THE LEXICAL DIFFERENCES IN MADURESE VARIETIES SPOKEN BY PEOPLE IN SITUBONDO REGENCY A THESIS
THE LEXICAL DIFFERENCES IN MADURESE VARIETIES SPOKEN BY PEOPLE IN SITUBONDO REGENCY A THESIS
Submitted as Partial Fulfillment of the Requirements For Sarjana Degree of English Departement Faculty of Humanities Universitas
Airlangga Surabaya
Rhofiatul Badriyah 121211231127 ENGLISH DEPARTMENT FACULTY OF HUMANITIES UNIVERSITAS AIRLANGGA SURABAYA 2016
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SKRIPSI THE LEXICAL DIFFERENCES... RHOFIATUL BADRIYAH
I dedicate this thesis to Allah SWT, my parents, younger brother, family, and friends.
Live with Purpose
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SKRIPSI THE LEXICAL DIFFERENCES... RHOFIATUL BADRIYAH
SKRIPSI THE LEXICAL DIFFERENCES... RHOFIATUL BADRIYAH
ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS First of all, I would like to thank Allah SWT who always gives me all I need to live and to finish this thesis. Thank you for always giving me patience, strength, spirit to accomplish my biggest goal in bachelor degree.
This t hesis w ould ne ver be a ccomplished w ithout t he g uidance of m y thesis advisor, Erlita Rusnaningtias, M.A. From the bottom of my heart, I would like t o t hank you for your p atience, ki ndness, m otivation, t ime, s pirit, a nd knowledge. I am f eeling s o bl essed t o h ave you a s m y t hesis a dvisor. Also I extend m y g ratitudes to a ll le cturers o f E nglish D epartment o f U niversitas Airlangga for giving me knowledge during my college time.
I also want to thank to my beloved parents who always support me. Thank you for all the things you have done for me. Thank you for always being my eyes when I am in t he da rk. T o m y younger br other, t hank you f or be ing m y moodbooster whenever I feel so unmotivated.
Finally, I want to say thank you to m y second family, Annishah, DBSK (Dita, S hovi, K hotim), Tita, T eteh, D essy, D eivy, Faras, Zahratum, S heila, a nd Made F , Nova, R indra, a nd m y bo arding ho use f riends (Fitri, A ni, M bak Husnul,Vitta, Zafira, Din, and Bety) for being special persons I could depend on.
Thank you for everything.
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14 June 2016 Writer
TABLE OF CONTENTS
Title Page ………………………………………………………….. i Inside Title Page …………………………………………………... ii Declaration Page ………………………………………………….. iii Dedication Page …………………………………………………… iv Thesis Advisor’s Approval Page ………………………………….. v Thesis Examiner’s Approval Page ………………………………… vi Acknowledgement ………………………………………………… vii Table of Contents ………………………………………………….. viii Abstract ……………………………………………………………. ix
CHAPTER 1 INTRODUCTION ………………………………….. 1
1.1 Background of the Study ……………………………………… 1
1.2 Statement of the Problem ……………………………………... 6
1.3 Objective of the Study ………………………………………… 6
1.4 Significance of the Study ……………………………………… 7
1.5 Definition of Key Terms ……………………………………… 7
CHAPTER II LITERATURE REVIEW ………………………….. 9
2.1 Related Theories ………………………………………………. 9
2.2 Related Studies …………………………………………………19
CHAPTER III METHOD OF THE STUDY ……………………... 22
3.1 Study Approach ……………………………………………….. 22
3.2 Location of the Study …………………………………………. 22
3.3. Population and Sample ………………………………………. 25
3.4 Instrument of the Study ……………………………………….. 26
3.5 Technic of Data Collection ……………………………………. 27
3.6 Technic of Data Analysis ……………………………………… 28
CHAPTER IV DISCUSSION …………………………………...... 33
4.1 Finding ……………………………………………………….... 33
4.2 Discussion …………………………………………………....... 6
CHAPTER V CONCLUSION ……………………………………. 80 REFERENCES ……………………………………………………. 83 APPENDIX ……………………………………………………….. 86 viii
Rhofiatul Badriyah .2016. The Lexical Differences in Madurese Varieties Spoken by
People in Situbondo Regency. English Department Faculty of Humanities Universitas
Airlangga.Abstract One of the characteristics of Madurese variety used in Situbondo Regency is the lexical differences. Focusing on the Madurese variety used by people to communicate in daily life, this study aimed to describe the lexical differences and to reveal the status of the lexical differences. Five villages were chosen as the observation points of the study: Demung (OP1), T anjung Pecinan ( OP2), Sumberwaru ( OP3), Curah T atal ( OP4), a nd Taman ( OP5). U sing a word l ist of 450 w ords, a t otal of fifteen informants w ere interviewed. Beside interview, some activities included recording, note taking, and cross- checking w ere a lso carried o ut to o btain t he d ata. The data were then analyzed an d calculated using dialectometry formula. The results show that out of 450, t here are 133 lexical d ifferences. The p ercentage of the l exical d ifferences b etween OP 1 s nd O P2 reaches 52. 6% which means that the varieties used in the two OPs are different dialects. Meanwhile, index percentage in six other compared OPs indicates that they have different sub-dialect status. The percentage of the lexical differences between OP 2 and OP3 is 42.
