M01130
Kapata: Folksong in Malukan Imagined Reconciliation1
Izak Lattu
izaklattu@berkeley.edu
lattu@staff.uksw.edu
As a strong oral community, Maluku is occupied significantly by folksongs in private
to public sphere. In the household, parents sing folksong for their children during bedtimes.
During my first research, I experience the penetration of Malukan folksong into my private
room for I could enjoy the music of my neighbors when I was still lying on my bed. While in
Malukan public transportation, drivers played a full and loud music. In city such as Ambon,
no one will ride non‐musical public transportation. Therefore in the private and public
lives, one may argue that Malukan get used to and get influenced by folksong.
In this presentation, I will explore a research question of how collective memory
recreates and reshape Malukans “imagined siblinghood” through folksong (Kapata) after a
huge conflict of Muslims and Christians in 1999 to 2003? The presentation will conclude
that Folksongs (Kapata) either in traditional or modern style have connected people’s
imagination as a community by which the folksong creates an “imagined reconciliation.”
Pela Gandong: Malukan Web of Social Engagements
Culturally, Malukans believe that the people come from a sacred place named
Nunusaku. In that sense, the story of Nunusaku has significantly dominated Malukan
collective memory through the narrative of folksongs. Grounded on Maurice Halbwachs’
1
Presented to Friday Forum at Southeas Asian Department in the University of Wisconsin‐Madison, Friday,
November 16, 2012.
1 | P a g e
collective memory, the narrative of Malukan social engagement in folksongs created a
realm of “imagined siblinghood” (pela gandong relationship). For Halbwachs, “collective
memory is a social framework that confines and binds our most intimate rembrances to
each other” (Halbwachs 1992 : 53). In Maluku, the collective memory of pela gandong
relationships has functioned to bind communities and work as a cultural mechanism to
support reconciliation.
What is pela gandong? pela is divided into un‐genealogical and genealogical alliance.
First, un‐genealogical pela is commonly called pela. In Maluku vernacular, un‐genealogical
pela has two forms; blood pela (pela darah) or hard pela (pela keras) which was
established through a cultural oath between the leaders of two or more small‐local
communities (Negeri) after those negeri involved in a long‐bloody fight. Here, blood pela is
an act of cultural conflict resolution.
Another model of un‐genealogical pela is soft pela (pela tempat sirih). Soft pela was
established after a minor event such as assistance which given to one particular negeri by
other negeri during a natural or social disaster. In brief, un‐genealogical pela, either blood
pela or soft pela, has established a new “siblinghood” relation based on mutual supports
between negeri.
The second type of pela that based on a genealogical association is named gandong.
Negeri who have the gandong relationships believe that they share a common ancestor.
The story of gandong begun from diaspora from Nunusaku, as members of a family
considered to continue their journey to different directions and find dissimilar place to live.
Before they decided to split up, an oath was established as a site of remembrance to the
next generation.
2 | P a g e
Accordingly, pela, whether it is genealogical or un‐genealogical, requires mutual
respect and an obligation to render reciprocal assistances, including the construction of
public buildings such as negeri meeting house (bailieu), churches, mosques, and schools. To
borrow form Benedict Anderson’s “Imagined Community”, here pela gandong creates an
“imagined siblinghood”. Even though one never meets other people who shared a pela
gandong relationship, the feeling of siblinghood is remaining strong. It is common for
people who have pela gandong relationship to hold each other when they gather for the
first time, as if they already know each other for a long period of time, because a “shared
siblinghood feeling” exist in their imaginations.
Kapata: Malukan’ site of Collective Memory
Folksong (Kapata ) helps to preserve the “shared siblinghood narrative” in Maluku’s
collective memory. It is through Kapata that Malukan describe social integration in Maluku.
One may find out one’s relationship with other community through the narrative of Kapata.
In strong oral society like Maluku, Kapata is the means of historical narrative. R. Z.
Leirissa, a Malukan Jakarta based scholar argues that Kapata is the device of historical
mnemonic. For him, “almost all historical narratives in central Maluku are narrated in
folksong in indigenous language.” (Leirissa 1999 : 77). Beside it role in formal ritual, such
as pela enactment, marriage ritual, and other forms of formal ritual, Kapata also functioned
as a “community anthem” (Tutuariam and Latupapua, 2010). Kapata is a folklore that
everybody in Maluku can perform and understand. Echoing Bartels, I argue that Kapata is
the shape of Malukan present, anticipate the future through past narratives. Bartels says,
3 | P a g e
“Kapata is traditional greeting formulas and shorthand histories; generally, they consist of
old songs in which episodes of the past are told” (Bartels, 1977).
Kapata works in Maluku society through at least four means; First Kapata as a tool
of ritual performance and Kapata as the narrative of siblinghood. In a ritual performance,
Kapata produces habitual and shared feeling among participants in pela gandong re‐
enactment rituals. Through the ritual, people have an integrated memory that establishes a
collective experience and reinforced connections between people. In many pela gandong
re‐enactment rituals, people sing Kapata while holding each other hands (baku kele). From
the folksong and body movement in the ritual of pela gandong re‐enactment, Kapata
provides a sense of belonging among people who have pela gandong relationships. When it
comes to Negeri from different faiths, Kapata helps to create room for passing over
religious borders and openness toward people of other faiths.
