THE TRANSFORMATION OF URBAN PUBLIC SPACE IN YOGYAKARTA A Search for Specific Identity Character

  Rony Gunawan Sunaryo : The Transformation of Urban Public Space in Yogyakarta

  IN YOGYAKARTA A Search for Specific Identity & Character by Rony Gunawan Sunaryo ab

  Universitas G adjah Mada, Yogyakarta, Indonesia

  Universitas K risten Petra, Surabaya, Indonesia; b

  1. Space in which people interact and conduct vari- ous activities in a shared and common environment , in- cluding social interaction as well as political, economical and cultural activities.

  , Bakti Setiawan b a

  , Ikaputra

b

  Nindyo Soewarno b

Introduction

  This article will at tempt to explore the identit y and the character of the cit y of Yogyakarta through its public space. On the one hand, its historical roots will be exam- ined, and on the other hand, contemporary issues that are expressed in the public space of the cit y will be exam- ined to obtain the latest facts on the status of the cit y’s public space. By tracking the history of the formation of urban public space and through observing contemporary case studies in urban public space, the formation of the cit y's identit y and character and the in Á uence of its citi- zens on transformations that occur will be examined.

  A cit y is a collection of buildings and people (Kostof 1992). Nas (1986, in Zaidulfar 2002) list s À ve major as- pect s to a cit y: a man- made material environment , a production centre, social communities, cultural com- munities, and a controlled societ y. Hence, it can be deduced that the cit y is shaped by physical aspect s of space and by the communit y. Furthermore, according to Widodo (2004), architecture (and thus the urban space) can also be observed through dif ferent time frames or historical periods within the process of transformation. Within this transformation, cert ain element s of perma- nence can be identi À ed which preserve the memory of the identit y of places and event s. At each level, there are compelling monument s among the ordinary fabric and the qualit y of permanence determines the features of transformation.

  4. Space where the communit y has a free choice of activities. In the meantime, cit y aspect s of character and iden- tit y have become a powerful issue in an international context . The idealization of globalization around the world has prompted changes in economic systems, the Á ow of information and numerous other areas. Global economic systems for example encourage the unifor- mit y of commodities and of identit y. Thus it has become common to À nd similar cities throughout the world.

  3. Space that is open and is visually and physically accessible to all without exception.

  2. Space that is owned, managed and controlled collectively – both by public and private institutions – and is dedicated to the interest s and needs of the public.

  From the perspective of urban design, the process of the formation of a cit y can be observed by focusing on public space. Public space is now understood to feature the following characteristics (Ikaputra 2004; Lang 2005; Purwanto 2004; Danisworo 2004; Gavent a 2006; Carr et al. 1992):

  The m odern concept of a cit y assert s t hat urban spaces consist of public and private spat ial organiza- t ions where people have equal concept ions of urban- it y and share the sam e goal, of living together (San- toso 2006). According to M adanipour (1996), we can t ranslate and interpret social organizat ion, polit ics and space within a cit y through the dist inct ion bet ween public and privat e. The organizat ion of public and pri- vate urban spaces is a manifest at ion of the system of values adopted by t he societ y. In t his context t he pro- cess of learning to be a cit izen begins when t he people in the cit y concur to regulate the use of comm unal space. Through public space we can obser ve the char- acter of the cit y’s citizens and the expression of urban ident it y.

  The cit y of Yogyakart a, located in the heartland of the Indonesian island of Java, has the unique abilit y to maint ain a distinctive identit y and atmosphere. Yogya- kart a features a number of characteristics, such as being the last kingdom of M at aram, the cit y of revolution, a cit y of education, a cultural cit y and a cit y of tourism. These at tributes indicate the number of potential as- pect s that drive the changes in the cit y, not only physi- cally but also concerning it s identit y and character.

Urban Morphology

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  Rony Gunawan Sunaryo : The Transformation of Urban Public Space in Yogyakarta

  According to Rossi (1982), a cit y is a “collective ur- ban artefact ”, a collective work of art that is constructed through time and is rooted in a dwelling and building culture, and a manifest ation of social life. The cit y ex- presses the link bet ween the individual builder or dwell- er and the communit y. The cit y grows over time in the course of it s realization. Some original themes persist or are modi À ed. Durable material keeps the traces of previ- ous conditions and changes. The cit y is a rich archive of complex set tlement history. To underst and the process- es that shape a cit y, it is crucial to underst and the cit y’s history of formation. This history can be traced through historical element s within a cit y. The most comprehen- sive approach to this study is to underst and the mor- phology of a cit y. This morphology of the cit y cannot be separated from the cit y’s physical appearance, which is mainly formed by the physical conditions and by the interaction with a dynamic economic societ y. The mor- phology can be understood by studying the develop- ment of physical form in urban areas, which is not only associated with the building and the architecture, but also with the circulatory system, open space and urban infrastructure – especially roads – as a major shaper of spatial structures. The physical appearance of a cit y is a visual manifest ation that partially result s from the inter- action and mutual in Á uence of the critical components mentioned above (Allain 2004, in Widodo 2004).

