Proyek Penelitian Purbakala Jakarta Departemen P dan K

PUSAT P E N E L I T I A N A R K E O L O G I NASIONAL
D E P A R T E M E N PENDIDIKAN DAN KEBUDAYAAN

STUDIES ON CERAM ICS

P royek Penelitian Purbakala Jakarta
D e pa rte me n P dan K

P roye k P enelitian P urbakala Ja ka rta
D e pa rte me n P dan K

C opyright
Pusat Penelitian Arke ologi Nasional
1984

E ditoria l Board

Advisor
Chief editor
Members

R.P. Soejono
Satyawati Suleiman
Soejatmi Satari
Nies A. Subagus
J. R. Indraningsih Panggabean.

FOREWORD

The Ceramics Seminar, held in Jakarta f r o m 3 - 7 September 1979
was the first o f its ki nd in Indonesia. It was attended by specialists f r o m
Indonesian Institutes, the Ceramic Society and by scholars f r o m abroad.
Present were participants f r o m the University of the Philippines, the University of Hawaii, the Chinese University of Hongkong, the National
Museum of Singapore and the Muzi um Negara o f Malaysia.
Ceramics, namely the "local ceramics" or earthenware and the
"forei gn ceramics" are f o u n d on nearly every archaeological site, classical
o r prehistoric. Foreign ceramics f o u n d on sites are considered t o be of
great importance for the dating o f the sites. As research on ceramics is
still rare in Indonesia, it is hoped that by holding this ki nd o f seminar
several problems can be tackled together.
The

technical
is hoped
particular
ware.

Board o f Editors has taken the liberty t o edit the papers for
reasons by carrying o u t some alterations and abbreviations. It
that this publication w i l l be useful for archaeologists and in
for those w h o specialize in the study of ceramics and earthen-

v

CONTENTS
Page

Foreword

v

Identi fi cati on o f T o p o n y m s f r o m

Relation to Chinese Ceramics Finds
Satyawati

Chinese Sources

in

Suleiman

1

The Classification of Pottery f r o m Gi l i manuk, Bali
Santoso Sugondho

13

Decorated Pottery f r o m the South Coast of Java Between
Pacitan and Cilacap
Goenadi Nitihaminoto

21

A Preliminary Study on the
wul an
Sri Soejatmi

Local Ceramics of

Tro-

Safari

41

Preliminary ReDort on the Trade Ceramics Found in
Warloka, West Flores
Abu Ridho

49

Further Notes on the Classification of Ceramics f r o m the
Excavation o f Kota Cina
Hasan Muarif

Ambary

61

Classification o f Pottery f r o m O l d Banten, West Java
Wiwin Djuwita

73

Preliminary Notes on the Classification of The Ceramics
Excavated at Banten in 1976 and 1977
Heriyanti

Ongkodharma

83

Japanese Porcelain f r o m the Seventeenth Century Found
in Indonesia
Sumarah Adhyatman,

David Rehfuss, Hitoshi

Shindo

93

Notes o n the T r a d i t i o n o f Pottery Making in the Region
o f Kasongan, Regency o f Bantu I, Yogyakarta
Sumi/ati

A tmosudiro

121

vii

Notes on Pottery

Making of

Berru, Cabbenge, South

Sulawesi
R.P. Soejono

127

Southeast Asian Prehistoric Pottery
Wi/helm G. So/beim I!

131

Evidences o f Cultural Patterning as seen through Pottery:
The Philippine Situation
Rosa CP. Tenazas

155

The Influence of Trade Pottery on Some Aspects of Philippines Culture, A Preliminary Study
Aurora

Roxas — Lim

177

T h e Dating o f Chinese Ceramics and Archaeological Sites
in South-East Asia (A Preliminary draft)
J. C. Y. Watt •

187

A n A c c o u n t of the Maritime Trade Routes, Between
Southeast Asia and China
Grace Wong

201

Foreign Ceramics Discovered in Peninsular Malaysia
Othman

viii

bin Mohd. Yatim

215

I D E N T I F I C A T I O N OF T O P O N Y M S F R O M CHINESE .'SOURCES
IN R E L A T I O N T O CHINESE C E R A M I C S F I N D S

Satyawati Suleiman zyxwvutsrqponmlkjihgfedcbaYWVTSR
National

Research Centre of
(Indonesia

Archaeology

)

Introduction
T o p o n y m s of towns and countries in the Indonesian Archipelago
have for centuries been a subject of much dispute. Scholars tried t o
locate ancient ports, by reading the Chinese records, by using geographical, geological or linguistic reasoning. A t present however, more
interest is paid to datable objects other than ancient monuments or
inscriptions and statues, namely ceramic sherds. Ceramic objects found
on the surface or used as heirlooms have long been an object of study.
However, as ceramics, just as bronzes are easily movable goods, one
does not k n o w their date of arrival f r o m China. For example a T'ang
jarlet coul d have been obtained in the 19th century through dealers, or a
Sung vase could be dug up f r o m the grounds of a c o m p o u n d f o r m e r l y
owned by a collector.
It is different of course if these ceramic objects are f o u n d in great
numbers on the same spot. We then t h i n k of ancient settlements. Archaeological studies f o r m e r l y pre-occupied w i t h the religious activities
o f kings are nowadays more focussed on the life of the people, their
artifacts, the ways indigenous and foreign ceramics are used etc.

Sumatra
T r y i n g to locate ancient ports or capitals, the t o p o n y m s o f whi ch
appeared in Chinese records have since recently become a challenge
for the archaeologists. The location of Srivijaya for example is a case in
point. Diggings carried o u t in 1973 and 1974 led t o the conclusion that
the absence of Chinese porcelain sherds in the Palembang area, meant
that it was not the site of the ancient capital (Bronson, 1974).
In a previous paper (Hongkong, 1978) I suggested that the absence
of ceramic sherds does not yet mean the absence of an ancient settlement,
as in the 7th century there was no use of Chinese ceramics, especially not
by the ordinary man or by monks. They might have used bamboo,
banana-leaves, wooden bowls, coconut husks, shellsetc. for their crockery
as one still can observe at present in many parts of Indonesia. I- ching
appealed to his fellow monks t o study first in Che — li — fo — che (Srivijaya) before sailing to India where they could learn Sanskrit and the
rules for Buddhist monks, whi ch were exactly the same as in Madhyadesa
(India). Most o f t h e ^ ^ i ^ j w t o s t a y e d in -Sr-ivijaya^couId have been Indonesians. As Bosch pfointecl-.out i n;1952 student monks f r o m Indonesia
1