Second, Kapata functions as a narrative of siblinghood supplies people with a
shared knowledge and experience of the past. Since Kapata arises from Maluku local
context, people understand the narrative by which Kapata brings people to the imagined
common ground (“topos”) of collective memory. Kapata, which places Nunusaku as a focus
of its narrative, serves as a shared knowledge to integrate people into the same rasa.2 The
rasa that comes out from a narrative of Kapata integrates the imagination of people who
understand and believe in the narrative and re‐creates collective memory and group
identity. Kapata Nunusaku of South Ceram illustrates people imagination of siblinghood
that ground in the story of Nunusaku,
Tui‐tuia heilete, heilete,
2
I could not find any proper English word for “rasa”, because “rasa” covers feeling, sense of belonging,
love, and solidarity.
4 | P a g e
Heilete Nunusaku o, Nunusaku o,
Riai moma, taralele, taralele
Tara lele, moria la samo, moria la samo
Uru Siwarima, uru Siwarima o,
Uru Siwarima, uru Nusaina o
Mae sama ito, sama ito mae o,
Sama ito mae ito lekahua o
Upu patasiwa toti apapua mae,
Apapua mae, upu patasiwa o
Nunusaku o, Nunusaku nunu o,
Nunu Nusa Ina nunu Siwarima o
Upu lepa pela upu ina lepa o,
Kwele batai telu kuru siwarima o
Sei hale hatu hatu lisa pei o,
Sei lesi sou sou lesi pei o3
They scattered as tui‐tui4, moved out from Nunusaku
When they moved out, they make an oath
They promise to help each other, look after each other as siblings
People of Siwalima5, people of Nusa Ina (Ceram Island)
Let’s dance Maku‐maku because Patasiwa has given you apapua6 Nunusaku in
Ceram Island is the land where the descendants of Siwalima comes from.
Our ancestors have made an oath that three rivers belong to the descendants.
The last part of this Kapata is clearly highlighting the imagined siblinghood in the
remembrance of oath, “one turns over the rock, the rock befalls over one.
One breaks the oath the oath cracks one down” (Sei hale hatu hatu lisa peio, sei lesi sou
sou lesi peio). For Folklorist like Alan Dundes, a form of folklore, including Kapata, that
represents collective understanding is a product of social experience. The experience
infuses “a sense of group identity that helps to foster the collective memory of particular
community.
3
See Frecien Tutuarima and Falentino Latupapua, Kapata Sebagai Wahana Penuturan Sejarah dan
Harmonisasi Sosial Masyarakat (Kapata as an Oral History and means of Social Harmonization in Maluku) (Bangka
Belitung: Seminar Internasional VII Tradisi Lisan, 2010), 4
4
A sort of weasel
5
Nunusaku people
6
Areca nut and betel
5 | P a g e
Third, Kapata is sung as a communicative action. One can argue that Kapata is also
an instrument of communication among community members, and between community
members and Nitu, ancestor spirits who protect the community. Kapata Pela between
Hunitetu and Lohiatala is a facet of communication between two different communities, the
creator, and the spirit of ancestors:
OOo tunai‐lasatale, pulane, leamatai,
Tuwale, Babike, lanite, tapele, selu jami ooo
Kinu kwate kai Lohitalaooo
Kinu kwate kurele, pela jurule; saka mimise, noa mimise,
lesi kena lumaio, sapu kena lumaio.
Ooo….saa marelo tetu matau;
saa malau soa tetu peisoa, iane kete matau;
timule keri matao; halite likio matao.
Mata sakalele pelene.
Kinu kwate kurele, pela kurele; saka mimise, noa mimise,
saka nunu rupu kena patu, patu rupu kena nunuee,
nunu pali tolase, tolase pali nunuee, hiooo….
(Oh the Creators, moon and sun, Rabike and Tuwale,
Look at us who drink the oath with Lohiatala.
An eternal and strong oath.
Watch carefully and remember diligently
so we (Hunitetu and Lohiatala) will not fight and be indignant over each other.
If you fight over each other, when you climb a tree to catch a kusu
You will fall down on the ground and the bees will sting until you die.
You will die when you eat your warm sagoe
You will die when you eat areca‐nut
In the sea you will fall from your boat and be swallowed by fish
You will die when the east and west winds blow you
You will die just like a lighting bug.
We are drinking an eternal oath, a strong oath.
Be vigilant and do not forget.
We will be as strong as a banyan tree and as a rock.
As if we are the rock and banyan tree.
Just like a tolase tree that grows together with the banyan tree, hiooo)
The first part of Hunitetu and Lohiatala Kapata describes Kapata function as a mode of
communication with the Creators and the spirit of ancestors. The second part is explaining
6 | P a g e
communication and a facet of collective memory that people in both negeri must
remember.