1%, OP3 and OP4 is 42. 1%, OP4 and OP5 is 45. 9%, OP1 and OP5 is 34. 6%, OP2 and OP5 is 40. 6%, a nd OP2 and OP5 is 42. 9 %. I n c onclusion, the s tatus of the l exical differences of the Madurese varieties spoken by people in Situbondo Regency includes different dialects and different subdialects.
Keywords : Geographical dialect, Lexical differences, Madurese Variety, Situbondo, Synchronic Study
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CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION
The name Madura refers to an Island which is part of East Java Province but separated b y a narrow strait of Madura. It has four big regencies which are Bangkalan, S ampang, P amekasan, and S umenep. Contrary t o people i n m ost regions in East Java Province who use Javanese as their local language, people in Madura use Madurese as their daily language. Lauder (cited in Sofyan, 2010, p. 207) s tated t hat Madurese l anguage b ecomes the f ourth l argest l anguage i n Indonesia which is spoken by almost 14 million people.
Based on l inguistic aspect, Madurese language i s divided into four main dialects: Bangkalan, Kangean, Pamekasan, and Sumenep dialect (Sofyan, 2010, p.
208). T hose f our di alects a re us ed i n di fferent r egions i n M adura lsland. According to Zainuddin et al. and Wibisono et al. (cited in Sofyan, 2010, p. 208), Bangkalan dialect is used in Sampang and Bangkalan. Kangean dialect is used in Kangean Island e ven t hough t his i sland i s pa rt of S umenep r egency (Sofyan, 2010, p. 216) . T he ot her di alect, P amekasan di alect, is us ed i n w estern part of Sumenep and Pamekasan regency. The last dialect, Sumenep dialect is spoken by people in Sumenep regency, except some areas which are adjacent to Pamekasan regency (Sofyan, 2010, p. 218).
2 Similar to Javanese language, the speech level of Madurese is divided into three levels. The highest level is engghi bhunten which is used to address older people. The second level is engghi enten which is spoken by people in the same age. T he t hird l evel, enja’ i ya is us ually used by p eople t o s peak t o younger
h
speaker. As an example, i n engghi bunt en, people s ay adha’ar [ad ǝ’ǝr] for ‘eating’ an d mostaka [mɔstaka] for ‘h ead’. In engghi e nten, people s ay neddha
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[nǝdd a] for ‘eating’ and sera [sɛra] for ‘head,’ while in enja’ iya level, people say ngakan [ŋakan] for ‘eating’ and cethak [tʃɛtak] for ‘head’.
Talking about t he po pulation, M adurese e thnic gr oup w as greatly increasing by surpassing 4. 3 m illion people in 2000, coming as the third biggest ethnic group after Javanese and Sundanese (Syamsuddin, 2007, p. 162) . Related to t he l anguage t hey u se e very da y, i t i s qui te i nteresting t o know how f ar Madurese language extends in society. Madurese language is not only spoken by people in Madura Island. It might be due to the fact that Madurese ethnic group also l ives i n ot her r egions i n Indonesia. S utoko, S oegianto, a nd S urani (1998) stated that some regencies outside Madura Island are also occupied by Madurese ethnic group, such as Pasuruan, Probolinggo, Bondowoso, Jember, and Situbondo which are located in eastern part of East Java Province. Moreover, there are some areas in Surabaya, Banyuwangi, and Bali whose people also speak in Madurese (Sutoko, e t a l., 1998) . Therefore, Madurese p eople also have t heir o wn p lace outside Madura Island, especially in eastern part of East Java.
Moving t o J ava Island, particularly to East J ava Province, this pr ovince has been part of Madurese history. The data shows that every year about 20.000 of
3 Madurese people leave their island and move to Java Island (Syamsuddin, 2007, p. 63). It results in a massive migration to the eastern part of East Java Province
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which happened in 19 century and it is proven by the fact that the population of Madurese ethnic group in this area reached about 500.000 inhabitants at that time (Syamsuddin, 2007, p. 163).
There are some r easons w hy M adurese pe ople tend t o m igrate t o ot her regions. A s s tated b y Lee ( cited i n H artono, 2 010, p. 3) , t here a re f our m ain factors influencing M adurese people t o m igrate. T hey are (1) factors associated with th e a rea o f o rigin, ( 2) factors a ssociated with th e a rea o f d estination, ( 3)
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intervening obs tacles, a nd ( 4) pe rsonal f actors. P overty which happened in 19 century was considered the main reason for Madurese people to migrate to Java Island. 63% of Madurese people worked as farmers, but unfertile soil became the biggest problem which brought them to the difficulty in fulfilling the demand of staple (Kuntowijoyo cited in Hartono, 2010, p. 4).
Some regencies in eastern part of East Java Province that become the main destination of Madurese people are known as Tapal Kuda area (Sutarto, 2006, p.
