Village exchange Exchange and Identity
However, village-level exchange is still realized among the Bajau, primarily in the form of feasts. Putting on such feasts requires the labor of others, whether neighbors or
relatives often both, and this contributes to the social solidarity and Bajau identity of the village, as does the actual partaking of the feasts. Village exchanges figure
prominently when there is a death in the village. The following discussion traces the series of events set in motion at such a time:
When a death occurs in the village, a chain of events is initiated that involves neighbors and kin alike. The body of the deceased is buried within twenty-four hours,
if possible. As the body is being prepared for burial at the home by the imam and other religious personnel, relatives and acquaintances of the deceased gather at the home to
pay their respects to the family and to witness the carrying away of the corpse on a specially-decorated platform to the graveyard. This initial large gathering of people at
the home of the deceased is called nibaw. For seven nights following a death, relatives and village acquaintances gather at the home of the deceased in order to observe what
the Bajau call bejogo, or ‘keep watch’. The clothes and personal possessions of the deceased person are arranged inside the house in a special place called bangkay-
bangkayan, purportedly to be guarded against disturbance by a spirit-possessed person the Bajau call mangat. Relatives of the deceased arrive from distant villages, and many
local neighbors come, particularly young people. Coffee and simple snacks are served. People entertain themselves by conversing and playing games, sometimes late into the
night. One may consider the bejogo to be an event of both social and material exchange. The guests enjoy coffee and an opportunity for games and conversation, while the
grieving family of the deceased receives the support of relatives and neighbors. On the fifth night of the bejogo, an important event takes place in preparation for
the memorial death feast to be held two days later. This event, known as ngisi kalas, involves the wrapping of specially-prepared rice in silat leaves. The triangular bundles
of rice will then be cooked and distributed to guests attending the death feast to be held two days later. Primarily older women participate in the ngisi kalas. These women,
summoned by oral invitation, are both relatives of the deceased family who may come from neighboring villages, and neighbors. As many as forty to fifty women will gather
in the house of the deceased for the ngisi kalas, which occurs during the bejogo and may last for several hours. Their work proceeds in an orderly fashion, as the women seat
themselves in small circles and enjoy conversation and refreshments while they work. The women are not paid for their labors, but are asked to volunteer their efforts the
Bajau have a word buyu which means ‘to solicit one’s volunteer help’. In return, they enjoy refreshments and a festive social occasion. Those villagers who seldom visit
others’ homes to assist them in ngisi kalas or other activities will not have many helpers when it is their turn to host such events. This underlies the importance of reciprocity in
Bajau village-level exchanges. The bangi pitu ‘day seven’ memorial death feast is the first in a series of five such
feasts which a Bajau family puts on, at seven, twenty, forty, one hundred, and three hundred sixty-five days after one of their immediate family member has died. How
elaborate these feasts are depends upon the wealth and inclinations of the family. The largest bangi feast is the bangi kementaun, or anniversary feast, which draws the most
feastgoers .
An animal may be slaughtered for the anniversary feast, and for some of the smaller bangi feasts as well. A typical bangi feast is held in the early afternoon, at the
home of the family of the deceased relative. The feastgiver invites his guests by word of mouth beforehand. The number of invited guests is typically between ten to twenty,
though for a larger feast they may number up to forty. The most distinguished guest is the pakir or religious practitioner who leads the prayers that are performed prior to the
feast. The guests gather in a circle on the floor inside the house, and the host announces the purpose for the gathering, at which time he identifies the deceased
person being remembered in the feast. The pakir then begins the Arabic prayers, which are accompanied by the burning of incense. The other guests join in the prayers. The
meal follows just after the prayers. The pakir is served first, as the most honored guest. After the guests have eaten, and before they leave, each is presented with a large
package called duang. The duang consists of various cakes, snacks, rice including the kalas prepared two nights before, and food left over from the feast. Each guest brings a
duang home to his family. In this way the feast is ‘extended’ to all the households whose respective heads attended the feast.