Fourth, Kapata is the means of social control or social integration. In Maluku’s
community engagements, when Kapata narrates the story of Pela gandong relationships, it
has functioned very much as an instrument of social control and cohesion. At this point,
Kapata serves as a foundation for social acceptance of plurality. From Kapata that narrates
the alliance of Pelauw “Muslim Negeri” in Haruku Island and Titawai “Christian negeri in
Nusalaut Island“, (Bartels 1977 :249) one can conclude that this Kapata glues these two
communities together. The Kapata says;
Lembe‐lembe rima o
Lembe‐lembe rima o
Gandong Matasiri lembe rima mae o
Lesinussa Matasiri hae lata Nunusaku o
Ito rua huka hoto Nunusaku oo
Kukuwano manu, loto Tala ina
Ale kuku o
Tala ina yo sorak gandoing erwako
(come here and extend your hands (sakes hands) 2x
Siblings from Pelauw come and offer your hands
Titawai and Pelauw, both are from Nunusaku.
We two came from Nunusaku
The raft down the river Tala
Because our raft drifted down
From the river Tala, we are siblings)
In this Kapata, Nunusaku, again, plays important role in people imagination. Nunusaku
becomes a connecting factor for people who belong to different religions. As a “topos” of
remembrance, Nunusaku creates an imagined meeting point that moves people to come
together in unity. Kapata pela of Titawai and Pelauw as well as Kapata pela Hunitetu and
Lohiatala explain clearly the collective imagination of either genealogical or un‐
genealogical siblinghood. It is clear that through Kapata people employ a set of civic
7 | P a g e
engagements between people of different groups and religions. Scholar such as Lisa Schirch
argues that peacebuilding is aiming to “engage people through multiple ways of learning
and knowing”. Echoing Schirch’s theory of peacebuilding, through Kapata, which is
narrated Pela gandong relationship, people engage through multiple ways of learning and
knowing. Song in Schirch’s perspective is a major way to bring peacebuilding narrative in
practical understanding (Lisa Shirch, 2005 : 164).
In Maluku today, Kapatas as an oral tradition, experience an evolution from a
monotone song into a complex genre range from pop to hip hop. In my interview with
Hanry Noya, a Malukan singer, songwriter, and producer, it is clear to me that Malukan
modern song takes Kapata’s spirit and narrative. Peter Salenussa, a lecturer of Music at the
Indonesian Christian University of Maluku, supports Noya argument, showing that some
Malukan pop songs are the evolution of indigenous language bahasa tana into Maluku
lingua franca, Ambon‐Malay in order to help people to understand the meaning of those
songs. (Salenussa 2009: 45). At this point, one can find a strong abstract of Kapata in
Maluku modern folksong such this bellow song,
Gandong lah mari Gandong, mari jua ale yo
beta mau bilang ale, katong dua satu gandong
hidop ade deng kaka, sungguh manis lawang e
ale rasa beta rasa, katong dua satu gandong
gandong e ... sio gandong e...,
mari beta gendong beta gendong ale jua
katong dua cuma satu gandong e...,
satu hati satu jantong e ..
(Come here my siblings
I want to tell you that we are one
Our siblinghood is so sweet
Since we have a shared feeling for we are one
My siblings, let me hold you, hold you tight
Because we are one, one heart and one soul)
In comparing “Gandong” song and Kapata Titawai‐Pelauw (genealogical pela) as well as
8 | P a g e
Kapata Hunitetu‐Lohiatala (un‐genealogical pela), one might acknowledge a bold language
of mutual respect and shared experience in the narrative of the Gandong song.
Maluku’s modern song also takes Kapata narrative in preserving the place of
Nunusaku as a topos of remembrance. Kapata has become inspiration for Maluku modern
songs in entangling the people of Maluku as a community who share the same roots,
history and cultural narrative. As a facet of orality, Kapata functions very much as the
“storage” of Malukan local communication and knowledge. One modern folksong by a
group named Mainoro proved my assumption that Kapata has been functioning as the
storage of Malukan collective memory, which is centered on the narrative of Nunusaku.
Below is the lyric of Mainoro’s “Satu Darah” (one blood) song;
Sejarah tinta seng bisa bicara tapi Kapata bisa carita
Hancurkan tirai kusut dan tua sio Nusa Ina bukti sejarah
Sombar baringin dar Nunusaku Tifa Murkele game dong bale
Hutan dan rimba sudah babunga tahuri babunyi di unjung Binaya
Sio basudara yang satu darah ana cucu Siwa Lima
Katong buka suara Pombo putih kapata damai
Seisi bahtera bersukaria sinar sejarah damaikan Maluku
Sio basudara yang satu darah Nusa Ina itu rumah tua
Nunu Siwa Lima oooo Pombo putih kapata damai
Seisi bahtera bersukaria tahuri babunyi di unjung Binaya
Sinar sejarah damaikan Maluku
(Written history cannot speaks, but kapata tells (Malukan) story
Cracking down the rumpled and old curtain, Nusa Ina is the historical evidence
The shadow of the Banyan tree of Nunusaku, Murkele little drum has summoned
you all
Forest and jungle are blossoming, there is a sound of tahuri (shell) in Binaya
Ooo My siblings who shared Siwa Lima blood
Voice out your tone, the Pombo bird has sung kapata of peace
All passengers of the boat (Maluku) are rejoicing, there is a sound of tahuri in Binaya
The light of history helps Maluku be peaceful)
The narrative of Mainoro “Satu Darah” follows the same pattern of Kapata Nunusaku
in preserving the central place of Nunusaku and Ceram Island (Nusa Ina/Mother Land) in
Maluku’s collective memory. In Jeffrey Olick’s perspective, Kapata, both old Kapata and
9 | P a g e
Kapata in Malukan modern song, is the collective memory in which people of a given
society represent their history and produce accounts of past events to reshape the present
(Olick 2007 : 15). In this sense, Mainoro is aiming to reshape the present of Maluku society
by incorporating Kapata’s narrative into Maluku modern song. “Sejarah tinta seng bisa
bicara, tapi Kapata bisa carita” “written history cannot speaks, but kapata tells (Malukan)
story“ is explaining boldly the purpose of this song to rewrite the present of Maluku
society.
