔ̀my-â tɔmy-a tɔmy-a tɔmy-a
7 tumunɔ tɔmunɔy tɔmunɛy tɔmunɛy tɔmunɛ ‘be happy, love’ v.i
11 tɔŋɔfɔ tɔŋɔfɔy tɔŋɔfɔy tɔŋɔfɔy tɔŋɔfɛ ‘hide’ v.t
2 tɔrɔmɔ tɔrɔmɔy tɔrɔmɔy tɔrɔmɔy tɔrɔmɔy ‘dig, cultivate’ v.t
(4)
40
Dorik Ngotira Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo
11 titɔhɔy tɔtɔhɔy tɔtɔhɔy tɔtɔhɔy tɔtɔhɛ ‘kill’ v.t
9 tɔtɔr tɔtɔr tatarak tatarak tɔtɔrak ‘tie’ v.t
1 tɔwana tɔwana tɔwana tɔwana tɔwana ‘there is, be’ v.i
1 tɔwɔlɔ tɔwɔlɔ tɔwɔlɔ tɔwɔlɔ tɔwɔlɔ ‘see’ v.t
7 tɔŋɔɲɛy tɔwɔɲay tɔhuɲay tɔhuɲay itɔŋɛ ‘stay’ v.i
1 tuduha tuduh-a tuduha tuduha tuduha ‘dust (Arabic)’ n.sg
1 tuluhu tuluhu tuluhu tuluhu tuluhu ‘squirrel’ n
2 tuluhu-cɛn tuluhu-syɛn tuluhu-syɛn tuluhu-syɛn tuluhu-syɛn
7 turɛni turɛɲa turyana turyana tɔryana ‘flower’ n
10 turɛɲa turɛɲa turyana turyana hitɔrɛniti
5 turɔŋ tùrɔ́ŋ tallus-
tallus
tallus- tallus
tallus- tallus
‘lump, wound’ n.pl
1 tutuɲɔ tutuɲɔ tutuɲɔ tutuɲɔ tutuɲɔ ‘heel’ n
1 tutuɲɔ-n tutuɲɔ-n tutuɲɔ-n tutuɲɔ-n tutuɲɔ-n
2 tutur-a tútùr tutur tutur tutur ‘forest, woods’ n
1 tutur-i tútúr-ì tutur-i tutur-i tutur-i
3 wɔk wɔ̀k wɔk wɔk dyɛl ‘escarpment’ n
3 wɔh-in wɔ́h-ìn wɔh-in wɔh-in dyal-a
1 wɔlɔ wɔ̀lɔ̂ wɔlɔ wɔlɔ wɔlɔ ‘dove’ n
6 wɔlɔ-ɟɔ wɔ̀lɔ̀-ɟín wɔlɔ-ɟit wɔlɔ-ɟit wɔlɔ-ɟit
2 yɔŋ wɔŋ wɔŋ wɔŋ wɔŋ ‘come’ v.i
1 wɔr wɔ́r wɔr wɔr wɔr ‘stream, river’ n
15 wɔni wɔni wɔni wɔrɔ wɔrɔ
1 wɔrɔt wɔ̀rɔ̀t wɔrɔt wɔrɔt wɔrɔt ‘animal dung’ n.pl
1 wɔtti wɔ́ttì wɔtti wɔtti wɔtti ‘cow dung’ n.sg
10 wwɔr wwɔ̀r kɔmɛ kɔmɛ wɔr ‘hole for
trapping’
n
10 wwɔr-i wwɔ́r-ì kɔmɛ-ta kɔmɛ-ta wɔr-i
11 afa yàfà yafa yafa hafa ‘moon, month’ n
11 afa-ɟin yáfá-ɟìn yafa-ɟin yafa-ɟin hafa-ɟin
1 yani yànì yani yani yani ‘tree (general)’ n
1 yani yání yani yani yani
24 yani yani iyani yani yɛni ‘bring’ v.t
5 yɛy yɛ̂y yɛ yɛ yɛ ‘death’ n
6 yɛy-ta ì-yɛ́y-tì i-yɛ-ti i-yɛ-ti i-yɛ-ti
1 yɔni yɔni yɔni yɔni yɔni ‘hide’ n
(5)
resource persons, are as followsː
Ngabori Dorik Ngotira
(East side of mountain)
(East side of mountain)
(East side of mountain)
(West side of mountain)
Buwara Logona wati Ihiran Idali
Lomerok Lobelo Mehejik Lodonyok
Lodo Lacarok Mura Lopit Losow
Haba Lodahori Habirongi Losinya
Lohomiling Lohinyang Hiyahi
Lohidomok Lohobohobo Lohiri
Loluro Lottodo (Dabwar 1)
Ngabori Ehana (Dabwar 2)
Longeleyo Irube
Loturumo
Lomiaha Lohutok Lolongo
Iboni Hidere Mura
Ibahore Hosa Mu
Lohilang Longija Obitigi
Imoluha Hwarra Iduwa
Ibele Sohot Hatolok
Lattarangi Ifite Wiliwili
Malangit Lofuluho Lahado
4 The six dialects of Lopit are spoken in the Lopit Hills northeast of Torit in South Sudan, where the dialects of Ngabori and Dorik are spoken on the northernmost mountain of the range, and the other dialects in the order mentioned below are spoken in consecutive mountains of this range going south, with Lolongo being the sourthern most dialect.
41
(6)
References
Coates, Heather. 1985. Otuho Phonology and Orthography. Occasional Papers in the Studies of Sudanese Languages. SIL. Juba, South Sudan 4:86–118.
Hall, Beatrice L. and Eluzai M. Yoke. 1981. Bari Vowel Harmony: The Evolution of a Cross-Height Vowel Harmony System. Occasional Papers in the Studies of Sudanese Languages. SIL. Juba, South Sudan 1:55–63.
Ladu, Valente Otwari, Achaha Samuel Nartisio, Caesar Ongorwo Bong, Philip Horiho Odingo, Paul Ahatar Gilbert. (2014). Lopit Grammar Book. Juba, South Sudan. SIL-South Sudan.
Ladu, Valente Otwari, Achaha Samuel Nartisio, Caesar Ongorwo Bong, Philip Horiho Odingo, Paul Ahatar Gilbert, Timothy M. Stirtz. (2014). Lopit Dictionary. Juba, South Sudan. SIL-South Sudan. Lewis, M. Paul, Gary F. Simons, and Charles D. Fennig (eds.) 2013. Ethnologue: Languages of the World,
Seventeenth edition. Dallas, Texas: SIL International. Online version: http://www.ethnologue.com/language/lpx (accessed April 26, 2014).
Moodie, Jonathan. 2012. A Sketch of the Verbal System in Lopit. MA Thesis for the University of Melbourne.
Stirtz, Timothy M. (to appear). Mundari Mid-Vowel Raising in [ATR] Harmony, and other Phonology. Turner, Darryl. 2001. Lopit Phonology. SIL Sudan.