  Fig. 1: Sequential history of Javanese palace cities. (Source: Ika- put ra 1995)

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  M at aram (7

• 10
• 15
• 16

• 20

Rony Gunawan Sunaryo : The Transformation of Urban Public Space in Yogyakarta

  In terms of the major event s that af fected the politi- cal, economic, cultural, social and ideological develop- ment s, the history of the formation of Javanese cities can be divided into À ve periods: the Period of Hindu

  t h century to the present).

  In every historical period, architecture can be per- ceived as a tot alit y of at least three main layers on every scale: a morphological layer (physical, formal), a socio- logical layer (activit y, functional, anthropometrical), and a philosophical layer (meaning, symbolical, mythologi- cal). M orphological articulation is directly related to the inhabit ant s’ sociological activities and to the ascription of meaning. The architecture of a cit y deals with this multi- dimensional matrix. The physical and spatial form of the cit y is the product of it s inhabit ant s and the mani- fest ation of their culture over time. To get a holistic un- derst anding of the history and morphology of a cit y, it should be studied in terms of it s synchronic (across dif- ferent layers) and diachronic (across historical periods) aspect s. A hermeneutic approach should be employed, incorporating multidisciplinary analysis such as anthro- pology, archaeology, sociology, economy, geography, history, etc. Therefore a collaborative and interdisciplin- ary approach is essential.

  by a round-shaped wall” (Wiryomartono 1995). Through Santoso’s (2008) study about the temples of Borobudur, Prambanan and the palace Ratu Boko we can infer some key concept s of this period: this already quite complex societ y interacted with other cultures at a regional level (Southeast Asia), technology and advanced construction management were used and the cult focused on moun- t ains/ plateaus as sacred places (Fig. 2).

  Kuta literally means “residential area that is protected

  The historical sources that could tell us about urban living and the set tlement in the Period of Hindu M at aram are limited, especially those that examine the existence of urban public space and communit y activities in it . Concept s of urban living and set tlement s in this period can only be based on the interpret ation by historians of limited physical artefact s. Wiryomartono (1995) st ates that Hindu and Buddhist ideologies had the biggest in- Á uences on the culture of this period. The terms for city and st ate, kuta and nagara, were derived from Sanskrit .

  The Period of Hindu Mataram

  (Fig. 1) .

  The discussion in this paper will be based on these pe- riods. Present- day Yogyakart a was founded only about t wo and a half centuries ago, with the est ablishment of the Kingdom of Ngayogyakart a in the year 1756, during the period of Islamic M at aram and colonization. How- ever, brief reviews of the three previous periods will be given, so as to provide an overall picture of the histori- cal background of the formation of urban space in Java

  centuries) and the Period of the Republic (20

  centuries), the Period of the Eastern Agricultural Kingdom (10

  t h

  t h

  centuries), the Period of Is- lamic M at aram and Colonization (16

  t h

  centuries), the Period of the Coast al Empires (15

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  t h

  During the Period of the Eastern Agricultural King- dom, the civilization was dominated by the in Á uence of the M ajapahit kingdom, whose capit al was located in Trowulan (near today’s M ojokerto). Ef fort s to recon- struct a map of the capit al of M ajapahit were based on the interpret ation of the book “Negarakert agama”, writ ten during that era, and on archaeological À nds in M ojokerto. The work of Pont (1923) and Pigeaud (1962) provide examples of such reconstructions (Santoso 2008).

  The reconstruction by Pont in 1923 (Fig. 3) shows the central core of the M ajapahit kingdom: the Kraton (pal- ace) and the Kadharmadhyaksa (palace for the head of religious af fairs). The Alun- alun (town square) with it s side length of 900m (which according to Pont served as a parade ground), was on the north side of the centre and was surrounded by the most import ant buildings in the cit y. North of the Alun- alun was another major square, Bubat Square, with an area of approximately 1 km

  2

  . A 40m- wide road passed through the market located opposite Bubat Square, connecting the centre of the kingdom with the main port of Canggu. The

  Wanguntur , which was where the King received his sub- ject s, was situated on the south side of the Alun- alun.

  In addition to the public places, Pont ’s reconstruction also shows a court yard inside the main palace complex, which he describes as “general” and “open”. The char- acter of openness can also be seen in the absence of a fortress or walls around the cit y (Fig. 3).

  Pigeaud’s clearer interpret ation from 1962 (Santoso 2008) st ates that the complex of M ajapahit consisted of a number of large and small residential unit s separated by open areas and wide boulevards. These areas were used for public purposes: they were market s, meeting halls, cock À ghting arenas, viharas (Buddhist monaster- ies) and used for religious ceremonies and celebrations.