The performance of Kapata in everyday life, pela gandong re‐enactment ritual, and
other special local events as well as the extraction of Kapata in Maluku modern songs are
meant to extend Maluku’s cultural memory. In Rachel Wagner’s words, Kapata is the “site
of information‐sharing.” (Wagner 2012 : 11). As the performance of Kapata as a site of
information‐sharing because, I am echoing Maurice Halbwachs, the collective memory
extends as far as the contemporary group preserves and performs it regularly (Halbwachs
1992 : 75). He adds, “ to remember is not to sit back and watch, but to remember is to
reconstruct the past.” (Halbwasch 1992 : 75). Kapata, including Maluku modern folksong, is
the process of remembering the past as a repetitive process by which Malukan society is
tied up collectively.
Oral history in Kapata is important for Malukans to remember the past and to
reshape the present in a framework of community entanglement. Drawing on Jeffrey Olick’s
collective memory theory, without the narrative of Nunusaku and Pela gandong in Kapata,
Malukans are unable to provide a good explanation of their worldview and traditional
heritage. Developed from Olick, Kapata is not just the act of remembering as members of
Maluku’ society, but Maluku society shapes its members simultaneously in the act of
10 | P a g e
remembering through the narrative of Kapata. Through Kapata Maluku becomes a
“community of memory.” (Olick 2007 : 53).
In the ritual of pela gandong re‐enactment and Malukan local knowledge, Kapata
helps people of Negeri Muslims or Christians to come out from religious borders
respectively to encounter people with different faiths. I agree with Merdjanova nad
Brodeur’s definition of dialogue for peacebulding. For them, interreligious dialogue is any
form of human communication that helps mutual understanding. It is including speech and
shared activities. Kapata as the form of Malukan oral tradition is part of interreligious
dialogue for peacebuilding. When people sing Kapata together, they move their bodies and
go hand in hand with pela gandong siblings people shared activities and building social
integration through ritual. At the same token, Kapata as a means of social capital enlarge
and robust “radius of trust” in Malukan communities.
Kapata as a cultural performance creates a rasa of siblinghood among people of
different faiths. The narrative of gandong song, for instance, “one heart one soul” (satu hati
satu jantonge) has played as a form of speech in interreligious dialogue. When people of
different faiths sing the song, rasa come along with body movements and narrative of song.
The rasa, then created a shared story and value in people imagination. Developed from
Bryan Turner’s somatic society, body movement goes hand in hand when people sing
Kapata together creating a somatic memory in Malukan collective memory. Turner says,
“we live in a ‘ somatic society’ in which our present political problems and social anxieties
are frequently transferred to the body.” (Turner 2003 : 1 – 11). In Kapata, when people go
hand in hand (baku kele) , in a ritual of pela gandong re‐enactment, “rasa of siblinghood”
(rasa orang basudara) integrates people into one cummunal identity. In “baku kele” as a
11 | P a g e
body movement when people sing kapata, all religious differences fluids in “rasa orang
basudara” that emerge from the somatic memory in “baku kele.” Therefore, somatic
memory helps people from other faiths to be bold to “touch” somebody from other beliefs.
Rasa orang basudara, also comes out when people imagine Nunusaku as a common
ground of Malukan Muslims and Christians. As I mentioned before, all pela gandong
folksong (Kapata and modern song which takes Kapata narratives) places Nunusaku as a
vocal point. Nunusaku, in interfaith dialogue, serves a common ground from people of
other faiths. Drawing on Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities, where he proposes
his “unisonance” concept, he argues that through “unisonance”, a community is formed
through song. Anderson states, “at precisely such moments, people wholly unknown to the
same melody. The imagine: unisonance. Singing the Marseillaise, Waltzing Matilda, and
Indonesian Raya provide occasion for unisonality for the echoed physical realization of the
imagined community.”(Anderson, 2006 : 145). Nunusaku could reframe Maluku as a
community through song. Therefore in the imagination as a community, Malukan
Christians and Muslims find the foundation of solidarity and collective identity, I am
arguing that in this imagined siblinghood, people of Maluku found their “imagined
reconciliation”. It is imagined because, unlike Gacaca in Rwanda and Ubuntu in South
Africa when victims and perpetrators formally encounter each other, Maluku’s formal
reconciliation in Second Malino Meeting only touch less than 50 elite under government
order. While the rest experience imagined reconciliation through the re‐enactment of pela
gandong relationships and narrative of Kapata in modern folksong that enable people
(Muslims and Christians) to reconcile themselves by advancing a collective memory of the
community of siblinghood (orang basudara).
