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ASIA Fellows Awards
Cohorts 6-10

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Asian Scholarship Founrdation
Roval Patronage

of H.R.H. Princess Maha Chakri Sirindhorn

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Foreword
desires
Contemporary Asia is the foremost concern of the Asian Scholarship Foundation. If ASF
today.
Asian
anything, it is to look closely at the curious dimensions of what it means to be an
More so, we tvaflt to come to grips r,vith both possibilities and challenges in etgaging
this goal by
contemporary Asian societies. For a decade now, we have come closer to fulfilling
acloss
fellows
eminent
many
allowed
awards

These
awarding scores of research fellowships.
to put
and
choice,
their
of
countly
Asian
Asia to travel, carry out their research in another
region'
the
about
concelns
comparative optics to the test-to reveal, affirm, and expand shared

raised and
The research abstracts compiled in this folio echo diverse yet pressing questions
interested readers
answered by our fellows. Wittr ttris volume, we are huppy to circulate among

to many of the
overviews
provide
critical
projects
the sum of ASF's research endeavors. These
propping up
paradigms
the
of
outline
region,s current concerns. Aside from presenting abrief
for
suggestions
creative
and
these researches, the entries also chalk up policy recomrnendations
interventions
critical
stimulating the regions economic, social, and cultural environments through

from new agents for change.

It is in this area of productive change where we see our folio possibly creatinga marked impact:
policy recommendations,
as it heralds the formation of a criticai mass of specralists whose work,
turning points in the
jumpstart
dramatic
and
change
and commitment will tip the balance and
life of Asia.
Asian
Over the last few years, we have strengthened our circle of ASIA Fellows to nearly 250
things
to
devotion
and
commitment
high
the
rvith
experts
scholars. In a milieu where scholariy
Asian are swiflly diminishing. the number matters significantly. This is because our fe11ows,
moving collectively as a unifiecl force, present the prospect of attaining the critical mass-to
promote the
createnew knowledge about Asia, to influence the region's social outlook, and to
development of relevant cu1tura1 values.
first ten
Given Asia's ancient heritage, a decade is but a wink in the passage of time. But in the

(Asran Studies in Asia) Fellows Program, we have marched past mele
possibilities-in promoting a relevant vision for the region, in finding many worthy partners
ulong the ,"u_v, urrd in building a crucial network of scholars and agents of socia.l change. By
*uy of holdrngs. rve have seiured-in force, scholarly pursuits, and scores of worthwhile
projects-a strong commitment to influencing the 1ife, outlook' and future of Asia'
years

of our ASIA

May this sl1m pubiication inspire hopeftil change in our part of the world.

Lourdes G. Salvador
Executive Director
Asian Scholarship Foundation
Under the Royal Patronage of H.R.H. Princess Maha Chakrr Sirindhorn
June 2010

II

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Table of Contents
......... I
....... II
...III

Preface.
Foreword
AsianScholarshipFoundation.
I. Arts

Comparative Study of Indian and Dvaravati Architecture (Mid 6th-1oth Century A.D.)-

....2

WilasineeChamsaard

........3

InBetweenlight-ChongChanFui...
Maitreya Images in Asian Buddhist Fine Arts- Hong Hai

Dinh

....

.

4

A Comparative Study of Thai and Vietnamese Lacquering Processes and Techniques...... 5
Do Ky HuA..
Significations of the Naga in Thai Architectural and Sculptural Ornaments-

PhanAnhTu-...

... - 6

A Comparative Study of Process and Technique in Printmaking and Artwork in Thai and

.......

VietnameseHandmadePaper-PhonHaiBang

7

A Comparison Betw'een the System of Chinese Classical Gardens and the Royai Gardens of

.......

Hue-PhonThanhHai...

B

Independent Digital Fiim Practice in Contemporary Malaysia: Imagining Malaysia as a

'Malaysian'Malaysia?-ZakirHossainRaju..

...-....

Politics and Canon of Audience:Tourists and Local Cultural Performances-

ShiuaRamRijal.

........

9

10

Amir Khusrau and the Indo-Muslim Identitv in the Musical Traditions of PakistanYousuf

Saeed.....

Studyingthe Performanceof

......

...:..