  Bubat Square, located in the northern, mainly residen- tial, area of the town, was the venue for a yearly celebra- tion by the common people, which the king also at tend- ed during the last few days. Wanguntur Square, in the area of the king’s palace, had a more sacred atmosphere and was used for coronation ceremonies or st ate recep- tions. Pigeaud’s reconstruction reveals to us that there was a separation bet ween royal rituals and the rituals of the common people.

  Through several reconstructions, Santoso (2008) concluded that the basic principle underlying the con- cept of a cit y during the M ajapahit era was the principle of microcosmic dualities, which tended to accommodate all the st akeholders in the cit y. The spatial concept s were derived from the previous Period of Hindu M at aram. Whereas at the Buddhist temple of Borobudur, only the upper social class was entitled to enter the top level, in the cit y of M ajapahit , everyone was entitled to enter the centre of the town. This democratic concept is also re- Á ected by the absence of a wall encircling Majapahit, which marks the close relationship bet ween the cit y and the surrounding region.

  Fig. 2: Borobudur, built in t he 8 ^{t h} century at t he top of an arti À cial hill. (Source: Santoso 2008) Fig. 3: The reconst ruction of M ajapahit according to M acLaine Pont 1923. (Source: Santoso 2008)

The Period of the Eastern Agricultural Kingdom

  Rony Gunawan Sunaryo : The Transformation of Urban Public Space in Yogyakarta

The Period of the Coastal Empires

  Although the Period of the Coast al Empires was brief, it had a major impact on Java through the advent and massive growth of Islam. Af ter the fall of M ajapahit , the centres of power shif ted to the north coast of Java. Some of the cities, such as Demak, Jepara, Gresik and Surabaya became international trading port s or their port s served as strategic links to the cities of other is- lands. Ikaputra (1995) st ates that dif ferent nationalities in the cities est ablished residential set tlement s in the form of kampungs (villages). The kampungs were ex- clusive and defensive in character and the mastery of the harbour was a const ant source of con Á ict between them. The buildings of worship from this period, the great mosques, have remained as building artifact s to this day (Fig. 4).

  Some element s of urban space from the Period of the Coast al Empires, such as the Kraton (Royal Palace), the Alun- alun (town square), the Great M osques, and the market s are still recognizable today. For example, the

  Kraton remains the centre and the most sacred area in

  the cities to this day, just as the Alun- alun remains the venue for royal and religious rituals and celebrations of the people. Ikaputra (1995) notes that at least three major event s took place in the Alun- alun squares: Pepe (the petition of individual voices to be heard by the king), Watangan (tournament) and Garebeg (offering festival). It is worth noting that there is a banyan tree on the pal- Fig. 4: Javanese basic urban pat terns. (Source: Ikaput ra 1995) ace squares as a landscape element and a symbol of the sanctit y of the squares. Lombard (1996) notes that the ritual transfer of the centre of a palace or a palace it self

  The Period of Islamic Mataram

  was always accompanied by the removal and planting of

  and Colonization

  a banyan tree on the palace square. The Great M osques are always set near the palace square, and the Kauman The Period of Islamic M at aram and Colonization village can be found in the vicinit y of the mosque. The was characterized by the return of the hegemony of an

  

Kauman villages are set tlement areas with an Islamic agrarian empire in the heartland of Java, the Kingdom

  religious atmosphere, where the houses of the Kaum, of M at aram. The political scene of this period was also religious leaders who preserve and protect the rituals af fected by the intervention and the in Á uence of the of the Great M osque, are situated. During the time of new colonial rulers, the Dutch. During this period, Pa- the Coast al Empires, the market s became the centres of jang (1568), Kot agede (1586), Plered (1625-1677), Sura- transactions bet ween merchant s. Widodo (2004) st ates kart a (1743) and Yogyakart a (1756) became sult anates. that the existence of the market s in downtown is always The last t wo sult anates, with their distinct cultures, still related to the Pecinan (Chinatown). The concept of urban exist today. In the Sult anate of Yogyakart a, the authori- living in Java began to approach the present concept dur- ties play a signi À cant role in the political system to this ing the period of the Coast al Empires. Downtown spaces, day. Therefore, the discussion about the development such as the cit y market , could be accessed freely by the of urban structures in Java will now be focused on the public. The mosques became public spaces in the M uslim est ablishment of the cit y of Yogyakart a. cities. The Alun- alun, within cert ain limit s, became public The cit y of Yogyakart a was founded by M angkubumi, places, especially during rituals. Even the Kraton could be who resented the close connection of his brother Paku accessed by commoners through the Pepe ritual. Buwana II, the À rst ruler of Surakarta, with the Dutch.