12 | P a g e
Izak Lattu
izaklattu@berkeley.edu
lattu@staff.uksw.edu
As a strong oral community, Maluku is occupied significantly by folksongs in private
to public sphere. In the household, parents sing folksong for their children during bedtimes.
During my first research, I experience the penetration of Malukan folksong into my private
room for I could enjoy the music of my neighbors when I was still lying on my bed. While in
Malukan public transportation, drivers played a full and loud music. In city such as Ambon,
no one will ride non‐musical public transportation. Therefore in the private and public
lives, one may argue that Malukan get used to and get influenced by folksong.
In this presentation, I will explore a research question of how collective memory
recreates and reshape Malukans “imagined siblinghood” through folksong (Kapata) after a
huge conflict of Muslims and Christians in 1999 to 2003? The presentation will conclude
that Folksongs (Kapata) either in traditional or modern style have connected people’s
imagination as a community by which the folksong creates an “imagined reconciliation.”
Pela Gandong: Malukan Web of Social Engagements
Culturally, Malukans believe that the people come from a sacred place named
Nunusaku. In that sense, the story of Nunusaku has significantly dominated Malukan
collective memory through the narrative of folksongs. Grounded on Maurice Halbwachs’
1
Presented to Friday Forum at Southeas Asian Department in the University of Wisconsin‐Madison, Friday,
November 16, 2012.
1 | P a g e
collective memory, the narrative of Malukan social engagement in folksongs created a
realm of “imagined siblinghood” (pela gandong relationship). For Halbwachs, “collective
memory is a social framework that confines and binds our most intimate rembrances to
each other” (Halbwachs 1992 : 53). In Maluku, the collective memory of pela gandong
relationships has functioned to bind communities and work as a cultural mechanism to
support reconciliation.
What is pela gandong? pela is divided into un‐genealogical and genealogical alliance.
First, un‐genealogical pela is commonly called pela. In Maluku vernacular, un‐genealogical
pela has two forms; blood pela (pela darah) or hard pela (pela keras) which was
established through a cultural oath between the leaders of two or more small‐local
communities (Negeri) after those negeri involved in a long‐bloody fight. Here, blood pela is
an act of cultural conflict resolution.
Another model of un‐genealogical pela is soft pela (pela tempat sirih). Soft pela was
established after a minor event such as assistance which given to one particular negeri by
other negeri during a natural or social disaster. In brief, un‐genealogical pela, either blood
pela or soft pela, has established a new “siblinghood” relation based on mutual supports
between negeri.
The second type of pela that based on a genealogical association is named gandong.
Negeri who have the gandong relationships believe that they share a common ancestor.
The story of gandong begun from diaspora from Nunusaku, as members of a family
considered to continue their journey to different directions and find dissimilar place to live.
Before they decided to split up, an oath was established as a site of remembrance to the
next generation.
2 | P a g e
Accordingly, pela, whether it is genealogical or un‐genealogical, requires mutual
respect and an obligation to render reciprocal assistances, including the construction of
public buildings such as negeri meeting house (bailieu), churches, mosques, and schools. To
borrow form Benedict Anderson’s “Imagined Community”, here pela gandong creates an
“imagined siblinghood”. Even though one never meets other people who shared a pela
gandong relationship, the feeling of siblinghood is remaining strong. It is common for
people who have pela gandong relationship to hold each other when they gather for the
first time, as if they already know each other for a long period of time, because a “shared
siblinghood feeling” exist in their imaginations.
Kapata: Malukan’ site of Collective Memory
Folksong (Kapata ) helps to preserve the “shared siblinghood narrative” in Maluku’s
collective memory. It is through Kapata that Malukan describe social integration in Maluku.
One may find out one’s relationship with other community through the narrative of Kapata.
In strong oral society like Maluku, Kapata is the means of historical narrative. R. Z.
Leirissa, a Malukan Jakarta based scholar argues that Kapata is the device of historical
mnemonic. For him, “almost all historical narratives in central Maluku are narrated in
folksong in indigenous language.” (Leirissa 1999 : 77). Beside it role in formal ritual, such
as pela enactment, marriage ritual, and other forms of formal ritual, Kapata also functioned
as a “community anthem” (Tutuariam and Latupapua, 2010). Kapata is a folklore that
everybody in Maluku can perform and understand. Echoing Bartels, I argue that Kapata is
the shape of Malukan present, anticipate the future through past narratives. Bartels says,
3 | P a g e
“Kapata is traditional greeting formulas and shorthand histories; generally, they consist of
old songs in which episodes of the past are told” (Bartels, 1977).
Kapata works in Maluku society through at least four means; First Kapata as a tool
of ritual performance and Kapata as the narrative of siblinghood. In a ritual performance,
Kapata produces habitual and shared feeling among participants in pela gandong re‐
enactment rituals. Through the ritual, people have an integrated memory that establishes a
collective experience and reinforced connections between people. In many pela gandong
re‐enactment rituals, people sing Kapata while holding each other hands (baku kele). From
the folksong and body movement in the ritual of pela gandong re‐enactment, Kapata
provides a sense of belonging among people who have pela gandong relationships. When it
comes to Negeri from different faiths, Kapata helps to create room for passing over
religious borders and openness toward people of other faiths.