1). The term Tapal Kuda is derived from the form of this area that looks like a horseshoe. T he s ociety here i s know n as pandalungan. T he t erm pandalungan emerges as the result of two dominant cultures, Madurese and Javanese that blend and create a new culture (Sutarto, 2006, p. 1). According to Prawiroatmodjo (cited in S utarto, 2006, p. 2 ), t he t erm pandhalungan means speaking to others impolitely due to the lack of grammatical aspect. It might be because these two
4 dominant e thnic groups, M adurese a nd J avanese, ha ve t heir ow n characteristics (Kusnadi cited in Sutarto, 2006, p. 4).
Madurese people consider Tapal Kuda area as their second home, a place where they work and earn money. The main linguistic characteristic found in this area i s t he u se o f enja’ i ya or ngoko speech level b y m ixing t wo or m ore languages to communicate with other people (Sutarto, 2006, p. 2). The spread of Madurese people in Tapal Kuda area varies. Madurese people tend to migrate to different regencies in East Java Province. People from Sampang mostly migrate to Pasuruan a nd P robolinggo, people f rom P amekasan t end t o m igrate t o Jember, while pe ople from Sumenep t end t o m igrate t o B ondowoso a nd S itubondo (Syamsuddin, 2007, p. 167). Thus, even though people in some of the regencies in
Tapal Kuda area u se Madurese l anguage, their la nguage is a ssumed to b e influenced by different varieties of Madurese language.
Regarding Madurese va riety i n S itubondo, pe ople i n t his r egency us e Madurese t o c ommunicate to others, s uch a s in conversations between friends, students and t eachers, o r pa rents and their c hildren. B ased on t he hi story, t he variety s poken i n S itubondo i s a ssumed t o g et i nfluence most from S umenep dialect. It i s be cause m ost of S umenep pe ople m igrated t o S itubondo (Syamsuddin, 2007, p. 167). H owever, people in S itubondo of ten f ind l ack of mutual in telligibility in understanding v arieties used i n di fferent s ub-disctricts.
For example, people in the western part say kowek [kɔwɜk] that refers to ‘owl,’ while people in the eastern part say beluk [bɜluk]. Another example is people in
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the northern part say sengghik [sɛŋg IɁ] that refers to ‘crab,’ while people in the southern say kopeteng [kɔpɛtɛŋ].
Based on t he phonemenon f ound i n t he us e of Madurese variety i n Situbondo, t his s tudy i s c onducted ba sed on t hree a ssumptions. ( 1) T he variety used in Situbondo is assumed to be influenced by Sumenep dialect. It m ight be because m ost of S umenep pe ople chose t o m igrate t o S itubondo i nstead of t o other regencies in Tapal Kuda area. (2) The second assumption is the possibility of pe ople i n S itubondo r egency t o s peak di fferent varieties. T his a ssumption emerges due to the lack of mutual intelligibility faced by people in their daily life.
(3) The last assumption is the lack of mutual intelligibility which is faced by the people m ight be be cause of the l ocation of Situbondo which is a djacent to Probolinggo, a regency where most of Sampang people migrated to. Probolinggo is near the border line of the western part of Situbondo Regency which leads to the assumption t hat pe ople i n the western pa rt of S itubondo i nteract m ore w ith people f rom P robolinggo. It results in the p ossibility that the v ariety used b y people i n the western pa rt of S itubondo is influenced b y the variety used i n Probolinggo Regency. Moreover, the distance from the western part to the central town of Situbondo is quite far, which is about 25 km.
Some studies focusing on Madurese v arieties have be en conducted. Awaliyah ( 2015) w ho c onducted a study f ocusing o n l exical d ifferences i n Kangean Island, S umenep Regency used 4 50 lexical ite ms b y carrying out interviews with l ocal pe ople in Kangean Island. T he result of t his s tudy is the status of different dialects and different sub-dialects in Kangean Island. This study
6 is different from my study because I analysed the lexical differences in Situbondo Regency which was located in Tapal Kuda area.
Another study was pe rformed b y Asyatun (2005). She studied about t he isolect stratigraphy o f M adurese language spoken b y p eople i n P amekasan Regency. This synchronic study tried to compare 233 g losses in seven OP(s) to find t he l exical d ifferences. T his study i s di fferent f rom m y s tudy be cause s he analysed M adurese v ariety i n P amekasan Regency, while m y s tudy focused on Madurese variety in Situbondo regency. The last study came from Tri (2015) who studied a bout P andhalungan l anguage i n P robolinggo w hich f ocused on bot h phonological and l exical di fferences b y us ing 2 00 w ords. T his s tudy a nalysed both Madurese and Javanese language that were used by people to communicate in every day conversation. It is different from my study. In her study, Tri focused on p honological a nd l exical as pects o f M adurese an d J avanese l anguage i n Probolinggo Regency. Meanwhile, my study only focused on lexical differences in Madurese variety in Situbondo Regency.