11

PuppetTheatreinIndia-lNyomanSedana. .......L2

Heritage Regained: A Study of the Revival of Silver-Jewelry Making in

AmnaShariff.

India-

.....13

A Comparative Study of Perspectives in the Preservation of Traditional Crafts in Vietnam
......14
andthe Philippines-ReneeCoresesTalauera.
The Role of Chinese Music in Chinese and Thai

Culture-JintanaThunuaniuat Barton.

. 15

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Ancestor Worship in Chinese Society in Sarawak, Malaysia-

Inventory Circular Earthwork Sites in Vietnam-Ch anthourn
The Origin of Siddham Learning

III.

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inlndia-Zhou Guangrong. ' ' '

' ' ' 40

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Social Sciences
Health of Adolescents in the Philippines: Some Emerging Issues-

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Chinese Civil Society and the Anatomy of the Wenzhou

42

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Ethnic Harmony and Economic Development in Malaysia: Lessons for PakistanMutahir Ahmed. .

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Effects of lndustrial Activities on Land Use Occupation in
Ahmedabad, lndia: A Gase Study of GIDC lndustrial Estates

Ruly Damayanti
Lecturer
Petra christian university, Architecture Department, Surabaya, Indonesia
Emai1, r3 damayanti@yahoo.corir

cAuslan (1935) says that in many less developed countries, the illegal occupation of
land parallels the industrializationprocess. On the other hand, Balchin (2000) states
that the main factor that triggers for urban expansion is an increasing population
caused by industrialization. To understand the impact of industry on urban land, we must
consider the power of industrial activity to reshape the city. Manufacturing can cause land
value to rise, where afixedsupply of serviced land faces increasing demands. The nearer lands
are to the centers of urban activiry the greater their value and demand for complementary
commercial use.

Ceitter

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indicate ts --.

A particular case study in Surabaya, Indonesia proves these statements. But things are different
in'Gttjarat,India, even with similar conditions. The research takes Vatva Industial Estate as rts
case study because of its accessibility from the central ciry the estate's age, and its workforce size'
These cnteiaare similar to a previous research on Surabaya's Rungkut Indwtrial Estate' Ideally,
the estate should have some 20 yeNs of development, must employ almost 50,000 workers, and
its location approximately 5 kms. from the central city.
The research involves three types of data: document study, land use survey, and interviews.
Among its central questions are: What is the pattern of land use surounding the industrial
estate before and after estate development? What is the nature of linkages between industrial
activity and informal actiity? Its hypothesis is that present land use segregation is neither
adequate nor appropriate for development of conffol in developing countries'

60

While th. .
more is :=-organtza'.- -:
healthca:=

''

1

Effects of Industrial Activities on Land Occupation in Ahmedabad – India
Rully Damayanti
ASIA Fellow Cohort-X, Petra Christian University Surabaya-INDONESIA, rully@petra.ac.id

Abstract
Since industrialization started in Ahmedabad in 1950s, the city becomes larger and larger in terms of population and
size. The growth of Ahmedabad city is highly affected by three urban generators on eastern part of the city: which
are the three GIDC industrial estates. The research’ aim is to identify and analyze the urban shape caused by the
industrial activities and business activity that occupy public areas and streets. Since industrial activities became
urban generators to change the use of land, from agriculture into developed land, it has affected the physical
morphology of the urban areas. As long as the urban generators exist; business activities also exist in both formal
and informal. The formal commercial activity is developed in order to provide facilities for the workers particularly.
Street vendor and hawkers also grow on the surrounding areas; along the main street and nearby the worker’s
facility inside the industrial estates. The existence of informal sector on these areas give an idea that industrial
activity not only causes the change of land occupation, but also encourages the growth of informal commercial
activity.

Keywords: urban morphology, industrialization, informal sector

Introduction

Ahmedabad is the largest city in Gujarat state and the seventh largest city in India. It has been a
fast growing city since its inception in 1411. Industrialization in Ahmedabad was highly
generated by the cotton mills industry in the year of 1950s. During the year of 1960’s, there were
three industrial estates developed on the eastern outskirt of the city: Vatva, Odhav and Naroda;
which were located outside the municipal authority. The three estates are under management of
GIDC on Gujarat state level. Industrial activity of the three estates generates occupation of land
in its surrounding area. The surrounding area becomes more and more developed and is occupied
for residential and commercial uses. Furthermore, due to the city development triggered by the

2

increase in population, the area between the walled-city and the three industrial areas has
experienced a great change.