Second, Kapata functions as a narrative of siblinghood supplies people with a
shared knowledge and experience of the past. Since Kapata arises from Maluku local
context, people understand the narrative by which Kapata brings people to the imagined
common ground (“topos”) of collective memory. Kapata, which places Nunusaku as a focus
of its narrative, serves as a shared knowledge to integrate people into the same rasa.2 The
rasa that comes out from a narrative of Kapata integrates the imagination of people who
understand and believe in the narrative and re‐creates collective memory and group
identity. Kapata Nunusaku of South Ceram illustrates people imagination of siblinghood
that ground in the story of Nunusaku,
Tui‐tuia heilete, heilete,
2
I could not find any proper English word for “rasa”, because “rasa” covers feeling, sense of belonging,
love, and solidarity.
4 | P a g e
Heilete Nunusaku o, Nunusaku o,
Riai moma, taralele, taralele
Tara lele, moria la samo, moria la samo
Uru Siwarima, uru Siwarima o,
Uru Siwarima, uru Nusaina o
Mae sama ito, sama ito mae o,
Sama ito mae ito lekahua o
Upu patasiwa toti apapua mae,
Apapua mae, upu patasiwa o
Nunusaku o, Nunusaku nunu o,
Nunu Nusa Ina nunu Siwarima o
Upu lepa pela upu ina lepa o,
Kwele batai telu kuru siwarima o
Sei hale hatu hatu lisa pei o,
Sei lesi sou sou lesi pei o3
They scattered as tui‐tui4, moved out from Nunusaku
When they moved out, they make an oath
They promise to help each other, look after each other as siblings
People of Siwalima5, people of Nusa Ina (Ceram Island)
Let’s dance Maku‐maku because Patasiwa has given you apapua6 Nunusaku in
Ceram Island is the land where the descendants of Siwalima comes from.
Our ancestors have made an oath that three rivers belong to the descendants.
The last part of this Kapata is clearly highlighting the imagined siblinghood in the
remembrance of oath, “one turns over the rock, the rock befalls over one.
One breaks the oath the oath cracks one down” (Sei hale hatu hatu lisa peio, sei lesi sou
sou lesi peio). For Folklorist like Alan Dundes, a form of folklore, including Kapata, that
represents collective understanding is a product of social experience. The experience
infuses “a sense of group identity that helps to foster the collective memory of particular
community.
3
See Frecien Tutuarima and Falentino Latupapua, Kapata Sebagai Wahana Penuturan Sejarah dan
Harmonisasi Sosial Masyarakat (Kapata as an Oral History and means of Social Harmonization in Maluku) (Bangka
Belitung: Seminar Internasional VII Tradisi Lisan, 2010), 4
4
A sort of weasel
5
Nunusaku people
6
Areca nut and betel
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Third, Kapata is sung as a communicative action. One can argue that Kapata is also
an instrument of communication among community members, and between community
members and Nitu, ancestor spirits who protect the community. Kapata Pela between
Hunitetu and Lohiatala is a facet of communication between two different communities, the
creator, and the spirit of ancestors:
OOo tunai‐lasatale, pulane, leamatai,
Tuwale, Babike, lanite, tapele, selu jami ooo
Kinu kwate kai Lohitalaooo
Kinu kwate kurele, pela jurule; saka mimise, noa mimise,
lesi kena lumaio, sapu kena lumaio.
Ooo….saa marelo tetu matau;
saa malau soa tetu peisoa, iane kete matau;
timule keri matao; halite likio matao.
Mata sakalele pelene.
Kinu kwate kurele, pela kurele; saka mimise, noa mimise,
saka nunu rupu kena patu, patu rupu kena nunuee,
nunu pali tolase, tolase pali nunuee, hiooo….
(Oh the Creators, moon and sun, Rabike and Tuwale,
Look at us who drink the oath with Lohiatala.
An eternal and strong oath.
Watch carefully and remember diligently
so we (Hunitetu and Lohiatala) will not fight and be indignant over each other.
If you fight over each other, when you climb a tree to catch a kusu
You will fall down on the ground and the bees will sting until you die.
You will die when you eat your warm sagoe
You will die when you eat areca‐nut
In the sea you will fall from your boat and be swallowed by fish
You will die when the east and west winds blow you
You will die just like a lighting bug.
We are drinking an eternal oath, a strong oath.
Be vigilant and do not forget.
We will be as strong as a banyan tree and as a rock.
As if we are the rock and banyan tree.
Just like a tolase tree that grows together with the banyan tree, hiooo)
The first part of Hunitetu and Lohiatala Kapata describes Kapata function as a mode of
communication with the Creators and the spirit of ancestors. The second part is explaining
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communication and a facet of collective memory that people in both negeri must
remember.