went t o India n o t o n l y f o r religious purposes but also t o study architec.
ture and sculpture. They returned t o Indonesia w i t h their newl y acquired
knowledge and silpasastras.
Java
The first t i m e Java (Ye-p'o-ti) was mentioned in a Chinese source
was in the 5th century when the Chinese pilgrim Fa-Hsiert^landed there,
as his ship had been b l o w n o f f the normal route after it had left Sri Ian ka.
Thus Fa-Hsien c o u l d not have sailed through Strait Malacca as this was
the normal route and besides, Fa Hsien was talking about a f r i g h t f u l
bottomless sea w h i c h could not be the Straits, as even in those days,
there were already ships, and the sea was so shallow in certain parts that
foreign navigators were forced to make use of local pilots. Also f o r the
sake' o f security of course otherwise they w o u l d be attacked by seagypsies w h o considered these waters as their property.
Some scholars t h i n k that there was no route between Sumatra and
West Java in ancient times as geologically these t w o islands were still
connected between Banten and Lampung. But ships are not necessary
sailing f r o m Srilangka or Tamralipti t o China. It is acceptable that a ship
comi ng f r o m an Indian port stopped at an Indonesian port or Kedah,
where the passengers had t o embark on another ship. For example l-ching
on his return f r o m India, after having left Tamral i pti , reached Kedah,
w h i c h was already p r o p e r t y of Srivijaya. There he had t o wait several
months for a ship Coming f r o m Srivijaya w h i c h had t o bring him t o Malayu and then Srivijaya. Fa Hsien coul d have stopped at a port in Banten
or Lampung, crossed an isthmus and boarded another ship.
Thus foreigners had t o board ships owned by Indonesian kings or
seagypsies w h i c h was much safer as t h e y were under their protecti on.
In one Arab record of a much later date than l-Tsing's records it was said
t h a t foreign ships had t o t o u c h the port o f Sriwijaya, if n o t , ships w o u l d
come o u t t o sea and attack t h e m . Thus the straits o f Malacca was not
open sea b u t considered as a k i n d o f chanel owned by the kings o f Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula. Thus Fa Hsien could not have sailed
t h r o u g h the straits o f Malacca, for his ships w o u l d have been attacked
and steered t o some p o r t in the straits. Ye-p'o-ti was inhabited by Brahmins and heretic Brahmins, (Pasupatas,
the non-orthodox Hindus w h o
spread Hinduism t o an non-Indian populations) b u t t h e Buddhist Dharma
was n o t yet w o r t h menti oni ng, according t o Fa-Hsien. On his way t o
China he menti oned the other passengers many of^whi ch were " B r a h m i n s " . (Wolters, 1977, o n Pasupatas). He might have meant Indonesian
Hindus, as in the f i f t h century there were already Indonesian Hindu
kings in K u t a i (Eastern Kalimantan) and in West; Java. Fa-Hsien might

2

have been in a p o r t o n the westernmost part of the ki ngdom o f Taruma-yxwvutsrp
nagara, w h i c h spread over Karawang, Ja ka rta , B o t o r a nd Bante n. Karawang has the Ci T a r u m (River Tarum) and the other pfaces have
Purnawarman's (Tarumanagara's king's) inscriptions.
Ko-yi ng, w h i c h Pelliot (1904) located in Java was placed in Sumatra
by Wolters w h o n o w thi nks that Ko-yi ng represents Ka(ra) wang as Rom a n o —I n d i a n roul etted p o t t e r y was f o u n d in Buni east of Jakarta (Walker and Santoso, 1977). It is very likely indeed that West Java was already
an i m p o r t a n t area since the Neolithic period, as we f i n d most of the
neolithic workshops in West Java, indicating a dense population in the
Neolithic period. Numerous neolithic earthenware pots were f o u n d in
West Java.
Ho-ling was f o r m e r l y t h o u g h t t o be Kalinaaa. Thus in the past there
was the theory that the early H i n d u " c o l o n i s t s " came f r o m Kalingga (now
Orissa state). Damais however holds that Ho-ling represents Walaing
(1963) However Walaing was mentioned onl y twice in n i n t h century
inscriptions, whereas Ho-ling was mentioned earlier. Wolters places Holing also in West Java (1967) I suggested: w h y not read it as Waringin, as
i t is a c o m m o n name in Indonesia. There was the Caringin area in western Banten (ca=ba) and there is a place called Jatiwaringin east of Jakarta. In the Buni area there is Kedungringin and in Kalimantan there was
Kota Waringin.

Ho-lo-tan w h i c h Wolters also places in West Java could not be identified yet. But I venture to read it as Ciaruteun the river in Bogor where a
Purnawarman inscription is still lying Ci (cai) is river in Sundanese and
as Ca can interchange w i t h wa, this Ci or cai is like thezyxwvutsrqponmlkjihgfedcbaY
way for water in
South Sumatra, the eastern part of Indonesia and even up t o Hawaii.
A r u t e u n means that w h i c h is t o be d r u n k , but there is also a place called
Cirotan.
In the T'ang annals it was w r i t t e n that the king of Ho-ling lives in
Cho-P'o but his ancestor Ki-yen moved his capital t o the east, t o Po-lukia-sze. Pelliot (1904) read it as Waruh-gresik, Waruh of the beach. This
led t o theories that after Sanjaya's inscription was made on the Gunung
Wukir, the Sanjayas moved to East Java around 742, as they were pushed
back by the Sailendras. However, Waru need n o t be in East Java especially not near Malang, near w h i c h the D i n o y o inscription was f o u n d , as
there is a Waru in Central Java whi ch was on the beach and where ancient
ceramic sherds were f o u n d (Suleiman, 1978). Even the location o f Chd-p'o
had been disputed in the past. Some scholars t h o u g h t it t o be in Sumatra
or the Malay Peninsula. But the f i n d o f many T'ang sherds in the Prambanan area could indicate the contacts w i t h China in the 9th century.