Figure 1. Location of the GIDC industrial estates in Ahmedabad

The paper based on research carried out in Ahmedabad, India from November 2008 to June 2009
with main objectives are: to identify and analyze Ahmedabad’ urban area particularly generated
by the industrial activity of GIDC industrial estates; to identify the use of public-space and
streets for informal commercial uses (street vendor/ hawker) along main roads of the case study;
and to identify the nature of linkages between the industrial estates and street vendor/ hawker
activity.

The researcher undertook mainly qualitative approach, with three types of data collection:
document/ literature study, land use survey, and a range of interviews. Document study of
current town planning and literature study of related project regarding Ahmedabad’ city growth
will be used as a secondary data in analyzing the city growth related to the industrial activity

3

caused by the three cases study. Land use survey was taken in order to prepare map of street
vendor location on each case study. The range and type of street vendor were defined by
classifying each business according to types of retailer, goods of selling and degree of
permanency. Interviews was useful in addressing information from planner in town planning
authority: AUDA - Ahmedabad Urban Development Authority, planner in municipal authority:
AMC – Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation, and director/secretary of industrial estates
management: GIDC – Gujarat Industrial Development Corporation. The semi-structured
interview was designed in addressing information from business proprietors of informal
commercial activity. Almost ten percent of total street vendor on these areas became
interviewees of the research in various locations inside the estates. In each case study, two or
three vendors were the main source for in-depth interviews.

Background theory
According to Balchin, Isaac and Chen (2000) on their book entitled ‘Urban Economics’,
industrial activity is a prime determinant in shaping city size and growth opportunities especially
in developing country. Driven by industrialization, the city has become larger and larger in terms
of population and size. In most Indian cities, such Ahmedabad, increasing number of both formal
and informal economic activity always follows growth of city, because enlarging the urban size
means more people need affordable and accessible goods/ service for living with high variety of
price.

According to their level of industrialization, developing countries have been categorized into
three groups (Balchin, Isaac & Chen 2000): maturing industrializing, contemporary
industrializing and emerging industrializing countries. India has been classified into
contemporary industrializing countries since the majority of the workforce is employed both in
industrial sector and agricultural activity. These three groups, although different, share similar

4

experiences in the inception of industrial development. The location of this activity was typically
located in primary gateway cities, such as in the principal ports where infrastructure and markets
were comparatively well developed (Balchin, Isaac & Chen 2000).

Since industrialization, the cities have evolved to encompass wide ranging industrial activity
focused on the ports, with central cores comprising local bazaars with densely developed
commercial uses. The evolution of the pre-industrial city into an industrial city has generated
increasing urbanization pressures (van Geenhuizen & Nijkamp 1995). The economic growth and
prosperity of the city has been a major force in determining the migration of people from rural
areas to the cities. Most industrial cities in developing countries are experiencing rapid growth of
urban areas following economic restructuring into industrial activity (van Geenhuizen &
Nijkamp 1995). High levels of urbanization are associated with high levels of industrialization
that further raises the level of economic growth.

Industrialization absorbs large number of workers both skilled and unskilled occupations.
Urbanization is a likely consequence of industrialization in order to meet the needs of employers
and employees. In the 1960s, almost 50% of urban residents in developing countries were
migrants attracted to jobs in industry (Williamson 1995). According to Turnham (1990), there
are two types of migrants: temporary migrants who come to seek employment in the informal
sector, and permanent migrants who are seeking jobs in the formal sector but who temporarily
may accept work in the informal sector, or be unemployed.

An increasing population attracted to urban employment will produce the possibility of
uncontrolled urban expansion, and a greater demand for urban infrastructure and urban land
(Balchin, Isaac & Chen 2000). In brief, industrial development in developing countries is facing
problems in adapting to the demands of urbanization. Currently, control of urban land and equal
access to legal status is a major problem in many developing countries.