Rony Gunawan Sunaryo : The Transformation of Urban Public Space in Yogyakarta

  chant s and others (Fig. 5, N). On the western side of the road, right in front of the Dutch fort Vredeburg (Fig. 5, K) was the residence of the Dutch Resident (Fig. 5, J). According to Santoso (2008), only a few buildings were originally constructed along the North-South axis by the kings, but over time, the buildings gradually extended further to the east and to the west (Fig. 5).

  In 1813, a treat y was signed bet ween Prince Nat aku- suma (who later took on the title of Paku Alam I) and M angkubumi (Sult an Hamengku Buwana I) which was similar in content to the agreement s bet ween Paku Bu- wana and M angkunegaran in Surakart a. The Paku Alam (Fig. 5, Q) in Yogyakart a was de À ned as a residential area with a cert ain number of cacah (inhabit ant s) on the ter- ritory of the Negaragung (capit al) and was granted lung- guhan (land propert y right s).

  The oldest set tlement s in Yogyakart a were the quar- ters allocated to the servant s, the palace guards, the builders, the blacksmiths, the musicians, the dancers, the government of À cials, the princes and their follow- ers. An exceptional regional autonomy was granted to the areas of Paku Alaman and Secodiningratan (Fig. 5, H) (Santoso 2008), the lat ter being founded by Jing Sing, a leader of the Chinese people who is commonly known as Capt ain China. The Dutch set tlement s were also au- tonomous regions. Originally, the Dutch set tlement s were concentrated on the eastern side of the Vredeburg fort . In 1830, once Dutch rule had become more st able,

  Fig. 5: Yogyakart a, 1756. (Source: Santoso 2008) new set tlement s were est ablished in the northeastern

  part of the cit y of Yogyakart a in an area which is today known as Kotabaru. Thus, in 1755, the Kingdom of M at aram was divided into

  Meaning and Function of the Alun-alun the t wo kingdoms of Surakart a and Yogyakart a through The Alun- alun Lor in Yogyakart a is a rect angular the Gianti Test ament . In contrast to Surakart a, the Kra-

  ton (royal palace) of Yogyakart a also includes the living open space surrounded by banyan trees. A tot al of 64

  quarters for courtiers and princes. Overall the area cov- banyan trees were planted, their locations correspond- ers 23 ha of land, enclosed by a large wall of 1300 x ing to the buildings surrounding the square. The Alun- 1800 metres in length. Five gates serve as entrances to alun Lor measures approximately 300 x 265 metres and the complex: t wo in the north, and one each in the east , is covered with À ne sand. At the centre of the open west , and south. space there are t wo banyan trees known as “Waringin-

  In Yogyakart a the smaller Alun- alun Kidul (southern bracket s”, each enclosed by a quadrangular wooden town square) is located within the walls of the fort , while fence. Both banyan trees symbolize the unit y and har- the Alun- alun Lor (Fig. 5, A) represent s the interface be- mony bet ween humans and the universe. This harmony t ween the court and the cit y. The main axis of the cit y is called the concept of kawula- gusti (Kot a Yogyakart a is a wide road that extends from the north side of the 200 Tahun 1956, in Santoso 2008).

  Alun- alun Lor to the north, where it ends at the Tugu Everyone in the kingdom had the right to meet di-

  M onument (Fig. 5, T). Along this road are a number of rectly with the king to ask for his judgment in case of a import ant structures, such as the pasar (market) (Fig. 5, dispute. People wanting to meet the king were called M ); the kepatihan (Fig. 5, O), which served as the ad- pepe . The pepe had to wear white clothing and head cov- ministrative centre of the kingdom; the kejaksaan (court erings and had to sit waiting bet ween the t wo banyan building) (Fig.5, P) and shops owned by Chinese mer- trees to be allowed to see the king. There, they had the

Rony Gunawan Sunaryo : The Transformation of Urban Public Space in Yogyakarta

  opportunit y to present their cases to the king, who was accompanied by his advisors. The king's decision on the set tlement of disputes was considered to be absolute and could not be contested (Pigeaud 1940, in Santoso 2008).

  In the Alun- alun Lor, regular À ghts called rampogan were held bet ween a bull and a tiger: these were always won by the bull. According to Santoso (2008), this ac- tivit y symbolized the victory of the cosmic forces over chaos, since in Java the bull (maesa) symbolizes the cos- mic forces, while the tiger (sima) is the symbol of chaos. During Dutch colonization, these À ghts took on a new meaning: the bull became the symbol of the Javanese

  Fig. 6: Rampogan at t he Alun- alun of Surakart a around 1885, by

  people, who won against the Netherlands, symbolized

  Jhr J.C. Rappard. (Source: Lombard 1996) by the tiger (Fig. 6).