3

This must be around 873 as the last mission f r o m Chb-p'o was recorded
t o arrive in China in that year.
This is also an indication that the royal Palace was indeed in the
Prambanan area and also t h a t the Sailendra kingdom (and Mataram) was
not a mere "agrarian k i n g d o m " by contrast w i t h Srivijaya w h i c h was
regarded by scholars as a " m a r i t i m e k i n g d o m " . I asked in my Hongkong
paper ( 1 9 7 8 ) : ' h o w coul d the Sailendra kings be so w e a l t h y as t o b u i l d
the B o r o b u d u r and other monuments w i t h o u t the revenues of the
seaborne trade, carried out by the people on the northern coast o f
Central Java?' Thus the T'ang sherds were brought there by Indonesian
missions or Chinese sea captains, though still sporadic for the development of trade and merchant fleets onl y started during the southern
Sung, thus not before the 11th century. Besides on the lists of foreign
settlers called the Wargga Kilalan o f the 9th and 11th century there
were Indians and Mainland Southeast Asians but no Chinese. Chinese
settlers came o n l y during the 12th century., starting China towns called
Kota Cina or Pacinan., whereas other settlements were called the Kampong Koja and when there were Buginese it were the Kampung Bugis.
Sung sherds are f o u n d on the n o r t h coast of Central Java and in
Eastern Java and a prominence o f Yuan sherds in Eastern Java. This can
be connected w i t h Kubilai Khan's efforts t o be recognized as the suzerain
o f the King o f Java, his c o n t e m p o r a r y and fellow tantrist, Kertanagara.
We know the story o f the Ambassador Meng-ki w h o was returned t o his
master w i t h a muti l ated face b y Kertanagara and the sending of a fleet
to Eastern Java by Kubilai Khan.
We may conclude that as Central and Eastern Java are concerned,
is it is not d i f f i c u l t t o connect the ancient t o p o n y m s w i t h the finds of
Chinese ceramic sherds. It is a di fferent case w i t h t o p o n y m s in other
Indonesian islands.
Sulawesi, Moluccas
The archaeologist's interest was focussed on countries where Hindu
and Buddhist monuments were f o u n d . Thus one get the impression that
other countries or islands played a m i n o r role in Indonesian history.
For example Lo-cha was supposed t o represent raksasa, or the Moluccas, as the people were described as fierce people. But the same was
said about the Kun-lun people w h o were w i l d , fierce, even black b u t
excellent sailors. Kun-l un is even regarded as t o represent anythi ng Malay
(or shall we say the inhabitants o f island Southeast Asia). It appears that
navigation and trade was dependent on the role of those fierce Kun-l un
sailors. When Cambodia was raided around 7 7 0 , there was tal k o f the
people o f Java but also o f Kun-lun people, f t mi ght be t h a t Javanese
4

commanders made use of Kun-l un people w h o were Orang Laut occupyi ng the seas around Sumatra and the Malay Peninsula.
However, i t is possible that also people f r o m southern Sulawesi
belonged t o the Kun-l un group.
In southern Sulawesi plenty o f ceramics have been f o u n d . Chinese
ceramics were used for household utensils, for ceremonies but also f o r
the dead (Hadimoeljono 1978). Van Heekeren (1958) mentions a report
by Van Vuuren in 1912 t h a t at Bukaka, a ceramic pot was buried in the
soil. It was said t o contain the ashes of a king o f Bone, named Tamupaga.
Not far f r o m there was another funeral pot containing the ashes o f the
t h i r d king ofzyxwvutsrqponmlkjihgfedcbaYWVTSRQPONMLKJIHGFEDCBA
Bone w h o ascended the throne in 1398. The custom of
cremating o f kings was also mentioned in the chronicle of Wajo (Noord u y n , 1955), a king was cremated on t o p of his shields and afterwards
his ashes were put in a Chinese ceramic pot (guci). Hadimoeljono (1978)
mentions another king of Bone w h o got the posthumous name o f "he
w h o rests in a p o t " .
Ordi nary people, but weal thy, were buried w i t h Chinese porcelain.
This is evident in southern Sulawesi where numerous graves were o f t e n
illegally excavated for the Chinese ceramics. A systematic excavation in
Takalar by Uka Tjandrasasmita in 1975 brought to light several, though
not so large ceramics, in graves w h i c h proved that ceramics were funera 1
gifts. Ceramics were status symbol there as in other parts of Indonesia.
Thus people were buried w i t h i mported ceramics.
Orsoy de Flines made a research of ceramics and sherds in 1946. In
Bone were bowls, boxes and dishes f r o m the 14th — 15th c e n t u r y . A pot
f r o m Fu-Kien contained calcified bones o f the 16th century. In Watampone, the porcelain was f r o m Lun-chuan, Te-Hua, Yi ng Ching and
Chou-t'ou of the 14th and 15th century. There were even older potsherds in Southern Sulawesi. The t o p o n y m Pu-ni coul d have represented
the name Bone, a k i n g d o m in southern Sulawesi.
Brunai or Boni ?
Groeneveldt (1876) always regards Pu-ni as Brunai on the Northwestern coast or Borneo. However on p. 102, quoti ng f r o m the Tung Hsi
Yang Kau (1618) book V , he mentions Bun-lai, w h i c h he also regards as
Brunai, while the Chinese characters are di fferent f r o m those used t o
denote Pu-ni (p. 110).
"Bun-lai is the same as Po-lo; i t is the last land of the eastern ocean
and the beginning o f he western sea. It sent envoys in 6 6 9 and 1 4 0 6 . "
Then fol l ows the i n f o r m a t i o n that the present king is a man f r o m Fukien
w h o fol l owed Cheng Hp when he w e n t t o this c o u n t r y and w h o settled