1.2 Statement of the Problems
Based on t he b ackground of t he s tudy, t he problems in th is s tudy a re formulated as follow:
1. What ar e t he l exical d ifferences found i n t he M adurese va riety used b y people in Situbondo Regency?
2. What is the status of those lexical differences?
1.3 Objectives of the Study
7 Based on the statements of the problem, the objectives of the study are as follow:
1. To identify the lexical differences found in the Madurese variety used by people in Situbondo Regency.
2. To determine the status of those lexical differences.
1.4 Significance of the Study
This study is expected to give theoretical and practical contributions. For the t heoretical c ontribution, t his s tudy m ight s trengthen t he de velopment of dialectology s tudy. B eside t hat, t his study i s e xpected t o give i nsights t o f uture dialectology s tudies. It could also be u sed as a refenrence for t he n ext dialectologists who want to conduct study about Madurese language, especially in Situbondo Regency. S ince t his s tudy onl y focuses on s ynchronic approach, i t might he lp f uture s tudies which ex plores M adurese v ariety using di achronic approach. For students, this study is expected to give new insight about Madurese varieties outside Madura Island, such as in Situbondo.
For pr actical c ontribution, t his s tudy m ight give c lear di fferences f or Situbondo pe ople a bout t he va riety us ed i n t heir da ily l ife s o t hey kno w m ore about their own variety. For the local government of Situbondo Regency, it might be us eful to i ntroduce Situbondo a s a part of Tapal K uda area w ith i ts o wn linguistic characteristics contrasting to the other areas.
1.5 Definition of Key Terms
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- Dialect : a subdivision of a particular language or a variety which i s g rammatically (and p erhaps l exically) as well a s phonol ogically different f rom ot her varieties (Chambers and Trudgill, 2004, p. 3-5)
- Synchronic study : a study th at d eals w ith lin guistic f eatures or events in a particular time (Mahsun, 2005, p. 84)
- Geographical dialect : a dialect in w hich various lin guistic d ifferences accumulated in a p articular geographic r egion (Chambers and Trudgill, 2004, p. 5).
- Lexical differences : the differences of words used by different speaker to poi nt out s ame obj ect ( Chambers a nd T rudgill, 2004, p. 54)
The t erm l anguage, d ialect, ac cent an d v ariety a re r elated t o ea ch o ther. Talking about language, it is not just dealing with linguistic aspects since there are so m any considerations l ay be hind i t, s uch a s pol itical, geographical, hi storical, and sociological aspects (Chambers and Trudgill, 2004, p. 4) . The term language is used for variety which has standardized its own grammar, orthographies, and books, a nd that is usually di fferent f rom one a nother, s uch a s B ritish a nd American E nglish w hich ar e considered d ifferent l anguages (Chambers a nd Trudgill, 200 4, p. 4) . B ritish people us e flat as t he s tandard form whereas American people use apartment to refer t o t he s ame bui lding. T alking a bout language, it cannot be separated from dialect. A language contains some dialects which often hardly to be understood by the speakers. According to Chambers and Trudgill (2004, p. 3), dialect is a subdivision of a language which shows the low- status an d r ustic f orm o f p articular l anguage an d al ways b een as sociated w ith working class and low society. More particular, dialect is a collection of different grammatical, phonological, and lexical aspects of particular language (Chambers and T rudgill, 2004, p. 5) . T he e xample is taken f rom S cot pe ople t hat pr efer saying I’ll not do i t to I w on’t do i t. H aving d ifferent d ialects mean ha ving different ac cents. T he t erm a ccent i s f ocusing on how s peakers de al with t he pronunciation of w ords w hich br ing t o t he di fferences of phonol ogical a nd phonetical aspects (Chamber & Trudgill, 2004, p. 5), such as t he word adult is pronounced as / ʌdult/ by British while American pronounce it as /ǝdʌlt/.
However, t here ar e s ome f orms w hich h ave no cl ear s tatus w hether t hey are considered a language or a dialect. Considering the phenomenon, the term variety could be applied to those undefined forms. The term variety is used as the neutral term t hat c ould be f ound i n t he l evel of speech, di alect, or e ven l anguage (Chamber & Trudgill, 2004, p. 5).
2.1.2 Types of Dialect According to Chamber and Trudgill (2004), there are two types of dialect which are social and geographical dialect. Social dialect emerges as the result of different aspects i n s ociety, s uch a s t he de gree of e ducation, oc cupation, a nd family status which means that social dialect is put towards the people based on how they are treated or respected in society (Holmes, 2004, p. 139) . Bankers do not talk like office cleaner and teachers do not talk in the same way like a security guard. It can be seen from the example in England where people who belong to upper class use sitting room instead of lounge. Another word that is preferred by the u pper cl ass i s lavatory instead o f toilet. S ocial c lass a lso s hapes on how people pronounce some words. The study which was conducted by Labov (cited in H olmes, 2004, p. 14 5) s howed a clear s ocial s tratification w here p eople a t prestigious s tore us ed post-vocalic [ r] c onsistently t han pe ople w ho vi sited standard stores. Another example comes from New York where the use of post- vocalic [ r] i s c onsidered more prestigious. It means that the h igher someone belongs to a social group, the more use of post-vocalic [r] (Holmes, 2004, p. 145).