5

Industrialization in Ahmedabad
The following statement is cited from paper by Shyam S. Dutta (2000), a historian who
examined the Ahmedabad city:
“ Unlike Bombay, Culcutta, Madras and Kanpur, Ahmedabad was not a creation of the
British but a city which while remaining true to itself successfully adapted to the new
industrial age carrying over commercial and industrial skills and patterns of traditional
social organization. In no great city of India can the continuity of past and present be
seen as clearly as in Ahmedabad”
Driven by the growth of textile industry reached its peak in the 1940s, the city attracted
migration from around Gujarat and India. In the post-Independence period, the city witnessed not
only diversification of its industrial base but also significant development of professional and
technical institutions, such as the Physical Research Laboratory, the Indian Institute of
Management, and the Centre for Environmental Planning and Technology (Dutta 2000).

Table 1. Characteristics of the Case Studies

1
2
3
4
5

NARODA
GIDC/ NIE
1968
357 ha
689
426
8 km

ODHAV
GIDC/ OIE
1968
127 ha
491
525
4,5 km

VATVA
GIDC/ VIE
1968
512 ha
NA
NA
4,5 km

Year of establishment
Total area
Number of plots
Numbers of sheds
Distance from central city
(approximately)
6
Number of company/ factory 660
1502
1187
(source: Naroda Industries Association 2007 Directory, Odhav Industries Association 2008 Directory, Vatva
Industries Association 2008 Directory)

In order to accelerate the pace of industrialization in Gujarat, under the Gujarat Industrial
Development Act of 1962, GIDC came into existence in 1962. GIDC operates all over the state
of Gujarat. It operates and maintains industrial estates in various districts of Gujarat State. These
estates are self-contained sanctuaries capable of sustaining a large number of industries within
themselves. GIDC provides ready to occupy sheds for immediately starting an industry and also

6

provides go-down for storage of its material. In Ahmedabad, GIDC operates three estates:
Naroda, Odhav and Vatva Industrial Estates. The three estates were developed around year of
1968. The estates occupy areas of 120-500 hectares of land on eastern part of Ahmedabad city.
Currently, the estates are connected to each other by Narol-Naroda Road and Sardar Patel Ring
Road; are also connected to other cities in Gujarat. The three estates are also connected to
Kharikat Canal that lay from north to south. Accessibility becomes a major concern of
entrepreneur to choose this location to run their business. Hence, after more than 40 years of
development, the estates are still significant for its function in urban area. In 1982, GIDC handed
over the estates to the AMC management, since they were located inside the AMC boundary.

In the late 1970s and 1980s, the textile industry has declined, resulting in the closure of more
than half units and laying off about 60,000 workers. After 1990-1991, local economy has shown
a revival. This is indicated by the reduction in the number of lowest income group and also an
increase in regular workers. Compared to other cities in India (Bangalore, Pune and Hyderabad),
Ahmedabad has the highest proportion of self-employed. It is a clear indication of the growing
strength of the informal sector of the economy. The estimated share of the informal sector in the
total workforce in Ahmedabad increased from 50% in 1981 to 64% in 1991 (Dutta 2000).

Population of Ahmedabad according to 2001 census was declared to be 3.5 million people. This
number was only limited to the inside Ahmedabad municipal region (Wikipedia 2009). Total
population of Ahmedabad agglomeration is around 4.5 million: 4,518,240 (City Population
2009). There are 886 females to every 1000 males. Ahmedabad has a literacy rate of 79.89%,
which is the highest in Gujarat. There are more than 30000 rural families living in Ahmedabad
and 5,41% of those are below poverty line. The city’ population has increased in a major way
following economic expansion and modernization. Ahmedabad becomes a centre for commerce
and also government institutions and military base (Hindu 2008).

7

Characteristics of the street vendor
The research categorized the street vendor into local names and suffix ‘wallas’, which means
‘vendor’ (Jamdar 2000). The categorization of types of retailers are: pathariwalas (display their
products on the ground and stay permanently in a particular part of street or public spaces),
lariwalas (own a mobile cart on which they vend goods and go around in their respective areas
to sell), gallawalas-single (perform a single permanent element of the streetscape, set up a semipermanent shop to sell, mostly food products), and gallawalas-shared (similar to gallawalassingle, but they shared space with formal shops).