5

there, f o r thi s reason there is a stone w i t h a Chinese inscription near the
king's palace.
T h e i n f o r m a t i o n that the people are n o t allowed t o eat p o r k indicates t h a t t h e y are Muslims. Yet it is f o l l o w e d by another i n f o r m a t i o n
t h a t there is a templ e in this c o u n t r y in w h i c h three men are worshipped
as deities. A m o n g the people there are also pirates, the Mau-su.
S y a r i f f u d i n ( 1 9 7 8 ) , mentions the grave of a Chinese muslim dated 1264
A D in Brunei.
Pu-ni is menti oned in the History o f the Sung dynasty ( 9 6 0 —1 2 7 9 )
Book 4 8 9 .
" T h i s c o u n t r y is situated in the southwestern sea; its distance f r o m
Java is 4 5 days, f r o m San-bo-tsai (Palembang) 4 0 days and f r o m Champa
3 0 days, in all cases t h e w i n d to be f a i r " .
The first mission t o China was in 9 7 7 , the envoys bringing camphor,
camphor- w o o d , tortoise shells, sandal- w o o d and elephant- tusks.
T h e y brought a letter f r o m their king Hiang- ta. " T h e letter was
enclosed in di fferent small bags, w h i c h were sealed, and it was not w r i t t e n
o n Chinese paper, b u t on what looked like very t h i n bark of a three, it
was glossy slightly green, several feet long and somewhat broader than
one i n c h , and rolled up so t i g h t l y that it could be taken w i t h i n the hand.
The characters in w h i c h it was w r i t t e n were small and had t o be read
h o r i z o n t a l l y " . Were these perhaps the lontara of the Buginese ?
Pu-ni is also mentioned in the History o f the Ming dynasty ( 1 3 6 8 —
1643) Book 3 2 5 . (Groeneveldt, p. 110).
Here one gets the impression that Pu-ni was near Java: " I n the 8th
m o n t h o f the year 1370 the Emperor sent t w o officers to go abroad as
envoys; t h e y left Ch'uan-chou in a ship, arrived at Java after half a year
and in a m o n t h more they came t o this c o u n t r y " .
A f t e r w a r d s fol l ows the i n f o r m a t i o n : that the c o u n t r y had hitherto
belonged t o Java. The Chinese envoys succeeded in convincing the king
t o send a mission t o China. The king sent envoys bringing a letter, crane
crests, living tortoises, peacocks, camphor baros, cl oth f r o m the west
and incense, t h e y came the 8th m o n t h of the f o l l o w i n g year w i t h the
Chinese envoys.
There was again a mission in 1405 sent by king Maraja Ka-la. There
were more missions in 1408, 1412, 1415, 1425. even in 1530. A king o f
Pu-ni died in the Wan-li period ( 1 5 7 3 - 1 6 1 9 ) , there was a war in the
c o u n t r y at last all the competi tors were killed and the daughter of the
late k i n g was p u t o n t h e t h r o n e . Then there was an i n f o r m a t i o n about
^ man o f Fu-kein named Chang w h o had been made a " d a t u " in that
country.
6

T h o u g h the c o u n t r y di d n o t bring any more t r i b u t e , the intercourse
by traders was u n i n t e r u p t e d . " T h e c o u n t r y consists o f fourteen d i f f e r e n t '
places and is situated at the east o f Palembang".
Grace Wong mentions, that after some harbours in the Philippines,
and Sulu fol l ows Pu-ni before the Moluccas. On p. 57 Grace Wong (1978)
reads Dong- Chong j u - la as Tanjung Pura in Borneo, but I prefer Donggaia, a harbour on the west coast of Central Sulawesi, before Pu-ni.
W h y should ships whi ch reached Su-lu sail westwards t o Brunai before proceeding to the Moluccas ?. Would it be not more logical that
they sailed on to Bone on the east coast of the southern peninsula
(left leg) or Sulawesi whi ch is already near the Moluccas ?.
One reason t o i denti fy Pu-ni as Brunai is delivery of camphor
to China. But delivery o f certain products does n o t mean that these products were f r o m the c o u n t r y itself, for countries whi ch were entrepots
like f o r example Sriwijaya, brought commodi ti es t o China f r o m all over
the Indonesian Archipelago and even countries in the West.

Religious evidence
Pangeran Syari ffudi n of Brunai (1978), w h o regards Pu-ni as Brunai,
states that Brunai became a Moslem sultanate in the 12 th century. The
i n f o r m a t i o n onzyxwvutsrqponmlkjihgfedcbaYWVTSRQPONMLKJIHGFEDCBA
Bun-lai in the Tung-Hsi Yang K'au Book V, that the
people were forbidden to eat pork, suits this.
If Pu-ni or Boni was Bone in Sulawesi, it became a Moslem c o u n t r y
very late, namely in the beginning of the 17th c e n t u r y .
Chau Ju kua mentions besides a description of the king and his
encourage and his possession of a hundred warships, also that the godhead
consists o u t of t w o pearls in a building of a few stories (a temple ?).
Wang-Ta-Yuen, w r i t i n g in 1349 on Pu-ni mentions that people
worship Buddha statues, are polite to the Chinese, and are skilfull in
arithmetic and accounting. ( K r o m , 1931).
Before Islam entered Southern Sulawesi, what was the religion o f
the people ?. I f o u n d in the Beknopte Encyclopaedic van Nederlandsch
Indie: p. (1921) p. 70 under "Boegineezen" (namely the Buginese ethnic
group t o w h i c h also the people of Boni belong): " t h e y worshipped many
spirits, called dewata, served by the Bissu (priests), and the Sangiyang,
amongst w h o m Sangiyang Saerri the spirit of the rice enjoys the particular worshi p. The chief o f spirits is Batara Guru (Siva). They aiso worship
Karaeing-lowe (The Great L o r d ) " .
One gets the impression that they had a typicai Indonesian religion
as in West Java, w i t h a blend o f names taken f r o m Hindg religion; they
7

probabl y got t o k n o w f r o m Java: dewata, Bhatara G u r u . The kings
were called Bhatara, like in Majapahit ( N o o r d u y n , 1955).
Trade routes
A n o t h e r reason for us to locate Pu-ni (spelled as Boni b y Grace
Wong, 1978), in Southern Sulawesi is t h a t it was on the "Eastern r o u t e " ,
o f the blue and w h i t e Ming ceramics.
The trade ,in spices and aromatic products f r o m the Moluccas and the
lesser Sunda islands had been thri vi ng t h r o u g h the ages. It was either
Srivijaya or Java w h i c h sent envoys, bringing these commodities t o
China before the reign of the southern Sung. The Indonesian envoys
came on Indonesian ships.. It was o n l y during the southern Sung period
that Chinese trade and navigation were f u l l y developed (Wolters, 1967;
Hall, 1970). There were Chinese ships sailing t o Indonesian ports but
sporadically, like f o r example when f o r the first time after an absence
of a centur y a mission f r o m Java arrived in China in 992. The group
came along w i t h a Chinese merchant on a Chinese ship.
Chinese visited the Archipelago, but they did not yet settle there,
as we mentioned above.
A f t e r the development of Chinese navigation and trade during the
southern Sung period, Chinese ships went to the Archipelago via the
eastern route, and direct t o the spice and aromatic islands in eastern and
southeastern part o f Indonesia. This might have caused the weakening of
Srivijaya for the Chinese were no longer dependent on the " t r i b u t a r y
t r a d e " f r o m that part o f the Archipelago n o w that they could get these
c o m m o d i t i e s and camphor f r o m other sources. The i nformati on that the
Chinese emperor sent envoys to Bo-ni via Java is very significant, for
t h e y might not have been allowed t o visit Bo-ni w i t h o u t the permission
f r o m Java, t o w h i c h it belonged. The i n f o r m a t i o n that the raiders f r o m
Sulu left Puni (Boni) o n l y after the appearance of Javanese troops
indicates the role of the Javanese in Boni w h i c h was near the Moluccas
and not Brunai whi ch was t o o far f r o m the spice trade.
Grace Wong, in her article o n blue- and w h i t e porcelain, mentions
o n p. 6 8 : the searoutes in the Tao-I-Choh-Lueh Dao-Yi Zhi Lue and the
Dong Xi Yang Kao:
" t h e eastern sea route w o u l d begin f r o m Taiwan and Luzon, and
w o u l d cover the Sulu Sea and Sulawesi, to reach the Moluccas and
return via the eastern coast o f B o r n e o " . The western sea route
w o u l d begin f r o m Fukien and w o u l d cover Vietnam, Peninsular Malaysia, Sumatra, Java, Bali and T i m o r , and w o u l d return via the
southwest and western coast o f B o r n e o " .