Geographical dialect refers to the dialect differences due to geographical aspects ( Chambers a nd T rudgill, 2004, p. 5) . In s ociolinguistics, t he t erm geographical d ialect r efers t o r egional va riation w hich i s f ocusing on r egional differences. The differences in regional variation here can be found in the level of accent, dialect, or even language, such as American and British English that are considered different languages (Holmes, 2008, p. 128). For example, Americans prefer do you have that seems uncommon to British people. Geographical dialect is quite different from regional variation since geographical dialect is focusing on the level of dialect where usually emerges only in one area, such as the differences of A merican E nglish di alect us ed i n Boston a nd N ew Y ork ( Holmes, 2008, p.
131). Another example of geographical dialect is Cockney dialect in London with its glottal stop [Ɂ] instead of [t] in words like bitter and butter (Holmes, 2004, p.
131).
This study is a synchronic r esearch which is different f rom di achronic research. S ynchronic r esearch f ocuses o n l anguage p henomena i n a particular place and time while diachronic research focuses on language evolution or how a particular language changes from time to time (Mahsun, 2005, p. 84).
2.1.3 Dialect Chain In many parts of the world, linguistic differences distinguish one village from a nother. Sometimes, it is f ound th at a d ialect spoken i n an A area is understood well by people in B area while people in E area only understand few words of A area and people in G area do not understand it at all. The differences might be s maller or bigger, but t hey w ould be c umulative ( Chambers a nd Trudgill, 2004, p. 5) . It depends on the distance that separates one village from another. The greater the distance is, the greater the linguistics differences found. It means that dialects on outer edges might not be mutually intelligible but they are linked by the chain of mutual intelligibility (Chambers and Trudgill, 2004, p. 5).
The ex ample can be f ound i n S candinavian c hain. E ven t hough Norwegian, S wedish, a nd D anish a re c onsidered di fferent l anguages, yet t he Scandinavian chain that links dialects of those three languages make Swedes and Norwegian i n bor der areas unde rstand e ach ot her t han S wedes i n s outhern a nd northern a rea (Holmes, 2008, p. 135) . It i s di fferent from va rieties us ed b y Chinese pe ople in C hina. E ven t hough Mandarin a nd C antonese are co nsidered dialects of C hinese, the speakers o f t hose d ialects do not understand each ot her (Holmes, 2008, p. 135) . It shows t he arbitrariness o f t he d ifferences b etween language a nd d ialect. H owever, th e me asurement o f mu tual in telligible is o ften not e qual. D anes s ay that they unde rstand N orwegians be tter t han N orwegian understand D anes. It m ight be c aused b y s ome f actors, s uch as l istener’s willingness to understand and their degree of education (Chambers and Trudgill, 2004, p. 4).
2.1.4 Dialect Features Similar to language, a dialect also h as some l inguistic a spects, s uch a s phonological, l exical, s yntactical, m orphological, a nd s emantic a spects. E ven countries that use the same root language, such as American and British English might have d ifferences t hat can be seen through those linguistics aspects.
Phonology deals w ith t he pa ttern a nd s ound o f particular l anguage, s pecifically deals with how speech sounds form a system of our language (Fromkin, Rodman, and Hyams, 2003, p. 273) . Meanwhile, phonological differences are focusing on how words are pronounced differently from one area to the others. An example can be ta ken f rom A merican and British E nglish. B ritish R P w ould u se /a :/ in pronouncing clash while American would use /æ/ to pronounce the same word.
Meanwhile, a ccording t o Chambers a nd T rudgill ( 2003, p. 97) , l exical differences r efer t o d ifferent w ords used b y di fferent s peakers to poi nt out the same object. As an example, the term dutch cheese is used in northeastern region of North America; whereas, cottage cheese is used by American midland people, but brose is used in Scotland.
Another aspect, s yntactical aspect i s defined as rules of grammar w hich include word o rder, o rganization o f s entences, and grammaticality of s entences
(Fromkin, Rodman, and Hyams, 2003, p. 121) . The ex ample can be taken from speech an d w riting s tyle, s uch as in the s entence which c lub di d y ou hi t t he
winning putt with? which is usually used in writing and speech while With which club did you hit the winning put is a typical of formal writing (Miller, 2002, p.
12). Syntactical differences also refer to different grammatical rules. For instance, Americans tend to use do you have instead of have you got that is commonly used by British.
The next aspect is morphology which concerns with the internal structures of words and how t hey are f ormed. In br ief, m orphology d eals w ith w ord formation such as the use of affix that might give other meaning or even change the w orld c lass ( Fromkin, R odman, a nd H yams, 2003, p. 69) . M orphological differences clearly shape one word that comes from the same language, yet h as different formation, such as the British dream is changed into dreamt by adding –
t suffix while American use –ed to form the word dreamed.