Table 2. Characteristics of the Street Vendors
no
1

2

3

Categorization
Types of retailers
Pathariwalas
Lariwallas
Gallawalas (single)
Gallawalas (shared)
Permanency
Permanent
Semi-permanent
Non-permanent
Goods for selling
Chai/ coffee/ drinks
Food
Vegetables/ fruits
House wares
Sweets
Others
Other combination of goods for selling

NARODA IE

ODHAV IE

VATVA IE

4
23
30
19

5
28
7
3

1
47
113
16

9
23
44

3
2
38

27
14
136

24
9
3
15
11
10
4

11
6
1
7
3
15
-

33
35
11
1
24
19
58

The street vendors sell many types of goods; in this research, it can be categorized into: tea/
coffee/ chai/ drinks, sweets/ mints/ paan/ cigarettes, snacks/ food, vegetables/ fruits, housewares,
and other categories, such as cloths, bangles, sandals, painter, bike repair, phone/ STD booth. To
understand the type of building or hut where the business of street vendor has undertaken, the
research was categorized into 3 types of permanency: permanent, semi-permanent, and non-

8

permanent. These three categorizations are based on its building materials, and possibility to
remove.

VIE has the most street vendors, namely 117 vendors, with highest land ratio compared to other
case studies. In NIE and VIE, gallawalas-single were dominant; whereas in OIE, lariwallas is the
most dominant one. Gallawalas-shared in NIE and VIE has significant number, which is almost
25% of the total vendors in that area. In OIE, more than 10% of the vendor is pathariwalas. Most
of the vendors (more than 65% of total vendor) in the three case studies build their vendor using
non-permanent material; such as wood, multiplex, and zinc. In the three IEs (NIE 11%, OIE 7%
and VIE 15%) some vendors build their building base on permanent materials, such as bricks and
cement. Semi-permanent materials in NIE and VIE has a significant number of more than 5%.

There is a wide of variety of the goods sold, but most of them are food, drinks and other goods
related to house-holds. In NIE, the two highest numbers are the sale of drinks and house-wares,
in OIE are others (such as mobile phone accessories, clothes, and kids-toys) and chai seller,
while in VIE the two highest number of goods sold are food and chai+sweets seller. Vegetables
and fruits seller are also significantly sold in the three estates. The variety of goods sold in these
three estates is similar, but in VIE most sellers sell more than one item, such as
chai+sweets+food, food+housewares, and also sweets+food.

Nature of Linkages of Formal and Informal Sector
The estate’ management has provided affordable canteen and area for shops and market. During
the survey, in the three estates, canteen has already been closed by the management, because
only few workers wanted this facility (Shah 2008, Varghese 2009, personal communication).
Most workers prefer food and drinks from the street vendor because of the taste and price. Street
vendor sell their food/ drink with less price than canteen with relatively tastier food. Area for

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shops or market inside the estate (absent for VIE) was built near the housing. Main costumer of
the shops is the housing resident, which in current time, not only industrial estates workers lived
in this housing but also other people who has no relation to the estate (case of NIE).

Most proprietors live in villages near the industrial estates, and gets raw material from other
villages as well (especially for fruits and vegetables). In average, most vendors have run their
business inside the estate for more than 5 years and some of them started their business from the
early development of the estate, and earned around 7500 rupees per month. There is no
management regulation covering this kind of business, but there is only informal protection from
factories (where they are located). Hence, most vendors are not satisfied with their environment
for running their business, since there is no regulation for them.

Most vendors open from 8 am to 9 pm daily, except for vendor near the main entrance of the
three estates. Ópening hours depend very much on the workers working hour. Some vendors’
huts that are physically attached to the factory open for almost 24 hours. Vendors that operate
near main entrance only open after working hours to provide food/ drink for labors and people
passers-by. Street vendor that serves construction workers (especially in OIE and VIE) only open
during working time, from 8 am to 4 pm.

The linkages between two sectors exist not only in term of target market of the street vendor, but
also in terms of protection from the factory. Based on in-depth interview with informal sector
proprietor in NIE and VIE, especially vendor that run their business for generations, worker’
factory has offered a/ some plot in front of the factory to their relatives who became street
vendor proprietors. In this case, the worker works as the factory’ security or others in the factory,
which is later called as ‘protector’. This man will arrange how long the vendor will occupy the
land, in which area the hut will be built (vacant land, building setback, or hard shoulder), and
how much the reward will be. The arrangement is only based on trust and no paper sign is
required. The factory management knows this arrangement for some cases in order to provide

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cheap and nearest food/ drink for their workers. The arrangement will work for ages and
generations of the vendor proprietor (case study of NIE), even the factory’ workers have changed
for many times. It is difficult for the vendor to open a business informally inside formal area if
they do not have this agreement. In other words, the factory provides food and drinks in
reasonable price for the worker via allocation of street vendor inside or outside his area as long
as they have the arrangement.