8

Thus we may conclude that Brunai was on thezyxwvutsrqponmlkjihgfedcbaYW
western route and
had nothi ng to do w i t h the spice trade. The first mission f r o m Java
(ruled b y Dharmawangsa Tguh) visited China in 9 9 2yxwvutsrponmlkihgfedcbaYW
A D . It is possible
that Chinese captains started sailing t o the eastern part o f the Archipelago t o lure the Indonesians t o China instead o f bringing commodi ti es
co Srivijaya w h i c h sent missions via the western route.
The Seafaring Buginese of southern Sulawesi
In Indonesian history the Buginese of southern Sulawesi played a
very i m p o r t a n t role. The royal dynasties in the Riau, Aceh and Malaysia
were Bugis in ori gi n. A t home they had agriculture, trade but also navigation. The men were encouraged t o cross the seas. Like the Orang Laut
around Sumatra, they must have played an i m p o r t a n t role near Java and
in the eastern part of the Archipelago. They might have been present in
Mataram, Central Java of the 9 t h century. Stutterhei m (1933), noticed
the similarity in titles of Javanese princes and those f r o m southern Sulawesi. Boni might have been the center of Buginese activities at least in
the 13th — 14 century. They w r o t e lontaras (manuscripts) comprising
diaries, administrative reports and genealogies which is an indication of
a sophisticated society w i t h a t r a d i t i o n of w r i t i n g .
Being traders, they were good at arithmatic and accounting w h i c h
suits the data in the writings o f Wang-Ta-Yuen, besides the menti oni ng
of the 100 warships owned by the king. There was the spirit of adventure,
besides settling d o w n on other Indonesian islands, Buginese even settled
on the n o r t h coast of Australia.
Similar t o the situation in Srivijaya where the power was supported
by the Orang Laut in the Straits of Malacca, the Javanese kings might
have been dependent on the seafaring people o f Sulawesi, namely the
Buginese. I suggested in a previous paper (1978) that Srivijaya and Java
were always struggling for hegemony in the seas. Their missions t o China
never overlapped (Wolters, 1 9 6 7 ) .
When the Sailendras were ousted f r o m Java around 856, the Buginese
remained fai thful t o t h e m , when t h e y were reigning Sumatra and the
Malay Peninsula. The Buginese coul d together w i t h the princes of the
harbours of northern Central Java, cut o f f the trade f r o m the interior t o
the sea. This might be one o f the reasons t h a t the kings o f Mataram had
t o shift their center o f power t o East Java in the first half o f the 10th
century, especially after the erupti on o f the Merapi w h i c h buried the
capital and the road t o the northcoast (about the shift see Boechari,
1977).

9

Thus the spices and aromatic
products were brought by the
Buginese sailors f r o m the Moluccas and the lesser Sunda islands t o Srivijaya. This was no longer necessary after the Chinese sailed the eastern
route. Thus again the first embassy of 977 and the mission of Chinese t o
Bo-ni might be seen in the light o f the active role o f the Buginese in the
spice trade.
It is for this reason that I propose to read Pu-ni (Bo-ni) as Bone
and not Brunei, because of the role of Bone in the trade in spices and
aromatic products.
Conclusions:
1.

Pu-ni (Boni) might have been Bone (Boni) because of:
a. its association w i t h Java
b. the finds of porcelain sherds in Boni
c. its nearness t o the Moluccas and the sandalwood-islands
d. its w o r s h i p . o f statues according t o Chau-Ju Kua suits Bone more
than Brunai w h i c h had already adopted Islam in the 12th century

2.

Extensive excavations have t o be started in the Bone area, in the
near f u t u r e t o search for more evidences on the eastern trade route.

3.

The reading of Indonesian t o p o n y m s spelled in the Chinese way
needs revision, as unti l now stress had been laid on " H i n d u i z e d "
countries, whereas countries w i t h o u t Hindu and Buddhist monuments were overl ooked, though they might have played an important role because of the trade in spices and aromatic products.

10

Bibliogra phy

Boechari
1976

Bosch, F.D.K
1952

Some considerations of the problem of the shift of
Mataram's Center of Government f r o m Central t o East
Java in the 10th Century.zyxwvutsrqponmlkjihgfedcbaYWVTSR
Bull. Res. Centre of Arch,
Jakarta.

Local genius en O u d — Javaansche Kunst. Meded. Kon.
Ned Akademie van Wetenschappen

Bronson, B. and Wisseman,J
1974
A n archaelogical survey in Sumatra, 1973.
Research Bulletin, 4(1)
Damais, L.Ch.
1963

Sumatra

The Chinese transcription H o — ling as a name for Java.
Proceedings of the ninth Pacific Science Congress, vol.
3.

Groeneveldt W.P.
1876
Notes on the Malay Archipelago and Malacca, compiled f r o m Chinese sources. TBG X X X I X Batavia;
Bratara, 1960. Jakarta
Hadimoeljono
1980

Hall, D.G.E.
1970

Sumbangan keramik asing bagi penelitian arkeologi di
daerah Sulawesi S e l a t a n - Ujung Pandang.
Lokakarya
Arkeologi
1978.

A history

of South-East

Asia. London t h i r d Edi ti on.

Heekeren, H.R.van
1958
77?e Bronze— Iron Age of Indonesia

The Hague.

K r o m , N.J.
1931

Hindoe— Javaansche Geschiedenis.'s

Gravenhage.

