They seem to have grown further away from the sense of being Indonesian that was still very much alive among the previous generations

  JUDUL: Fragile Position of the Pancasila PENGARANG: H. Purwanta

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FRAGILE POSITION OF THE PANCASILA Many people; especially from minority groups are concerned over the future cf the Pancasila in Indonesia. They fear that it will be replaced by a foreign system. Is. this probable? In this paper I try to calculate possibility, both from the positive and negative. sides.

Current trends show that opinion for negating the Pancasila and replacing it with another ideology .is becoming stronger, If this happens it would indicate a loss of national feeling with few emotional contacts with their own country. I cite a report from The Jakarta Post, 16 August 2002: Ask young Indonesians

today what makes them Indonesians, and the answer may likely surprise, or disappoint you. "I'm Indonesian because I was born in Indonesia and I'm a citizen of Indonesia, I just have to live with that," Intan Nirwani, a 14-year-old high school student, said when she was asked about what it meant being an

Indonesian. Swastika, 24, an anchor at a TV station and also Javanese, gave a similar answer. "It's just a statistical status. I mean...you are Indonesian because your ID and your passport say so," Swastika stated. It may be a false assumption to say that Intan and Swastika represent the general feeling of

  

Indonesia's younger generation about their country, but their answers reflect a growing trend among the younger generation. They seem to have grown further away from the sense of being Indonesian that was still very much alive among the previous generations. For many of today's young people, being

Indonesian means nothing more than a "geographical fact" -- because they were born and raised in the country. Nothing more, nothing less. Ramadhani, 22, a high school dropout and a street beggar, and Ismail, 17, a student at the Santi Rama school for the disabled, said they were Indonesians only

because they lived here. 1 From the newspaper stories we could take understanding that many young people have no emotional touch to Indonesia. For them, Indonesia is nothing. Indonesia is only a place where they were born and where they are living now. Looking deeper, we discover that the problem

with loss of Indonesian identity for young people .has complex and deep roots. Henk Schulte Nordholt describes Indonesian History as history without people .(Nordholt 2004). By this he means that there is no appropriate story for Indonesians; in history they are always portrayed as poor, stupid,· 1Jakarta

  

Post, August 16 th 2003. Similar to the statement, Alfitra Salam had wrote, “Biarlah Nasionalisme Keindonesiaan Punah” (Lets Nationalism Exterminated) at www.mediaindo.co.id October 28 th , 2004. traditional, and uncivilized. Their knowledge and skills are due to foreign 'goodness' that came with

colonization. At the same time, Nordholt observes Indonesians live without history. They do not live on .the basis of their own historical experiences, but upon current information and trends. From this viewpoint, we could take understanding that Indonesian people, especially their young generation, are

ready to be followers and consumers of global trend. In this context global trends stands for all the facts, i.e. mental-facts, socio-facts and arti-facts, which derive from globel power. In the sixties Sukarno called the global power that as Nekolim power: Neo colonialism and imperialism. Neo-colofilhlisrn is

defined, interestingly enough, by Kwame Nkrumah as .the last stage of imperialism. Furthermore, he explains: Neo-colonialisni is also the worst form of imperialism. For those who practice it, it means power without responsibility and for those who suffer from it, it means exploitation without redress. In the

days of old-fashioned colonialism, the imperial power had at least to explain and justify at home the actions it was taking abroad. In the colony those who served the ruling imperial power could at least look to its protection against any violent move by their opponents. With neo-colonialisro neither is the case

(Nkrumah, 1965). Sukarno saw that the impact of neo-colonialism was very dangerous for Indonesia. In order to build a strong moral defense, he organized the Asia Africa Conference in 1955, which was attended by representatives of many newly independent countries from Asia and Africa. The conference's

stated aims were to promote Asian-African economic and cultural cooperation and to oppose colonialism or neo-colonialism by the United States, tbe Soviet Union, or any other imperialistic nations. Finally, the conference agreed to build Non Alignment Movement. 2 Sukarno's anti neo-colonialism grew into

an anti-Western project by the end of the 1950s. In the mid 1960s direct confrontation came about between Indonesia and Western (British) colonial powers ovet the question of Malaysia independence. It ended only in 1966, when.Sukarno was bloodily replaced by Suharto, who brough about a new

atmosphere in relations between Indonesia and the West. The most important decision of Suharto's regime in molding Indonesia's future was to change the ultimate national goals: Justice and Prosperity was reduced to material prosperity only through embracing 2 Sukarno named the group as NEFO (New