  In front of the mosque court yard are a pair of pavil- came from out of town to at tend import ant celebrations. ions that hold t wo set s of gamelan (traditional musical instrument s) called Kyai Sekati and Nyai Sekati. Both set s According to Pigeaud, the word pekapalan is derived of gamelan are played alternately, at the three religious from the word kempal, which means “to gather”. Other ceremonies of Grebeg Maulud, Syawal and Gede (Kot a authors have argued that the word is derived from the Yogyakart a 200 Tahun 1956, in Santoso 2008). The Gede, word kapal meaning “horse boat ”, which was used by like most religious ceremonies in Java, originated in the of À cials to come to the capital and to get around Yogya- pre- Islamic era. Af ter the advent of Islam, the ceremony kart a (Pigeaud 1940, p. 181). was adapted to t ake place on the birthday of the Proph- Santoso (2008) concluded that the meaning and et M uhammad, one of the key holy days in Islam. function of the square can be divided into three catego-

  The ceremonies mentioned above have been t aking ries: place in the Alun- alun since the founding of the set tle-

  1. The Alun- alun symbolizes the enforcement of a ment . The old Javanese beliefs were also incorporated basic system of rules concerning a particular ter- into the design of the mosque, for example, in the form ritory, but it also describes the enforcement of of the terraced pyramid roof, the division of space in the a system of power to create harmony bet ween foyer and the space for worship, the plant s in the court- the real world (microcosm) and the universe (the yard, as well as in it s close ties with the cemetery (Pige- macrocosm). aud 1940, in Santoso 2008). In accordance with Islamic

  2. The Alun- alun serves as a place for the celebra- beliefs, all ornament s depicting images of humans and tion of all import ant rituals or religious ceremo- animals have been removed. nies. All celebrations and ceremonies are associ-

  Opposite the mosque, a building called a Pamong- ated with the implement ation of the laws of the gangan is used as a place for storing further gamelan universe in everyday life. instrument s that are called monggang. This gamelan is

  3. The Alun- alun serves as a place to demonstrate said to be from the M ajapahit era. In earlier times, the milit ary power, which has a profane character,

  

gamelan was played for an hour every Saturday before and as a place to practice the sacred power of

sunset . In addition, the monggang were played during the ruler.

  a horse parade that was held on a regular basis until The relationship bet ween these three functions can the British Colonial government restricted the keraton’s be seen from the layout of each element of the buildings milit ary power (Pigeaud 1940; Kot a Yogyakart a 200 Ta- and the veget ation. No other cit y facilit y represent s in hun 1956, in Santoso 2008). In former times, the Pamon- it s shape and meaning the views, religious life and phi- was also where tigers and other wild animals

  ggangan losophy of the Javanese people as clearly as the square.

  were kept in cages. Santoso (2008) suggest s that the Santoso (2008) emphasizes that in Java, the art of build-

  

monggang gamelan was also played to accompany the ing is an instrument used to est ablish harmonious rela-

rampogan À ghts. tionships bet ween the cities and the universe, based on

  Along the sides of the square were the pekapalan, harmony bet ween the earth and the sky. Alignment is which served as lodging houses for high of À cials who manifested through the arrangement of opposite pairs,

Rony Gunawan Sunaryo : The Transformation of Urban Public Space in Yogyakarta

  such as À re and water, earth and sun, sea and moun- t ains, sacred and profane. Unit y is a prerequisite for the achievement of the salvation of human beings who live in a societ y. The way M angkubumi, the founder of Yo- gyakart a, put the main element s of an imaginary king- dom in a single axis that connect s M ount M erapi to the north of Yogyakart a with the sea to the south of Yogya- kart a can be seen as a clear manifest ation of an ef fort to form an alignment (Fig. 7).

  The characteristics mentioned above for Yogyakart a dif fer from the characteristics of towns on the north coast of Java, where the layout of the cit y tends to be dominated by secular powers. This means that these cit- ies are not striving for a balance of power, but are look- ing for the peak of power by seeking freedom of trade and aiming to increase wealth in the cit y. According to Santoso (2008), this ideological factor is what makes the character of the coast al cities much more similar to Eu- ropean cities than Yogyakart a is.

  The development of urban public space in this pe- riod cannot be separated from the Dutch colonial in Á u- ence. Adishakti (1997) mentions that the Dutch ef fort to ret ain power in Java manifested it self in the est ab- lishment of the Vredeburg fort on the north side of the

  Alun- alun in 1790. Later, a residence of the Dutch au-

  thorities was est ablished on the west side of the fort as a support . British in Á uence also shaped the structure of urban space. During the British reign of St amford Raf Á es (1812), prince Notokusumo was rewarded with the posi- tion of ruler of the new heredit ary principalit y Pakuala- man and received the title Sri Pakualaman I, af ter he had helped to calm the con Á ict between the British and Sult an Hamengku Buwono (HB) III and af ter the corona- tion of the Sult an. A royal complex was built on the east side of the River Code, which merged with the colonial set tlement on the southern shore of the river.