N o o r d u y n , J.
1955

Een achttiende

eeuwse Kroniek

van Wajo, 's Gravenha-

ge.
11

Orsoy de Flines, E.W. van
1941
Onderzoek naar en van keramische scherven in de bodem in Noordelijk Midden
Java 1 9 0 - 4 2 .zyxwvutsrqponm
Oudheidkundig
Verslag 1 9 4 1 - 1 9 4 7 , Bijlage A. 2 6 - 8 8 .
Pelliot, P.
1904

Deux itine' raires de la Chine en Inde a la fin du V I I e
siecle. BEFE0 4 1 3 1 - 4 1 3 .

Satyawati Suleiman
1978
A few observations on the use of ceramics in
1980
Indonesia. Symposium
on trade pottery
in East &
Asia. Hongkong; Aspects on
Indonesian
South—East
Archeology,
no. 7. 1980
Stutterheim, W.F.
1933
lets over raka en rakryan naar aanleiding van Sindoks
dynastieke positie. TBG13, p. 1 5 —1 7 1 .
S y a r i f f u d i n bin P. Metali
1978
Di stri buti on of Chinese and Siamese ceramics in
Brunei. Symposium
on trade pottery
in East and
South— East Asia. Hongkong.
Uka Tjandrasasmita
1970
The South Sulawesi Excavation
F o u n d a t i o n , Jakarta.

Project. Archaeological

Walker, MJ and Santoso
Soegondho
1977
Wolters. O.W.
1967
Wolters, O.W.
1979

1979

R o m a n o — Indian rouletted pottery Mankind

Early Indonesian

Commerce.

11,1

Ithaca. USA.

" K h m e r ' H i n d u i s m ' in the Seventh Century, In: Early
South East Asia. Essays in Archaeology,
History and
Historical Geography. O x f o r d University Press.
S t u d y i n g Srivijaya. JMBRAS

vol L l l part 2 , p. 1 - 3 2 .

Wong, Grace
1978

12

Chinese blue and whi te porcelain and its place in the
maritime trade o f China, in Chinese Blue and white
porcelain, p. 5 1 —9 3 . Ceramics society. Singapore.

T H E C LAS S I F I C AT I O N O F P O T T E R Y F R O M G I LI M AN U K, BALI

National

Santoso Soegondho
Research Centre of Archaeology
(Indonesia)

Gi l i manuk is situated on the western end of Bali island, w i t h
a wide beach located in the southern part of Gilimanuk Bay. It is surrounded by M o u n t Prapatagung in the n o r t h , the mountainous area
on the east and Bali Strait on the west. The vast area of Gi l i manuk is
f o r m e d by five stages of beach-ridges (Verstappen, 1975, fig. 1 1 , Soejono, 1977; 2 8 1 ) . The first beach-ridge is the oldest one while the f i f t h
being the youngest.
The site being the object o f archaeological research, is located
between the first and the second beach-ridge. The area was f o r m e d by
a plain w i t h an altitude of 5 metres above sealevel, sloping east and
westwards. Some parts are used for t o m a t o —, sweet p o t a t o —, cassave—,
c o r n - , and peanut c u l t i v a t i o n . The soil on the beach area often suffers
f r o m erosion and stagnant water, especially at high tide.
The conti nuous erosion caused cracks and fissures, exposing
fragments of human or animal bones, potsherds, fragments of bronze,
beads, metal etc. Those finds indicate the presence of remains of human
activities in the past. In 1962 a trial excavation was carried o u t on the
northern part of the plain resulting in an assumption that the site of
Gilimanuk forms a remains of human habitation dating f r o m the metal
age.
A series o f systematic excavations were later on conducted to
strengtheni i this assumption, namely in 1963, 1964, 1973. A n area
of 137,5 m 2 , comprising 22 boxes of 2,5 x 2,5 m each was dug out.
Stratigraphy on the site show f o u r layers which appeared consistently
t h r o u g h o u t the excavated area w i t h the f o l l o w i n g specification (Soej o n o , 1977 : 177 - 179).
Black humus, disturbed at several places by human activities. This layer contained rubbish f r o m recent times.
Potsherds and shells f r o m lower levels appeared at disturbed sections. The average thickness of this layer is about
20 cm.

Layer-1

:

L a y e r —2

: Yellow-grey fine grained soil. The lower part contained
potsherds and shells, indicating a gradual transition i n t o
the f o l l o w i n g layer. * ) . This layer has an average thickness
of ca 15 c m .

*)

S k e le to n s o f pigs w e r e re cove re d in e e ve rsl se ctors ( b o x e s ) .

13

L a y e r —3

:

Light t o dark b r o w n composi ti on of clay and sand in which
remnants are discernible, consisting of a high q u a n t i t y
o f potsherds and shells, some well preserved vessels, pieces
of ornaments and fragments of metal objects. Other substances were skeletal fragments of pigs, f o w l and fish.
Human skeletons onl y came up in some sectors. This layer
has a thicknes between 4 0 cm t o 115 cm.

L a y e r —4

:

Light grey sand. Most of the human burials; provided
w i t h gifts were revealed in the upper level of this layer,
usually at a depth of ca. 75 cm f r o m the previous level.

Remains of human activities are concentrated in the t h i r d layer.
N e a r l y all of them are f o u n d in fragmentary c o n d i t i o n , only a small
number o f isolated earthenware p o t t e r y and some small beads of glass
and shell are in a good state. Funeral goods, made of bronze, i ron, gold,
glass, shell and baked clay, f r o m the sand layer are usually well preserved
(Soejono, 1977 ; 178 - 180).
Research on the cultural elements f o u n d at Gilimanuk is still t o
be conti nued w i t h the expectation of obtaining more evidence t o complete the present data. It w o u l d be too early t o classify the sherds
f r o m G i l i m a n u k as one of the cultural elements f o u n d at the site. As a
prel i mi nary analysis for the moment, I shall restrict this w r i t i n g t o the
classification of Gi l i manuk sherds according t o the data available at
present. Though this classification is meant to be a temporary one
w h i c h can be revised by more recent data.
Pottery f o u n d at Gi l i manuk consists of pots, bowls, pitchers, jars,
plates and lids. Most c o m m o n are the pots w i t h various shapes or types.
Pots f o r m the domi nant feature among the p o t t e r y at Gilimanuk.
They are o f various sizes. Three categories were observed after classifi cati on on their size, viz. small, medi um and large pots. Generally,
these pots can be put i n t o t w o divisions namely globular and carinated
pots. Pottery of the former type has a medium sized m o u t h , w i t h a
globular body and round b o t t o m , and no spout. The globular shape
varies f r o m spherical t o ellipsoid and egg-shaped. This k i n d of p o t t e r y ,
t h o u g h simple, has a large content. As sub-type of this category are
t o be menti oned a. 1 : globular p o t w i t h straight neck, a.2 : globular
p o t w i t h convex neck, and variant o f a.2, i.e. w i t h ponvex neck
and f o o t (a2 — 1). The globular shape o f b o d y and b o t t o m is spherical
whereas the ri m is very simple. This k i n d of container is very simple
b u t solid and has a large c o n t e n t . Sub-type a. 2 have a convex neck
w i t h a special r i m . C o n t o u r o f the b o d y and b o t t o m fol l ows the patt e r n o f an elipsoid. The pots are mostl y o f big size so that they can
14