The last is semantic aspect which deals with the meaning of word, phrases, and even sentences (Fromkin, Rodman, and Hyams, 2003, p. 173) . Specifically, when talking about s emantic d ifferences, i t w ould r efer t o t he d ifferences o f meaning of words, phrases, and sentences. The word homely for American people means ugly, while for British people homely means down to earth.
2.1.5 Lexical Differences As stated by Chambers and Trudgill (2003, p. 97), lexical differences refer to d ifferent w ords used b y di fferent s peakers to point out the same o bject. T he lexical items refer to minimal d istinctive u nits conventionally l isted i n t he dictionaries ( Crystal, 20 08, p. 276) . T hey c onsist of s ome c ategories t hat a re known as lexical categories. Lexical categories refer to the word-level syntactic categories w hich c onsist of noun, ve rb, a djective, a nd a dverb t hat be long t o content w ords w hile p ronouns, pr eposition, a rticle, a nd conjunction be long t o function word (Fromkin, Rodman, and Hyams, 2009, p. 78). According to Miller (2002, p. 35), content words which are also known as lexical words include nouns (flower, milk, and eraser), verbs (go, drink, and sleep), adjective (beautiful, small,
and f ast), a nd adverbs ( slowly, r apidly, and aut omatically). On t he ot her ha nd,
function w ords are known as g rammatical w ords and w hich include pr onouns, such as it, she, they, preposition such as in, on, of, article such as the, that, these, and conjunction, such as and, or, with ( Fromkin, Rodman, and Hyams, 2009, p. 78).
2.1.6 Standard Madurese Madurese l anguage ha s 6 vow els, 31 c onsonants, 3 di phtongs, a nd 8 clusters. These six vowels are /a/, /i/, /u/, /ɛ/, /ǝ/, and /ɔ/. Madurese language has
31 consonants because there are different phonemes between [k] and [Ɂ], and among [ b], [ d], [ D], [ g], [ j] ( Sofyan, 2010, p. 2 07). T here i s [ ñ] t hat c ould be added t o r epresent t he s ound / ny/, s uch t he w ord minyak in B ahasa Indonesia (Hasibuan, 2005, p. 20). While based on S ofyan (2010, p. 207) , there are some
h h h
additional c onsonants a nd vow els us ed i n M adurese, w hich are [ b ], [d ], [D ],
h h [g ], and [j ] that belong to consonant and [aj], [oj], and [uj] that belong to vowel.
2.1.7 Types of Isogloss
Lexical differences in particular language are drawn by using isogloss. It is a line which makes the boundaries between one area and the other area. Isogloss is divided i nto 6 t ypes ( Chambers a nd T rudgill, 2004, p. 97) . T he f irst i s l exical isogloss t hat di fferentiates t he a rea w hich us es different w ord i n poi nting s ame object, such as the word dutch cheese in the northeastern region of North America and cottage ch eese in t he A merican m idland. S econd, pr onunciation i sogloss which s ometimes c onsidered in p art w ith le xical is oglosses th at d eals w ith different pronunciation used in particular region, such as how Northern people of North A merica p ronounce greasy by us ing [ s] c ompared w ith s outhern a nd midland people who used [z]. In phonology, there are also two types of isogloss.
First i s phone tic i sogloss t hat r efers t o di fferent phone tic f orm of t wo r egions caused by additional linguistic rule, such as /aj/ and /aw/ in Canadian English that have hi gh ons et i n w ords l ike mice and mouse before voi celess obs truent t hat usually applied in Canadian rule.
Opposed t o phonetic i sogloss, t here i s also phon emic i sogloss t hat deals with phonemic di fferences, such as t he existence of phoneme / ʊ/ and /ʌ/ w here northern people of England never acknowledge the word that have /ʊ/ and /ʌ/ to be existed. The last type of isogloss is grammatical isogloss which is divided into two types. The first is syntactic isogloss that deals with sentence formation, such as t he u se o f for to in ma ny p arts o f th e E nglish-speaking w orld as a complementiser, b y c ontrast, no s tandard di alect of E nglish, i n a ny p art of t he world, includes for to among its complementiser (Chambers and Trudgill, 2004, p.
98). T he s econd i s morphological i sogloss w hich i ncludes pa radigmatic, inflectional, and derivational differences in some regions, such the use of holp as the p ast t ense o f help in S outh A merica, i n c ontrast t o helped elsewhere (Chambers and Trudgill, 2004, p. 98).
2.1.8 Monograph of Situbondo Situbondo is one of the regencies which is located in eastern part of East
Java P rovince w ith a po sition be tween 7° 35’ - 7° 44’ a t t he s outh l atitude a nd 113° 30 -114° 42’ a t t he e ast l ongitude. Its w idth r eaches a bout 1. 5638, 50 kilometer p er s quare w here t he l argest s ub-district i s B anyuputih ( 481, 67 kilometer per square) and the smallest sub-district is Besuki ( 26, 41 kilometer per square). In the north part, it is bordered by narrow strait of Madura, east part is bordered by strait of Bali, south is bordered by Banyuwangi and Bondowoso, and the last is west part which is bordered by Probolinggo Regency. There are 17 sub- districts i n this r egency, w here 13 s ub-districts are co astal ar eas while th e remaining 4 s ub-sub-districts are a gricultural areas, t hey a re S umbermalang, Jatibanteng, Situbondo, and Panji Sub-district.