  From the beginning of the 19th century, the Euro- peans became increasingly in Á uential in government and economic issues. In 1822, the Societeit der Vereenig-

  ing (Communit y Leisure Centre) was est ablished in the

  residence of the Dutch Resident . Af ter the end of the Diponegoro War (1825-1830), the palaces of Yogyakart a and Pakualaman had a mainly decorative function, while political and bureaucratic power were in fact held by the Dutch Resident . Although their formal st atus was that of an independent st ate, the principles of st ate regula- tion of both Yogyakart a and Surakart a were under the control of the Dutch authorities. During this period, the number of colonial buildings, facilities and the popu- lation of Europeans increased. Artha (2000) describes a large area called Loji Kebon on the west side of the Vredeburg fort , which comprised a church, a school, a courthouse, and the Societeit der Vereeniging. The So-

  cieteit der Vereeniging was used for recreation by the

  European societ y in Yogyakart a, especially the Dutch. It featured facilities such as a ballroom, a music room, and areas for bowling, roulet te, horseracing and bet ting.

  In 1887, Yogyakart a had t wo railway st ations, found- ed by t wo dif ferent companies. Lempuyangan st ation served the major line from Yogyakart a to Semarang (constructed by the NIS M ij S/ V in 1872) and Tugu Rail- way St ation served the major cities to the south and the west of Yogyakart a (constructed by the SS Spoor in 1887). The est ablishment of these st ations generated the development of public facilities in the surrounding area in the form of commercial facilities, rest aurant s and lodgings, such as the Hotel Tugu, which was founded in 1911 (Adishakti 1997). Other monument al buildings that were constructed during this period were the Java Bank (1914) on the north side of the Alun- alun Lor, and the M at aram Bank. The Dutch also built sport s facilities such as a racetrack that was constructed on the main route from Yogyakart a to Surakart a around 1903. (Fig. 8)

  In 1909, primary and secondary schools, hospit al fa- cilities and sport s facilities were est ablished, as a part of a new Dutch set tlement known as Kotabaru (New Cit y).

  Kotabaru covered an area of 100 hect ares and was re-

  stricted to European set tlers. In addition to it s promi- nent physical appearance that distinguished it from the surrounding villages, it s founding also included the displacement of indigenous villages (Darmosugito 1956 in Wibisono 2001) This process shows that in terms of land ownership, the interest s of the indigenous villages were of only minor interest to the Europeans at the time (Houben 1994 in Setiawan 2005).

  Fig. 7: Cosmological axis connecting mount M erapi, t he Tugu mo- nument , t he Kraton (palace), t he Stage Krapyak (a building used by t he king during hunting) and t he ocean sout h of Yogyakart a. (Source: Amin 1991, in W ibisono 2001).

  Rony Gunawan Sunaryo : The Transformation of Urban Public Space in Yogyakarta Fig. 8: Beringharjo M arket af ter it s renovation in 1925. (Source: Sonobudoyo M useum Collection)

The Period of the Republic

  The role of the palace cannot be separated from the history of the Indonesian revolution and the power struggle against the colonial rulers. By 1945 the palace had become the secret headquarters for the Indonesian freedom À ghters. During this period, the palace became a place to which people were evacuated and sheltered from the at t acks of the Dutch.

  In the early days of independence, the functions of some element s in the cit y were rede À ned. When Yog- yakart a became the capit al of Indonesia from 1946 to 1949, the former residence of the Dutch Resident was turned into the Great House, the residence of the presi- dent of the Republic of Indonesia. Political and econom- ic conditions at the time did not allow the municipal- it y to initiate big changes or development plans. Even though the cit y went from covering an area of 1480 acres in 1942 to covering 3250 acres only À ve years later, no infrastructure changes were implemented. Although the cit y experienced a deterioration of qualit y during this time, this period also marked the beginning of the Fig. 9: The st ructure of Yogyakart a from 1942-1960 (above) and

  t he st ructure of Yogyakart a from 1960-1996 (below). (Source:

  formation of Yogyakart a as the national cit y of educa-

  Adishakti 1997)

  1 tion.

  Institutions of higher education were est ablished, such as the Islamic Universit y of Indonesia (UII) in 1947 the M alioboro Street in the late 1970s and it can be said and the Gadjah M ada Universit y (UGM ) in 1949, and the to have been successful. Nowadays the M alioboro Cor- number of institutions of higher education grew signi À - ridor is known as a tourist destination and as one of the

  2 cantly (Fig. 9) . areas in Yogyakart a with intense public activit y (Fig. 10).