Urban form of Ahmedabad city
The boundary of Ahmedabad city has been expanded due to its increasing population and
services. The development of the industrial estates (NIE, OIE, VIE) on eastern side significantly
gave impact to the Ahmedabad Municipal Corporation (AMC) area. The growth of Ahmedabad
city in this case is AMC area, could be seen in three different stages of growth. The growth could
be defined in three types of urban shape of Ahmedabad city driven by industrialization.

AMC has changed its boundary three times to respond to the city development and to meet the
demand of its citizens. The three stages are:
1. In the year of 1960s, the economy of the city became stronger and cotton manufacturing
activity became more and more developed around the walled city. The western side of the
river was developed due to service development, city boundary was expanded to western
side and outside walled city in the eastern part. This shape could be defined as the first
changing of city’ boundary generated by industrialization. Physical development of
eastern and western side of the city is relatively balanced in shape; it is also driven by the
development of bridges which connects both sides. Odhav, Naroda, and Vatva industrial
estate are located outside the AMC boundary, since it is connected to dirty activity and
inappropriate land use inside the city.

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Figure 2 Urban Form of Ahmedabad City since 1960 (source: AUDA 2009 - edited)

2. In 1982, the boundary of AMC was expanded only to the eastern side. The urban shape
has protruding figurine of the three GIDC industrial estates, Naroda, Odhav, and Vatva,
which are located on the eastern part of the city. The western boundary still remained the
same. Naroda, Odhav and Vatva became part of AMC area due to the development of
area in between the city and the industrial estates. The new urban shape at that time could
be understood as a result of the change of land occupation development in between city
centre and the industrial estates, from agriculture to developed land. It is also triggered by
the development of ring roads and state/ national highway around the city. Surrounding
areas of the three estates became developed (radius of 1-2 kms from the estate) and they
changed from agriculture into developed land, housing land occupation into commercial
occupation. Some talukas (villages) that are located around the estates merged with the
estate as one big area. From 1968 to 1986, the three estates mostly generated the growth
of the surrounding areas, the three became urban generator of Ahmedabad city growth

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particularly on eastern part. After 1986, not only the industrial activity generated the
areas, but also other service development, such as school, market, and some institutions.
3. In 2002, AMC expanded its area, both to eastern and western side of the city. There is no
more protruding figurine of the three industrial estates. The three protruding shape has
merged each other, hence become one solid shape with western boundary. The only
boundary that remain the same is on the northern side, since it is connected to boundary
of capital city; Gandhinagar. Issue of urban agglomeration became major concern of
AMC to expand its area. It is mostly driven by the development of many ring roads and
state/ national highway. Surrounding area of the estates has been appointed as
commercial areas and light industrial areas.

Conclusion
After studying the AMC land use, it can be concluded that the closer a city is to the three estates,
the more developed is a city and vice versa. The shape of its urban areas on eastern side actually
has three protruding shapes, in which each shape is the location of Naroda, Odhav and Vatva
industrial estates. Areas between these protruding shape previously were vacant land and
agricultural land. As predicted by AMC, these areas developed and grown in response to urban
generator of the industrial estates, as long as the industrial activity operate.

Similar case is faced by most cities in developing countries, such as India and Indonesia: growth
and development of the city, in terms of population and size, always followed by occupation of
urban land illegally. The urban land occupation mostly for illegal housing and illegal commercial
activities, which in some research called as informal city. Developing country adopted urban
planning regulation from developed country, which ignored the existence of informal land
occupation. Therefore, conflict between formal and informal sectors always occur, such as

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government and street vendors. The existence of informal urban land occupation or informal city
is a phenomenon of most city in developing countries.

The paper is a part of a bigger scenario of research to understand the growth of city triggered by
location of industrial estates as urban generator to change the use of land both formal and
informal. According to Balchin (2000), in urban area there are prime urban act