Fourth, Kapata is the means of social control or social integration. In Maluku’s
community engagements, when Kapata narrates the story of Pela gandong relationships, it
has functioned very much as an instrument of social control and cohesion. At this point,
Kapata serves as a foundation for social acceptance of plurality. From Kapata that narrates
the alliance of Pelauw “Muslim Negeri” in Haruku Island and Titawai “Christian negeri in
Nusalaut Island“, (Bartels 1977 :249) one can conclude that this Kapata glues these two
communities together. The Kapata says;
Lembe‐lembe rima o
Lembe‐lembe rima o
Gandong Matasiri lembe rima mae o
Lesinussa Matasiri hae lata Nunusaku o
Ito rua huka hoto Nunusaku oo
Kukuwano manu, loto Tala ina
Ale kuku o
Tala ina yo sorak gandoing erwako
(come here and extend your hands (sakes hands) 2x
Siblings from Pelauw come and offer your hands
Titawai and Pelauw, both are from Nunusaku.
We two came from Nunusaku
The raft down the river Tala
Because our raft drifted down
From the river Tala, we are siblings)
In this Kapata, Nunusaku, again, plays important role in people imagination. Nunusaku
becomes a connecting factor for people who belong to different religions. As a “topos” of
remembrance, Nunusaku creates an imagined meeting point that moves people to come
together in unity. Kapata pela of Titawai and Pelauw as well as Kapata pela Hunitetu and
Lohiatala explain clearly the collective imagination of either genealogical or un‐
genealogical siblinghood. It is clear that through Kapata people employ a set of civic
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engagements between people of different groups and religions. Scholar such as Lisa Schirch
argues that peacebuilding is aiming to “engage people through multiple ways of learning
and knowing”. Echoing Schirch’s theory of peacebuilding, through Kapata, which is
narrated Pela gandong relationship, people engage through multiple ways of learning and
knowing. Song in Schirch’s perspective is a major way to bring peacebuilding narrative in
practical understanding (Lisa Shirch, 2005 : 164).
In Maluku today, Kapatas as an oral tradition, experience an evolution from a
monotone song into a complex genre range from pop to hip hop. In my interview with
Hanry Noya, a Malukan singer, songwriter, and producer, it is clear to me that Malukan
modern song takes Kapata’s spirit and narrative. Peter Salenussa, a lecturer of Music at the
Indonesian Christian University of Maluku, supports Noya argument, showing that some
Malukan pop songs are the evolution of indigenous language bahasa tana into Maluku
lingua franca, Ambon‐Malay in order to help people to understand the meaning of those
songs. (Salenussa 2009: 45). At this point, one can find a strong abstract of Kapata in
Maluku modern folksong such this bellow song,
Gandong lah mari Gandong, mari jua ale yo
beta mau bilang ale, katong dua satu gandong
hidop ade deng kaka, sungguh manis lawang e
ale rasa beta rasa, katong dua satu gandong
gandong e ... sio gandong e...,
mari beta gendong beta gendong ale jua
katong dua cuma satu gandong e...,
satu hati satu jantong e ..
(Come here my siblings
I want to tell you that we are one
Our siblinghood is so sweet
Since we have a shared feeling for we are one
My siblings, let me hold you, hold you tight
Because we are one, one heart and one soul)
In comparing “Gandong” song and Kapata Titawai‐Pelauw (genealogical pela) as well as
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Kapata Hunitetu‐Lohiatala (un‐genealogical pela), one might acknowledge a bold language
of mutual respect and shared experience in the narrative of the Gandong song.
Maluku’s modern song also takes Kapata narrative in preserving the place of
Nunusaku as a topos of remembrance. Kapata has become inspiration for Maluku modern
songs in entangling the people of Maluku as a community who share the same roots,
history and cultural narrative. As a facet of orality, Kapata functions very much as the
“storage” of Malukan local communication and knowledge. One modern folksong by a
group named Mainoro proved my assumption that Kapata has been functioning as the
storage of Malukan collective memory, which is centered on the narrative of Nunusaku.
Below is the lyric of Mainoro’s “Satu Darah” (one blood) song;
Sejarah tinta seng bisa bicara tapi Kapata bisa carita
Hancurkan tirai kusut dan tua sio Nusa Ina bukti sejarah
Sombar baringin dar Nunusaku Tifa Murkele game dong bale
Hutan dan rimba sudah babunga tahuri babunyi di unjung Binaya
Sio basudara yang satu darah ana cucu Siwa Lima
Katong buka suara Pombo putih kapata damai
Seisi bahtera bersukaria sinar sejarah damaikan Maluku
Sio basudara yang satu darah Nusa Ina itu rumah tua
Nunu Siwa Lima oooo Pombo putih kapata damai
Seisi bahtera bersukaria tahuri babunyi di unjung Binaya
Sinar sejarah damaikan Maluku
(Written history cannot speaks, but kapata tells (Malukan) story
Cracking down the rumpled and old curtain, Nusa Ina is the historical evidence
The shadow of the Banyan tree of Nunusaku, Murkele little drum has summoned
you all
Forest and jungle are blossoming, there is a sound of tahuri (shell) in Binaya
Ooo My siblings who shared Siwa Lima blood
Voice out your tone, the Pombo bird has sung kapata of peace
All passengers of the boat (Maluku) are rejoicing, there is a sound of tahuri in Binaya
The light of history helps Maluku be peaceful)
The narrative of Mainoro “Satu Darah” follows the same pattern of Kapata Nunusaku
in preserving the central place of Nunusaku and Ceram Island (Nusa Ina/Mother Land) in
Maluku’s collective memory. In Jeffrey Olick’s perspective, Kapata, both old Kapata and
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Kapata in Malukan modern song, is the collective memory in which people of a given
society represent their history and produce accounts of past events to reshape the present
(Olick 2007 : 15). In this sense, Mainoro is aiming to reshape the present of Maluku society
by incorporating Kapata’s narrative into Maluku modern song. “Sejarah tinta seng bisa
bicara, tapi Kapata bisa carita” “written history cannot speaks, but kapata tells (Malukan)
story“ is explaining boldly the purpose of this song to rewrite the present of Maluku
society.