  With the New Order government under Suharto in 1966, a new ideology of development af fected the lives

Contemporary Issues

  of the people and the development of the cit y. One im- port ant aspect of this ideology was the idea to beautif y The current spatial arrangement of Yogyakart a is the cit y through improvement s to roads and the mod- based on the evolution of the structure of the cit y since ernization of the physical appearance of urban space. it s est ablishment . The cit y has experienced many periods With funding from the central government , the cit y of À - of formation with a variet y of factors that have created cials launched several cit y rejuvenation project s. The À rst it s current form. The process of the evolution of Yogya- project concerned the renovation of the district around kart a is of course continuing. Some of the contemporary Rony Gunawan Sunaryo : The Transformation of Urban Public Space in Yogyakarta

Shopping Malls

  issues and phenomena that seem to affect the spatial arrangement of Yogyakart a will be discussed below.

  In his article “The Disappearing Cit y” Frank Lloyd Wright (1932) discussed the decentralization of the cit y through the presence of motor vehicles. We can see evidence of this theory in today’s cities, including Yog- yakart a, where the number of vehicles has steadily been increasing and additional housing development s out- side the cit y have resulted in an increasing movement bet ween different part s of the cit y. The urban transport net work has become increasingly crowded and it has be- come necessary to separate the transport system within the cit y from long-range transport . At the end of the 1990s a ring road project was completed in Yogyakart a, which aimed to reduce traf À c density within the city.

  The ring road that was constructed some 2-5 kilo- metres out side of the administrative boundary of Yog- yakart a Cit y actually turned out to trigger the decen- tralization of the town centre. The centres of activities, such as campuses, residential areas, shopping malls and entert ainment centres can today be found in a radius of about 10 kilometres from the traditional downtown area. The larger dist ances bet ween the centres of activ- it y no longer allow for traditional transport ation modes such as horse- drawn carriages or bicycles. Instead, mo- torcycles and cars are used in the urban spaces.

  The problem of transport ation is a common issue in the public space of modern cities. Urban spaces are ex- ploited for the sake of circulation and the parking of ve- hicles, which is a manifest ation of personal space. In re- sponse to this problem, the awareness of cit y authorities and communit y alike has increased in the past decade to encourage public transport modes such as cit y buses and more environment ally-friendly transport ation such as bicycles.

  Kostof (1992) recorded the t ypology of the mall as a modern form of urban public space. Unlike the tradi- tional urban public spaces like the cit y square, the mall has a roof and is air- conditioned, which means that ac- tivities can be t aking place all day long, all year round. The est ablishment of malls in Yogyakart a began with the est ablishment of the M alioboro M all and the Galeria M all in the 1990s, followed by Plaza Ambarrukmo and Saphir Square in 2005. The malls feature recreational fa- cilities and shows that at tract the public are organized on a regular basis. The existence of malls has changed the public idea of recreational activities and the clean and comfort able malls are now preferred to former pub- lic recreation centres such as the Gembira Loka (zoo), the Sekaten Night M arket or the Yogyakart a Art Festival.

  The market is an urban public space that has always existed in the cities. It is a space of economic interac- tion in the cit y. Economic globalization has produced international concept s of market s. In Indonesia today, traditional market s compete with large hypermarket s such as Carrefour or M akro. The product s sold in these hypermarket s are commodities from the global market- place, while local and regional product s are sold in tra- ditional market s. However, the global concept has also in Á uenced markets on a medium- and small-scale level. Supermarket s such as Superindo, Alfa, Hero or Giant can be found in shopping centres and new district s, while the mini- market s, such as Indomaret , Alfamart or Circle K, t arget the residential areas.

  The municipal authorities consider this situation to be unbalanced and unpro À table with regards to local product s. As a consequence, many traditional market s are being revit alized, including the Kuncen Klithikan M arket , a second- hand market , or the Dongkelan M ar- ket , where animals and plant s are sold. The measures undert aken were considered suf À cient to successfully defend the existence of traditional market s and even enhance their appeal, but in the long term a synergy

  Fig. 10: The evolution of t he st ructure of Yogyakart a. (Source: Adishakti 1997)

Transportation

Markets

  Rony Gunawan Sunaryo : The Transformation of Urban Public Space in Yogyakarta

  bet ween global and local forces needs to be considered or a unique and irreplaceable identit y needs to be built up. One example of a successful synergy is the tradi- tional Chinatown shopping area in the M alioboro cor- ridor, where street vendors sell local product s in front of shops of fering more global commodities (Fig. 11).

  Settlement Since they were À rst established, the residential dis- trict s of Yogyakart a have consisted of village-like set tle- ment s known as kampung. In the early st ages of for- mation, the village concept was an integral part of the

  Fig. 11: Leat her puppet show at t he mall, which serves as a new

  palace and the town and each kampung was associated

  form of public space. (Source: Kompas, 16 August 2008)

  with a speci À c community group. With the development of the cit y, where the palace no longer has full author- it y over the cit y and it s inhabit ant s, the concept of the

  kampung has changed. During the 1970s, many new kampung were formed in Yogyakart a, as the cit y grew.