conta inzyxwvutsrqponmlkjihgfedcbaZYXWVUTSRPONMLKJIHGFEDCBA
much.. T h e most special f o r m a m o n g th e globula r pots is shown
by a p o t w i th a convex neck and f o o t (outflaredf. The upper part of
the body is decorate^ by a wavy band o f clay. This t y p e o f pots also

f o r m special containers w i t h a large content.
Carinated pots are represented only by type (ap) and sub-type
(ap 1). T y p e (ap) : Profile of the upper part of body shows a straight
line, whi l e downwards it is globular. The upper part f o r m an angle w i t h
the lower part. These pots w i t h m e d i u m sized m o u t h seem t o have a
rather large c o n t e n t , but its variety and number is l i m i t e d . Subtypes
of these carinated pots are pots w i t h angled neck (out-flared m o u t h ) .
Other forms of Gilimanuk p o t t e r y w i t h complex shape or type
are the bowls. Though not numerous, they show much variety. Similar
t o pots, bowls generally can be p u t i nto t w o categories, namely the
round and carinated bowls. The round bowls have several sub-types
and are varied, viz. bowls of whi ch the contour of b o d y and b o t t o m
is hyperbolic. The round shape of body follows the pattern o f an
ellipsoid and a cyl i ndri c, whereas the contours shows a divergent (unrestricted), and vertical line. Bowls of this ki nd have various shape and
size but can contain very l i ttl e. Sub-types of t y p e (b) are shown among
others by a round b o w l w i t h a flat b o t t o m (b.1), a round and high
footed bowl (b.2) and i t variant : a bowl w i t h a round serrated body
w i t h f o o t ( b . 2 —1 ) . A special f o r m is shown by the sub-type ( b 2 ) : a round
bowl w i t h high outflared m o u t h of small size.
The variant (b.2 - 1) is somewhat di fferent w i t h respect t o the
inner space, whi ch is conti nued d o w n to the f o o t part, while the base
of the f o o t is flat and massive.
Other bowls are the carinated bowls of t y p e (bp) and subtype
(bp.1). T w o kinds of shoulders are observed, a round-and sharp angled
shoulder. They usually have a rather high b o d y , (compared t o the round
bowls) and widening m o u t h , so i t looks bigger, w i t h a large capacity.
Bowls of subtype (bp.1) have usually a rounded shoulder, a rather
high body and flat b o t t o m . W i t h this k i n d of shape added by incised
decoration on the b o d y , bowls o f this t y p e look bigger.
Other kinds of p o t t e r y f r o m Gi l i manuk are very few in number and
as well as in variety among others : kendi (pitchers) jars, plates and
lids. Pitchers are classified as t y p e (c) w i t h subtype (c.1). Type (c)
has a globular body w i t h a slender neck, narrowing m o u t h and a spout
o n the upper part of body. Decoration was made by incised wavy and
straight lines. They are very few in number. Type (c.1) has a similar
shape, b u t w i t h still smaller m o u t h and longer neck and no spout.
Judging f r o m their shape, these pots are special w i t h a large capacity.

15

Pottery of big size, as compared t o other kinds of pottery are those
of t y p e (d) or better k n o w n as " j a r s " . These jars have only one shape :
globular, wide m o u t h e d and thi ck walled. With these characteristics, the
jars are very solid, w i t h a large content.
Dishes or plates are also only of one shape, namely type (b). These
are shallow bowls w i t h round b o t t o m .
Other kinds of few types are the lids (type t a). These are mostly
small sized shallow bowls w i t h a knob sprouting centre of the inner
b o t t o m , whi ch are used as handle. Based upon their size they were
assumed t o be lids o f medi um sized pots.
Decoration.
Some of these Gilimanuk p o t t e r y are decorated. They
consist o f many patterns, such as, lines, k n o t —, fish b o n e —, geometric—,
scallop fl ower and wavy band pattern etc. Techniques of decoration
are : impressed, incised and applied (applique). Impressed technique
gave l i nes—, fish b o n e —, geometric, flower design and other: while
w i t h the technique of appl i qati on, wavy bands were usually obtained.
The net design' is most c o m m o n among the Gilimanuk pottery. This
design shows the straight and slanting rectangulars formed by crossed
lines impressed on the body and b o t t o m of p o t t e r y .
Pottery of t y p e a, some bowls of type b, type bp and jars of type
d are decorated w i t h this design. Contrary to this net designs, scallop
designs are very rarely f o u n d on Gilimanuk p o t t e r y , namely only on the
type ap 7. This k i n d of decoration is mostly done on the edge of cannati on.
Line design is also c o m m o n , consisting of short, straight—, slant i n g —, crossing—, curving and wavy lines. This k i n d of design is incised
on several parts of the p o t t e r y , like on the body, shoulders, neck, r i m ,
and the inner surface, and are represented by p o t t e r y of type c, type
bp, sub t y p e bp 1 and some potsherds.
Incised fish bone is very scarce on Gilimanuk Pottery. It is f o u n d
on the body below the rim as shown on one of the sherds. Flower
design is pi ctured on sherd G L M S XI11/165 and geometric design is
consisting of triangle, di amon d and others f o r m interesting decoration.
Decoration obtained by application technique are the wavy band
made o f clay encircling the b o d y , as shown by p o t t e r y of variant a 2 — 1
and some potsherds.