The performance of Kapata in everyday life, pela gandong re‐enactment ritual, and
other special local events as well as the extraction of Kapata in Maluku modern songs are
meant to extend Maluku’s cultural memory. In Rachel Wagner’s words, Kapata is the “site
of information‐sharing.” (Wagner 2012 : 11). As the performance of Kapata as a site of
information‐sharing because, I am echoing Maurice Halbwachs, the collective memory
extends as far as the contemporary group preserves and performs it regularly (Halbwachs
1992 : 75). He adds, “ to remember is not to sit back and watch, but to remember is to
reconstruct the past.” (Halbwasch 1992 : 75). Kapata, including Maluku modern folksong, is
the process of remembering the past as a repetitive process by which Malukan society is
tied up collectively.
Oral history in Kapata is important for Malukans to remember the past and to
reshape the present in a framework of community entanglement. Drawing on Jeffrey Olick’s
collective memory theory, without the narrative of Nunusaku and Pela gandong in Kapata,
Malukans are unable to provide a good explanation of their worldview and traditional
heritage. Developed from Olick, Kapata is not just the act of remembering as members of
Maluku’ society, but Maluku society shapes its members simultaneously in the act of
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remembering through the narrative of Kapata. Through Kapata Maluku becomes a
“community of memory.” (Olick 2007 : 53).
In the ritual of pela gandong re‐enactment and Malukan local knowledge, Kapata
helps people of Negeri Muslims or Christians to come out from religious borders
respectively to encounter people with different faiths. I agree with Merdjanova nad
Brodeur’s definition of dialogue for peacebulding. For them, interreligious dialogue is any
form of human communication that helps mutual understanding. It is including speech and
shared activities. Kapata as the form of Malukan oral tradition is part of interreligious
dialogue for peacebuilding. When people sing Kapata together, they move their bodies and
go hand in hand with pela gandong siblings people shared activities and building social
integration through ritual. At the same token, Kapata as a means of social capital enlarge
and robust “radius of trust” in Malukan communities.
Kapata as a cultural performance creates a rasa of siblinghood among people of
different faiths. The narrative of gandong song, for instance, “one heart one soul” (satu hati
satu jantonge) has played as a form of speech in interreligious dialogue. When people of
different faiths sing the song, rasa come along with body movements and narrative of song.
The rasa, then created a shared story and value in people imagination. Developed from
Bryan Turner’s somatic society, body movement goes hand in hand when people sing
Kapata together creating a somatic memory in Malukan collective memory. Turner says,
“we live in a ‘ somatic society’ in which our present political problems and social anxieties
are frequently transferred to the body.” (Turner 2003 : 1 – 11). In Kapata, when people go
hand in hand (baku kele) , in a ritual of pela gandong re‐enactment, “rasa of siblinghood”
(rasa orang basudara) integrates people into one cummunal identity. In “baku kele” as a
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body movement when people sing kapata, all religious differences fluids in “rasa orang
basudara” that emerge from the somatic memory in “baku kele.” Therefore, somatic
memory helps people from other faiths to be bold to “touch” somebody from other beliefs.
Rasa orang basudara, also comes out when people imagine Nunusaku as a common
ground of Malukan Muslims and Christians. As I mentioned before, all pela gandong
folksong (Kapata and modern song which takes Kapata narratives) places Nunusaku as a
vocal point. Nunusaku, in interfaith dialogue, serves a common ground from people of
other faiths. Drawing on Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities, where he proposes
his “unisonance” concept, he argues that through “unisonance”, a community is formed
through song. Anderson states, “at precisely such moments, people wholly unknown to the
same melody. The imagine: unisonance. Singing the Marseillaise, Waltzing Matilda, and
Indonesian Raya provide occasion for unisonality for the echoed physical realization of the
imagined community.”(Anderson, 2006 : 145). Nunusaku could reframe Maluku as a
community through song. Therefore in the imagination as a community, Malukan
Christians and Muslims find the foundation of solidarity and collective identity, I am
arguing that in this imagined siblinghood, people of Maluku found their “imagined
reconciliation”. It is imagined because, unlike Gacaca in Rwanda and Ubuntu in South
Africa when victims and perpetrators formally encounter each other, Maluku’s formal
reconciliation in Second Malino Meeting only touch less than 50 elite under government
order. While the rest experience imagined reconciliation through the re‐enactment of pela
gandong relationships and narrative of Kapata in modern folksong that enable people
(Muslims and Christians) to reconcile themselves by advancing a collective memory of the
community of siblinghood (orang basudara).
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