  Setiawan (2005) categorized the existing villages in the urban area of Yogyakart a as follows:

  1. Traditional kampung : The kampung was founded in an early period of formation of the cit y and is an area for a speci À c community. These kampung are located close to the palace and their names point to the general character of the village.

  2. Riverside kampung: These kampung are located on the banks of three rivers that cross the cit y.

  M any villages of this category face formal issues, such as illegal occupancy.

  3. Urban Fringe kampung: These rural set tlement s were transformed into set tlement s with a more urban character.

  4. Illegal kampung : These set tlement s were illegally built on vacant land, such as Chinese cemeteries or river- and railway banks. The categorization above gives an idea of the diver- sit y of the kampung in the cit y of Yogyakart a. In the early

  20th century, modern t ypologies of set tlement s were est ablished by the Dutch in the region of what is now the

  Kotabaru district , but these set tlement s were reserved

  for Europeans. During the 1970s modern housing ap- peared as a new t ypology of set tlement s in Yogyakart a. Government programs for public housing encouraged developers to meet modern st andards for large-scale

  3

  housing. These new residential areas featured planned

  4

  road structures, sanit ation and public facilities. The new set tlement s that were constructed from the 1970s to the 1990s conveyed new values that distinguished them from the kampung set tlement s. As a consequence,

  Fig. 12: The Code kampung, a riverbank kampung t hat was initi-

  the terms orang kampung (village people) and orang

  ated by Romo M angun bet ween 1983 and 1987. (Source: ht t p:/ / www.mangunwijaya.org, 2001)

  (housing est ate people) appeared. Despite

  perumahan the dif ferent values, during this period, planners made ef fort s to merge the new residential areas with the ex- isting structures, creating open housing est ate pat terns with high accessibilit y from all directions

  Rony Gunawan Sunaryo : The Transformation of Urban Public Space in Yogyakarta

Tourism

• – with it s batik and souvenir traders and food st alls – is a good example of how the informal tourist sector in Á u- ences the spatial arrangement of the cit y. Campus The education sector also is a major driver of the cit y's economy. The higher education sector, in particular, pro- motes economic growth and spatial change and at tract s new resident s. In Yogyakart a, the universities are located on the edge of the cit y. In 2004, Bank Indonesia recorded that the average student spent around Rp1.000.000 per month, excluding tuition fees. Thus, the tot al amount of money spent by student s in Yogyakart a is estimated to amount to 2.8 trillion per year.

  5 (Fig. 12).

  In the 1990s, with the proliferation of private inves- tors in the Yogyakart a real est ate sector, this concept st arted to change

  6

  . A high level of privacy and securit y was the priorit y of the new concept , with exclusivit y be- ing an additional selling point . This concept has been adopted by virtually all sectors of real est ate developers in Yogyakart a today and is combined with the principles of the original housing areas, such as the regularit y of lot s, street pat terns, sanit ation and the availabilit y of public facilities. However, the previous access roads that were open in all directions have today been replaced by cul- de-sac layout , single- gate entrances and fences, which limit both visual and physical access. The direct impact of this new spatial pat tern is the formation of communit y residences based on re-segregation, which might be considered to be remotely similar to the prin- ciple of the kampung in the early st ages of the formation of the cit y of Yogyakart a (Fig. 13).

  The transformation of set tlement s from the initial

  kampung t ypology to the national housing system and

  modern housing est ates did not have a large impact on the formation and the character of public space. How- ever, nowadays, access to public spaces within modern set tlement s, such as roads, court yards or gardens, is limited, and restrictions are of ten enforced by private securit y companies. The Kot abaru housing facilities that were originally reserved for Europeans are an exception to this development . All facilities, including hospit als, parks, educational and sport s facilities are now public facilities and the gardens in the area and the Kot abaru Kridosono sport s complex in particular are popular pub- lic spaces in the cit y of Yogyakart a.

  The development of public functions cannot be sep- arated from the in Á uence of the tourism sector. Aware of it s potential, the slogan ‘Yogyakart a - Never Ending Asia’ was developed to promote the cit y to international visitors. Although still limited to some extent , Yogya- kart a’s Adisucipto Airport caters to international Á ights from Singapore and Kuala Lumpur. The promotion of the tourism sector has in Á uenced the growth of lodging fa- cilities and trade, and today hotels and rest aurant s make up the second biggest economic sector in Indonesia behind the agricultural sector (DIY BPS- dat a 2007). The tourism sector has also provided employment for the informal sector, such as souvenir vendors, food, trans- port ation and tour guide services. The M alioboro Street

  7 Furthermore, most of the

  expenditure was invested in the service sector provided by the local communities, including lodgings, food st alls, photocopy and internet cafes (Fig. 14).

  Figure 14 shows how a college campus can be a