Habitual be As example 3 above indicates, speakers of AAE express recurring or

“ole” for old, “bes” for best, “un-erstan” [nərstn] for understand. Much of this can be represented in the phrase, It’s kind of hard, which is pronounced [s kɑnə hɑr]. Another major characteristic of the phonological system of Chicano English is the devoicing of z, especially in word-final position. Because of the widespread occurrence of z in the inflectional morphology of English in plural nouns, possessive nouns, and third-person- singular present-tense verbs such as goes, this salient characteristic is also stereotypical. Chicano English pronunciation is also characterized by the substitution of stops for the standard fricatives represented in spelling by th: [t] for [θ] and [d] for [ð], as in [t h k] for thick and [dεn] for then. Still another notable characteristic is the pronunciation of verbal -ing as “een” [in] rather than n [ən] or ŋ. Other -ng words such as sing and long end with a combined velar nasal ŋ and a velar stop g; thus sing is pronounced [sŋg], not [sŋ], and long is [l ɔ ŋg] rather than [l ɔ ŋ]. A further prominent feature of Chicano English is its use of certain intonation patterns that may strike speakers of other dialects of American English as uncertain or hesitant. As with speakers of AAE, speakers of Hispanic varieties of English who live in cities affected by the Northern Cities Shift don’t appear to be participating in these shifts, at least to the same extent as other groups. Grammatical Features Chicano English also has characteristic syntactic patterns. It often omits the past-tense marker on verbs that end with the alveolars t, d, or n, yielding “wan” for wanted and “wait” for waited. At least in Los Angeles, either . . . or either is sometimes heard instead of either . . . or, as in Either I will go buy one, or either Terry will. Another feature is the use of dialect-specific prepositions such as out from for away from, as in They party to get out from their problems. As with many other varieties, Chicano English permits multiple negation, as in You don’t owe me nothing and Us little people don’t get nothin’. Ethnic Varieties and Social Identification It’s important to reemphasize that some customary features of Chicano English and African-American English are characteristic of other varieties of American English. In some cases, as with consonant cluster simplification, these features are widespread in mainstream varieties, including standard English. In other cases, as with negative con- cord, they are not characteristic of standard American English but are shared with other nonstandard varieties. What makes any variety seem distinct is not a single feature but a cluster of features, some of which may also occur in other varieties. Ethnic dialects are an important ingredient in social identity, and features that are recog- nized as characteristic of specific social groups can be used to promote or reinforce affilia- tion with that identity. When speaking, an African-American man or woman who wants to stress his or her social identity as an African American may choose to emphasize or exag- gerate features of African-American English. The same is true for speakers of Hispanic English varieties who wish to emphasize their Hispanic identity. News correspondents on English-language radio and television broadcasts generally speak without marked social group accents. To emphasize their ethnic identity, however, some correspondents use a marked ethnic pronunciation of their own names at the conclusion of a report. A reporter named Maria Hinojosa identifies herself as mah-REE-ah ee-noh-HOH-sah, with a trill 6 in REE. Geraldo Rivera pronounces his first name heh-RAHL-doh. Such ethnically marked pronunciations highlight a reporter’s pride in his or her ethnic identity. Try It Yourself: Consider these pronunciations of Hispanic names: “deh-lah- CROOS” for de la Cruz; “FWEHN-tehs” for Fuentes; “GAHR-sah” for Garza, and “ehr-NAHN-dehs” for Hernandez. Say these names aloud as you think they would be said without an ethnic pronunciation. Compare those pronunciations with the ones in quotation marks, and identify two features in the Hispanic pronunciations that are characteristic of Chicano English. Identify two other features we did not discuss but that you think may reflect characteristics of Hispanic English. Socioeconomic Status Varieties: English, French, and Spanish Less striking than regional and ethnic varieties, but equally significant, are the remark- able patterns of speech that characterize different socioeconomic status groups. Here we describe some speech patterns of the English spoken in New York City and in Norwich, England, as well as of the French of Montreal and the Spanish of Argentina. New York City New Yorkers sometimes pronounce r and sometimes drop it in words like car and beer, cart and fourth where r follows a vowel in the same syllable and appears either word finally or preceding another consonant. The presence or absence of this r does not change a word’s referential meaning. A “cah pahked” in a red zone is ticketed as surely as a similarly parked car. And whether you live in New York or “New Yoahk,” you have the same mayor or “maya”. Still, the occurrence of r in these words is anything but random and anything but meaningless. Linguist William Labov hypothesized that r pronunciations in New York depended on social-class affiliation and that any two socially ranked groups of New Yorkers would differ in their pronunciation of r. On the basis of some preliminary observations, he predicted that members of higher socioeconomic status groups would pronounce r more frequently than would speakers in lower socioeconomic class groups. To test his hypothesis, Labov investigated the speech of employees in three Manhat- tan department stores of different social rank: Saks Fifth Avenue, an expensive, upper- middle-class store; Macy’s, a medium-priced, middle-class store; and S. Klein, a dis- count store patronized principally by working-class New Yorkers. He asked supervisors, sales clerks, and stock boys the whereabouts of merchandise he knew to be displayed on the fourth floor of their store. In answer to a question such as “Where can I find the lamps?” he elicited a response of fourth floor. Then, pretending not to have caught the answer, he said, “Excuse me?” and elicited a repeated—and more careful—utterance of fourth floor. Each employee thus had an opportunity to pronounce postvocalic r four times twice each in fourth and floor in a natural and realistic setting in which language itself was not the focus of attention. Employees at Saks, the highest-ranked store, pronounced r more often than those at S. Klein, the lowest-ranked store. At Macy’s, the middle-ranked store, employees pro- nounced an intermediate number. Figure 11-13 on page 372 presents the results of