Colour. Colour of p o t t e r y is usually obtained in t w o ways. Firstly
by chemical reaction o f clay, air, temperature and length of fi ri ng,
Secondly by changes caused traces o f usage, such as sooth, colouring,
chemical reaction o f surrounding soil and erosion etc (Shepard, 1965 : yxwv
103).
16

In general, Gilimanuk b r o w n and black coloured pottery are also
present. The brown colour of Gi l i manuk pottery is the basic col our
obtained by firing. Its is most d o m i n a n t among other Gilimanuk p o t t e r y ,
almost all types are of this col our, except some types of pots, f o o t
bowls and pitchers. It varies f r o m ' i g h t b r o w n , yellowish brown t o dark
b r o w n , though not very clear because of later changes.

Red colour p o t t e r y are lew, consisting as some globular pots.
Footed bowls, pitchers of typezyxwvutsrqponmlkjihgfedcbaYWVTSRQPONMLKJIH
c and subtype c 1 and some sherds.
This red colour is obtained by slipping on the outer surface. Slipping
is meant for decoration and consolidation (Shepard, 1965 : 67 — 69).
The black colour is f o u n d on the sherd, possibly caused by carbonization during use.

17

T A B L EyxwvutsrponmlkihgfedcbaYWUTSRPONMLKJIHGFEDCBA
1 C LAS S I F I C AT I O N O F G I L I M A N U K PO TTER Y

Sub

Type

Shape
Globular

Carinated

(a)

= pot

(b)

= bowl

(c)
(d)
(e)
(ta)

=
=
=
=

pitcher
jar
plate
lid

(ap) = pot
(bp) = bowl

TABLE 2

DECORATIVE

(a
(a
(b
(b
(c

type

1 ) Straight necked —
2) Convex necked ( a 2 - 1 ) = footed
D F I a t bottomed
2) Footed
( b 2 - 1 ) = serrated
1 ) Unspouted

—

—

(ap 1)

Slanting
necked
(bp 1) Flat
bottomed

PATTERNS ON G I L I M A N U K

Specification

Pottery t y p e

N e t
Scallop
Line
Fish bone
Flower
Triangle
Di amond
Applique

(a);(b);(bp);(d)
(ap 1)
(c); ( b p ) ; (bp 1)

18

Variant

POTTERY

Sherd
almost all sherds
some
some
sherd
sherd
sherd
sherd

sherds
sherds
GLM
TWSD
TWSD
TWSD

S X!11/165
9
9
1

Bibliogra phy

Gardin, Jean — Claude
1968
" F o u r Codes for the Description of A r t i f a c t s : A n Essay
in Archaeological Technique and T h e o r y . "zyxwvutsrqponmlkjihgfe
American
Anthropologist,
6 0 (2), Wisconsin : 335 - 3 5 7 .
Rouse, Irving
1960

" T h e Classification of Arti facts in Archaeol ogy." American Antiquity,
25 (3) : 313 - 323.

1965

"Caribean Ceramics : A Study in Method and T h e o r y . "
Ceramics and Man. Frederick R. Matson (ed). Al di ne
Publishing Company, Chicago : 88 — 103.

1970

The Classification of A r t i f a c t s , Introductory
Readings
in Archaeology.
Brian M. Fagan (ed), Li ttl e Brown and
Company, Boston : 185 - 199.

Shepard, Anna 0 .
1965
Ceramics for the Archaeologist,
Insti tuti on of Washington.

Publication 609 Carnegie

Soejono, R.P.
1963
" I n d o n e s i a . " (Regional Report). Asian
(1 - 2 ) , 1962 : 35 - 36.
1977

Perspectives

VI

Sistim-sistim
Penguburan Pada Akhir Masa Prasejarah di
Bali. Disertation, University of Indonesia, Jakarta.

Verstappen, H.Th.
1975
On Palaeoclimates and Landform Development in M alaysia. Modern Quaternary
Research in Southeast Asia,
R o t t e r d a m , A . A . Balkema : 3 - 3 5 .

19

DECORATED POTTERY FROM THE SOUTH COAST O F J A V A
BETWEEN PACITAN AND C I L A C A P

National

I.

Goenadi Nitihaminoto
Research Centre of
Archaeology
(Indonesia)

Introduction

This paper is intended to present data regarding our archaeological
findings specially that of pottery in sites located between Pacitan and
Cilacap. For so long the south coast of J a w a has been neglected mainly
because this area contains no large classical monuments. But the presence
of pottery offers a rich evidence for us to reconstruct the history of this
area and it is for this reason that I call attention to the study of pottery.
We know that pottery is one of mankind's most important cultural
products and is one of the means whereby we can gain contact w i t h the
past. Human beings create pottery for fulfilling their daily needs, either
for practical or for ceremonial purposes. Since pottery plays an important
role in the social life of the past, they become a valuable source of data
for reconstructing the social conditions in ancient times. Almost all of
the archaeological sites in Indonesia have pottery or sherds which can be
used as evidence about certain aspects of human life in previous eras.
Pottery of various types occupied an important position in the social life of the pre-historic period and this is also applicable to some
extent to present-day conditions.
Pottery made in more recent times can be said to represent traditional culture that has been carried over from the old .times w i t h many
forms and techniques still surviving until now. Many people use them as
cooking vessels, as containers for liquids and for many other usages
before plastic wares are substituted for pottery. We see this phenomenon
already happening in the rural areas where pottery is being supplanted by
plastic ware. I think that not too long in the future, pottery making
which is still found in many places in Indonesia will diminish if not
vanish because of the increasing predominance of plastic ware as well as
of other products of modern technology. A s an archaeologist however,
I agree w i t h my colleagues that pottery must be made to survive not
only because it shows us how people made pottery in the old days, but
the more remarkable reason is the fact that there are certain dishes
w h i c h people today still prefer to cook in pottery. Rather than use
other kinds of vessels, pottery is preferred since the flavor of such
food o n l y comes out well when cooked in earthenware. T h a t is w h y

21

we carry out research on old pottery and encourage the expansion and
further development of present pottery making. It is w i t h due consideration of this problem that I try to present the result of our research on
pottery along the south coast of Java between Pacitan and Cilacap.
Earlier research conducted by V a n der Hoop has pointed out that
along the limestone mountains in the south coast between Y o g y a and Pacitan there were many decorated sherds ( V a n der Hoop, 1938: 94—9B).
T h i s information attracted my attention and I decided to survey the
area. Later on, the area of investigation was expanded to include the area
far to the west of Y o g y a k a r t a . T h e 1S-day survey covered a distance of
about 3.BOO kms. T h i s is only a preliminary survey where we have found
some prehistoric sites.
A m o n g the sites is Gunung Wingko which has been excavated. T h e
Gunung Wingko finds resemble the decorated and undecorated sherds
from other sites. T h e decorated pottery have impressed