Emerging Forces). At the end of the conference, 29 Afro- Asian states signed a 10-points Declaration on Promotion of World Peace and Cooperation. Western capitalism. The decision brought Indonesia under Western dominance, or in Nkrumah's view, Indonesia fall into a neo~colonial relationship. The

essence of neo-colonialism is that the State which is subject to it is, in theory, independent and has all the outward trappings at international sovereignty. In reality its economic system and thus its political policy is directed from outside: The methods and form of this direction can take various shapes. For

example, in an extreme case the troops of the imperial power may garrison the territory of the neo- colonial state and control the government of it. More often, however, neo-colonialist control is excercised through economic or monetary means. The neo-colonial state may be obliged to take the

manlJ,facttired products of the imperialist power to the exclusion of competing products from elsewhere. Control over government policy in the neo- colonial state may be secμred by payments towards the cost of running the State, by the provision of civil servants in positions where they can dictate policy,

and by monetary control over foreign exchange through the imposition of a banking system controlled by the imperial power. lt is possible that neo-colonial controls may be exercised by a consortium of financial interests, which are not specifically identifiable with any particular State. The control of the

  

Congo by great international financial concerns is a case in point (Nkrumah, 1965). One of cultural impacts of western domination had been the change of Indonesin life style irito a more materialistic one. The existence of human beings is no longer dependant upon their strong character; but up on how

much they have in property and other forms of wealth. The cultural condition of the Indonesian people has become similar to Erich Fromm description of a 'sense of having': As every imperfection of man is a bond with heaven, a point at which his heart is accessible to the priest, so every want is an

opportunity for approaching one's neighbor with an air of friendship, and saying, Dear friend, I will give you. what you need, but you know the conditio sine qua non. You know what ink you must use in signing yourself over to me. I shall swindle you while providing your enjoyment. The entrepreneur accedes

to the most depraved fanties of his neighbor, plays the role of pander between him and his needs, awakens unhealthy appetites in him, and watchess for every weakness .in order later, to claim the remuneration for this labor of love. “The man who has thus become subject to his alienated needs is 'a

mentally and physically dehumanized being... the self-conscious and self acting commodity.' This commodity man knows only one way of relating himself to the world outside, by having it and by consuining (using) it. The more alienated be is, the more the sense of having and using constitutes his

relationship to the world. 'The less you are, the less you express your life, the more youhave, the greater is your alienated life and the greater is the saving of your alienated being' (Fromm, 1961). Frqrn this point of view corruption, collusion, and nepotism, which spread out in Indonesia during the 32 years

of Suharto's regime, are rooted in what Erich Fromm called as sense of having. In general, Indonesian society does not care about politics and state ideology per se. Politicians, bureaucrats, and many state officials do not provide what the people need; they make personal economic profits in order to get

properties that they need. Besides loosing indigenous identity of young generation, it is also possible that the Pancasila might be replaced by Islamic values and norms. In the last five years we could see 'anti sipilis' movement come on Indonesian political screen. Through expressing their belief, the Islamic

movements reject secularism, pluralism, and liberalism. A Survey of the Center for Islamic and Society (PPIM) at Syarif Hidayatullah State Islamic University in Jakarta shows that most Islamic studies teachers oppose pluralism. The movement is supported in particular by Islamic organizations that want to

change Indonesia into an Islamic state. Furthermore, Jajat Burhanudin as a chief of PPIM said: I think they play a key role in promoting conservatism and radicalism among Muslims nowadays. You cannot say now that conservatism and radicalism only develop on the streets like what has been campaigned by

the FPI (the Islam Defenders Front), but rather deep within the education (system) (Jakarta Post, 26·November 2008). The movement has deep root in Indonesian history. Before the coming of European nations, Indonesia is dominated by Islamic kingdoms, such as Aceh in Sumatra island, Banjar in

Kalimantan, and Demak in Java. After Independence proclamation at 1945, struggle to build Indonesia Islamic state occurred in many places. The movement could be suppressed by Indonesian government through a short period of civil war, but the ideology is still exist or never die. When a wave of Islamic

awakening comes in 1990s, the dream of Indonesia Islamic state once more taken up at national level. In the beginning 21 st century, Islamic organizations and movements growth rapidly and their influences in public space are getting stronger. One indicator of the Islamic movements’ strength is their

struggle to implement Islamic laws which is called Perda Sharia. Through provincial and local .representative bodies Islamic laws have been grafted on to regional regulations. Robin Bush claims that up to 55% of regional regulations are related to religion law. Furthermore he explains: ... regional regulatiohs

which could be considered linked directly to Islamic teachings or shari'a, 14, or 33% require civil servants, students, or in some cases just Muslims in general, to wear 'Muslitn clothing' – usually defined as wearing a jilbab for women, and a 'baju koko' for men. These regulations vary widely from district to