Figure 1 : The Map of Situbondo Regency
As one o f t he r egencies in Tapal K uda area, t here a re t wo d ominant cultures well blended in this regency, which a re Madurese and J avanese. Tapal
Kuda area is also known as Pandalungan area. According to Sutarto (2006, p. 1),
the term Pandalungan refers to the new culture as the result of blending process of two or more cultures in particular area. However, the term Tapal Kuda refers to the area that creates horse shoe form (Sutarto, 2006, p. 1).
Focusing onl y on M adurese l anguage, t here i s a l ong hi story behind
th
Situbondo pe ople w ho speak t his va riety. In 19 century, t here w as m ajor migration o f M adurese people t o J ava Island, e specially i n e astern pa rt or E ast Java Province that changed the society in this area which created what so called as
Pandalungan society (Syamsuddin, 2007, p. 162 ). Situbondo was becoming one
of r egencies t hat b ecome t he n ew l and f or Madurese pe ople. A s s tated b y Syamsuddin ( 2007, p. 1 67), t he m igrators t hat c ame t o S itubondo w as c oming from S umenep w hich gave t he pos sibility f or S umenep va riety t o b e s poken i n this regency. Poverty became the main reason for Madurese people to come to this regency. W orking a s farmer, t he s oil c ondition c ould not f ulfill t he de mand of daily n eed. In t heir i sland, unf ertile s oil be came t he bi ggest pr oblem w hich brought t hem t o t he di fficulty i n f ulfilling t he demand of s taple ( Kuntowijoyo cited in Hartono, 2010, p. 4). It is different from Situbondo which provides fertile soil that could give advantages for those who work in agricultural sector (Hartono, 2010, p. 5) . Another fact also strengthen the possibility that Situbondo variety is influenced by Sumenep variety is because the first person who ruled Situbondo, at that time its name was Besuki, was Pangeran Sumenep (Pemerintah Kabupaten Situbondo, 2015).
Another feature that could be found in Situbondo is the characteristics of the area among villages. Situbondo is divided into two different area, coastal area and a griculture ar ea. T he s ub-districts w hich are l ocated i n nor thern pa rt of Situbondo are close to narrow strait of Madura, such as Besuki, Mangaran, and Banyuputih sub-district. They have port that connects them to Madura Island. It might become the reason for people in this area to work as fishermen. Kalbut port is one of t he l argest por ts i n t his r egency w hich i s l ocated i n M angaran s ub- district. M eanwhile, s ub-districts th at a re l ocated i n s outhern pa rt close t o agriculture area. It i s s hown b y m ost of pe ople i n t hese a reas w ho work a s farmers.
Even t hough t he va riety t hat i s us ed i n S itubondo a ssumed t o b e influenced by Sumenep dialect, people in this regency often find lack of mutual intelligibility in u nderstanding v arieties u sed in d ifferent s ub-disctricts. F or example, pe ople i n w estern pa rt w ould s ay kowek [kɔwɜk] t hat re fers t o ‘o wl’ while people in eastern part would say beluk [bɜluk]. Another example is people
h
in northern part would say sengghik [sɛŋg IɁ] that refers to ‘crab’ while people in southern would s ay kopeteng [kɔpɛtɛŋ]. It becomes the reason for researcher to conduct the study about the lexical differences in Situbondo regency.
Awaliyah (2015) conducted study about the lexical differences in Kangean Island, Sumenep regency. There were four OP(s) used in this study, which were Dudo (OP1), Dandung (OP2), Torjek (OP3), and Pajanangger (OP4) which were located in Arjasa and Kangayan Sub-District. Interviewing, note taking, recording, and cross-checking were c onducted b y us ing 450 w ords t hat c ould r epresent variety used in this Island. The status of lexical differences was counted by using dialectometry formula. The result showed that that there were out of 450 words, there were 137 lexical differences. The index of lexical differences found between Dandung and Torjek (48, 90 % ), D andung and Pajanangger (47, 44 %), Torjek and Pajanangger (62, 04 %), Duko and Dandung ( 67, 15 %) and the last Duko and P ajanangger ( 70, 8 0%) w hich br ought t o t he c onclusion t hat t he s tatus o f lexical differences in Madurese varieties spoken by people in Kangean Island is different Sub-Dialect and different dialect. The difference between her study and my study is I analyzed lexical differences of Madurese varieties outside Madurese Island. My study focused on Madurese variety in Situbondo regency.