district. For example, in Banjar, Kalimantan; Muslim civil servants are required to wear jilbab and baju koko on Fridays. In Enrekang, South Sulawesi, Muslim civil servants and students must wear Muslim clothing every day (Perda 10/2005 - civil servants and students not complying are listed as absent on

that day); and in Bulukumba, South Sulawesi, all women (Muslim or not) must wear jilbab to receive the services of the village government, kelurahan Perda 5/2003) (Bush, 2008). From national viewpoint, the Perda Sharia contradicts to National Constitution. In paragraph 28, Constitution guarantees the

equality of all citizens of all groups, as well as the guarantee of human rights through various sections in the constitution. Beside conflicting with national constitution, the local regulations also directly challenge unity in diversity motto of Bhineka Tunggal Ika. ...although Islam is the religion of the majority

there are also non-Muslim among Indonesians and institutionally Indonesia is not an Islamic state, therefore the ratification of Perda Sharia betrayed national consensus agreed upon by the founding fathers of the republic (Candraningrum 2006). A LSI Survey shows that 61,4 percent of the Indonesian people

are afraid that the perda syari'a will break the unity of Indonesia (www.politikindonesia.com/readhead.php? Id=1024). TAKDIR, a legal aid NGO, make periodic requests for judicial review in cases of Perda Sharia to the Supreme Court: In April 2007, in a surprisingly little-remarked-upon verdid, the Supreme

  

Court rejected the request for judicial review of the Tanggerang regulation against prostitution on the grounds that the city government had followed all correct procedures in its formulation. As the municipality of Angering also had the constitutional right to produce such regulation, the Court opined, there

was no basis for judicial review of the content of the law. Women's groups, as well as the NGOs that had brought the case to the Supreme Court for review, were disappointed with this decision. They believed that the Court could have taken up not just the procedural issues in the formation of the regulation,

but also its contents (Bush, 2008). Second indicator of both Islamic movements' strength and the desire to replace Pancasila is the growth of religious sentiment, both among Islamic religion organizations and between Islamic organization and other religion organization. The Wahid Institute notes that there

have been ten blasphemy cases in the past two years. The Blasphemy Article (1966) prohibits people from practicing and interpreting a belief which deviates from the main rules and interpretation of a specific religion. One of cases between Muslim and non Muslim happened at October 11 th , 2008, FPI

  

(defender Islamic Front) attacked Sapto Dharmo members who were holding religious ritual. The Setara Institute for Democracy and Peace, an Indonesian human rights group that promotes tolerance and counts former President Abdurrahman Wahid as one of its founders, reports that religious intolerance is

increasing in Indonesia. 265 cases of violence against religions were reported January to December 2008, as increase from 135 cases in 2007. In those cases, there was no clear position taken· by governmental authorities or the bureaucracy. The government seems reluctant to see violence precipitated by

religion intolerance as criminal. It in action makes many people argue for increased governmental commitment by retaining the Pancasila as national "umbrella" in safeguarding the principle of Indonesia.as pluralistic nation. Although both lotal and national cases graphically illustrate the fragile position of

the Pancasila, it is not as vulnerable as it looks. Indonesia still has considerable resources for defending it. Most Indonesians still believe that continuation of the Pancasila is crucial for Indonesia. A survey shows that 96,6% want the Pancasila defended as the basis of the nation; 92.1 % said that it is the best

foundation for Indonesia. Moreover most Indonesians believe that the Pancasila is rooted in indigenous culture; Indonesia is a colorful nation in its composition, comprising more than sixteen ethnic groups with Javanese as the largest, each with its own specific traditions and local cultures. It means that

plurality is a reality, which we cannot deny. Indonesian.society, especially in the past, believes that the differences actually complement one another to build universal harmony. Based on this believe, people always treat others as their own family and see social cohesiveness as the most important goal in

life. To make social cohesiveness work, our society found a creative manner of cooperation called as gotong·royong. It means work together collaboratively to resolve a problem peacefully. Through it Indonesians can solved any problem, individual and social ones alike. One reason for Indonesian people

believing that the Pancasila is rooted in indigenous culture is because if there is one term to epitomize the Pancasila it is gotong-royong. 3 3 In Sukarno's speech at the BPUPKI meeting l June 1945 he said that Pancasila is extracted to the three, it would be: believe in God. nationalism, and socialism. If we

then hear objections from the Moslem side, we much realize that it is not the voice of all Moslems. These groups are small. In the last general election, we see that Islamic Parties received only 14.99% of the vote; most people choose secular and national- religious parties. Moreover, 55% of Islamist party

sympathizers idealize the Pancasila as the state ideology. So, in term of numbers, abjections to the continued existence of the Pancasila are raised by a very small number of people. The problem is that with such a small group sounding their voice very loudly, and the majority of Moslems choose to keep