The s tudy from A syatun ( 2005) e ntitled S tratigrafi Isolek Isolek B ahasa Madura Dialek Pamekasan conducted in Pamekasan regency aimed to find isolect stratigraphy of M adurese va riety s poken i n t his r egency. Using s ynchronic approach, t he s tudy w as c onducting b y comparing 233 i sogloss i n s even Observation Point (OPs) were sub-district that could represent lexical differences, respectively Tlanakan, Pademawu, Pamekasan, Proppo, Larangan, Penganten, and Pakong Sub-District. Three informants in each observation point were chosen to gain the lexical differences by interviewing, note taking, and recording. 92 lexical differences w ere f ound which c ould be c onsidered s peech di fferent. T his s tudy also t ook pl ace i n M adura Island, w hile m y s tudy t ook pl ace out side Madura Island.
The l ast s tudy w as c oming f rom T ri ( 2015) w ho s tudied P andhalungan language spoken by Probolinggo people. This study was focusing on l exical and phonological di fferences t hat e merged i n t his r egency as t he r esult of bl ending process of two cultures, Madurese and Javanese. Descriptive and qualitative were used t o i dentify t he di fferences b y us ing 200 glosses. T he r esult of t he s tudy showed 40 l exical di fferences a nd 40 phonol ogical di fferences. This study i s different f rom m y s tudy i s be cause I onl y f ocused o n l exical d ifferences i n Madurese varieties while her study focused on lexical and phonological aspects of both Madurese and Javanese varieties in Probolinggo regency.
3.1 Study Approach
Qualitative descriptive approach was used in this study. Qualitative study refers t o t he data collection t hat i nvolves non-numerical d ata w hich em phasizes works in a wide range of data collection by doing interview study and working on many t ypes of t ext ( Dornyei, 2007, p. 37 ). R elated t o t he s tudy, qu alitative approach w as ap plied w hen an alysing an d i dentifying t he l exical d ifferences b y conducting s ome activities w hich a re i nterviewing, r ecording, not e taking, a nd cross c hecking ( Mahsun, 2005) . D ialectometry formula w as also us ed in t his study to calculate the status of lexical differences in Situbondo variety.
3.2 Location
In this study, five OPs (Observation Point) were chosen. The term OP is used to refer to the location taken as the area of the study (Mahsun, 2005, p. 130).
Five v illages in f ive s ub-districts h ad b een s elected as t he area f or t he s tudy, respectively Demung (OP1), Tanjung Pecinan (OP2), Sumberwaru (OP3), Curah Tatal (OP4), and Taman (OP5). They were chosen based on t he assumption that they r epresent t he va riety i n w estern, nor thern, e astern, a nd s outhern pa rt of Situbondo regency. However, there are some criteria in choosing the Observation Points that represent varieties spoken in each Observation Point (OP) as proposed by Mahsun (2005, p. 131). The criteria include:
1. The OP(s) should be far from central town.
2. The OP(s) should have low mobility.
3. The OP(s) should be occupied by more than 6.000 inhabitants.
4. The OP(s) should have existed for more than 30 years.
Figure 2 : OP(s) in Situbondo Regency
The f irst O P is D emung v illage th at is lo cated in B esuki S ub-District, western pa rt of S itubondo. Its w idth r eaches 3.59 km s quare ( Statistik D aerah Kecamatan B esuki, 201 4). It i s a lso one of t he vi llages t hat are near t he s ea (Statistik Daerah Kecamatan Besuki, 2014).
The s econd O P i s T anjung P ecinan vi llage, l ocated i n M angaran s ub- district, northern part of Situbondo regency which is well known as coastal area and becomes the reason why this area is very identical with fisherman. Fisherman becomes the second biggest occupation after farmer (Statistik Daerah Kecamatan Mangaran, 2014) . T anjung pe cinan i s t he w idest vi llages a mong s ix vi llages i n Mangaran S ub-District. I ts w idth reaches 11.71 km s quare. T he di stance from Tanjung Pecinan to Central Town is about 8.5 k m (Statistik Daerah Kecamatan Mangaran, 2014).
The t hird O bservation P oint i s S umberwaru vi llage w hich i s l ocated i n Banyuptih Sub-District, the eastern part of Situbondo Regency. Its width is about 111.27 km square. It t akes an hour t o go t o t he central t own since t he distance reaches 36 km . T his vi llage i s inhabited by 8.3 86 i nhabitants, c onsist of 4.195 males ad 4.191 females. Sumberwaru has the lowest population density ratio. It is only about 35 inhabitants per km square (Statistik Daerah Kecamatan Banyuputih, 2014).
The f ourth obs ervation point i s Curah T atal w hich i s l ocated i n A rjasa Sub-district, southern part of Situbondo. This village is the second largest village in Arjasa district after Jati Sari village. Its width is about 42,56 km square and is occupied b y m ore t han 7.000 i nhabitants. S ince i t i s not a c oastal a rea, t he majority o f in habitants a re w orking a s farmers ( Statistik D aerah K ecamatan Arjasa, 2014).
The l ast obs ervation poi nt i s T aman vi llage w hich i s l ocated i n Sumbermalang s ub-district, t he s outhern pa rt of S itubondo Regency. The percentage of its width is about 9.94% and it makes Taman as one of the smallest villages in this district (Statistik Daerah Kecamatan Sumbermalang, 2014).