The cooking for these bangi feasts is done by the wife of the feastgiver, who is assisted by her grown daughters, daughters-in-law, and other women relatives. Those
who serve the food are typically the sons of the feastgiver, together with other boys or young men of the village whose help has been requested. For the most part, putting on
a bangi feast is a “family affair,” involving the labor of close relatives. A married woman may call upon her consanguineal and affinal kin to assist her in preparing and
serving the food. They in turn may call upon her for help when they put on their own bangi feast. Kinship ties are clearly important in the preparation of the bangi feast. The
invited guests are often heads of households in the village, not necessarily related to the feastgoer. In addition to the pakir, invited guests may include the orang tua native
chief and other village leaders. Feastgoers may also include relatives from neighboring villages, though seldom from more distant places. There is no evident material
exchange between feastgiver and feastgoer. What the host of the bangi feast gains primarily is social prestige, in that he is able to put on the feast and to laden his guests
with food to bring home to their families. The bangi feasts have as their stated purpose to remember or “show care for” a
deceased relative, though these feasts are neither required nor encouraged by Islam. The giving of duang is particular to Bajau adat shared also by the Iranun culture and
is not an Islamic practice. However, the Bajau consider their duang as sedekah, or alms,
given in remembrance of the deceased person. Almsgiving itself is an Islamic practice: the Bajau have integrated this Islamic practice of sedekah with their particular
traditions and beliefs. Some Bajau say that merit is accrued to the dead through the giving of sedekah. For the Bajau, sedekah involves obligations to both the living and the
dead, and is an important aspect of many feasts. Some Bajau speak critically of the bangi feasts, considering them to be wasteful and
lavish affairs which constitute a considerable hardship for ordinary people, and which detract from the whole intention of honoring the dead. There is a possible parallel here
with what Kuchiba has observed for villagers in Kedah, West Malaysia, where some
villagers regard the traditional Malay kenduri feasts as being “wasteful and
ostentatious,” whereas others believe they are beneficial because they foster reciprocity 1979b:120. Generally speaking, the bangi feasts are widely accepted within the Bajau
community. Such feasts, because they gather together heads of households in the
village, are an important source of village solidarity. Kuchiba offers the following description of the role of feasts in a Malay village:
In the Malay village, strong dyadic relationships centered on the individual prevail; the villagers feel little solidarity as a community, and exclusive
community organizations of long standing which could foster feelings of solidarity are few. In addition, family and kinship relationships are not stabilized
within clear boundaries. The resultant feelings of instability are relieved, and the solidarity of the village is reinforced by the Malay custom of inviting each other
to communal feasts at every opportunity. At the least, friendship is expressed and reconfirmed through this custom, which is ritualized in the feast. And
through the ritual, solidarity is sanctified and strengthened. Where, as in the Malay village, permanent organized neighborhood associations are not found, it
is necessary to repeatedly reconfirm community solidarity. 1979b:113–114
In a way similar to what Kuchiba describes for the Malay village, reciprocal feasts provide a means for the Bajau to strengthen neighbor and family ties. The Bajau people
highly value togetherness. A common expression in the language is Mangan nya mangan no, asal jo kurung-kurung, which can be translated as ‘whether or not we eat,
the important thing is that many people gather together.’ In a society where individual choice factors prominently in the organization of the household, as well as in the
marriage contract, the feasts offer something of a counterbalance, to draw the community together in shared rituals and to affirm friendships. Reciprocity in the
putting on of the bangi feasts, as well as attending the feasts, is not obligatory. Nevertheless, reciprocity is recognized as a natural means of strengthening
relationships in the village. While the bangi feasts are neither encouraged nor endorsed by Islam, they do
involve the reading of Arabic prayers mosoduo by an imam or pakir, and hence the context of such feasts is Islamic, as demonstrated also by their concept of the duang as
sedekah. We shall now briefly consider other feasts of the Bajau that are more explicitly grounded in Islamic beliefs and practice. Islam provides the framework for a number of
village events; in this way it solidifies community ties and contributes significantly to a shared sense of Bajau identity.
Many feasts performed by the Bajau are directly tied to the Islamic calendar. The observance of Ramadan, during which time Muslims refrain from eating or drinking
from dawn until dusk, draws the Bajau together as Muslims who share a common identity and purpose. During Ramadan, nightly prayers are held at the village surau.
These prayers sembahyang tarawih involve both men and women, primarily young or middle-aged. After prayers, a rice meal and drinks are served to everyone in
attendance. Different families in the village prepare the food on a rotational basis, and this is organized in Menunggui by the Committee of Village Development and Safety
JKKK. This giving of food by community members is also considered to be a form of sedekah, which people offer in the remembrance of close loved ones who have died.
The tarawih prayers and subsequent feedings are truly a village-wide event. Nearly every family is involved in the preparation of food at some time during the month, and
participation in the prayers is open to anyone who wants to come. In this respect, the tarawih prayers differ importantly from the bangi feasts, which happen irregularly and
with participation only from invited heads of households. The success of the tarawih event hinges upon strong leadership and grassroots support. Where these are lacking,
as in some neighboring villages, the prayers and village feedings are not performed.
The month of Ramadan ends with the Hari Raya Puasa holiday, the occasion for
much feasting and visiting. Every home is opened to visitors, and exchanges occur between neighbors and relatives alike. Reciprocal visitation is expected. No one
particular feast is associated with Hari Raya Puasa, but as this event nears, a number
of households perform feasts called the kenduri arwah, which are practiced in honor of deceased family members. At such feasts, sedekah is given to the pakir who leads the
prayers, considered as alms to accrue merit for those remembered during the prayers. Most of the other feasts that the Bajau observe are related not to the Islamic calendar
but rather to events in a Muslim’s life cycle. An obvious example here is the marriage feast already discussed in the previous section. In addition, feasts may be performed at
a baby’s hair-cutting ceremony, and to celebrate a boy’s circumcision. Smaller feasts are held to honor the fulfillment of a vow, or to request divine protection in the
warding off of sickness or other danger. What can be said to summarize the nature and significance of the Bajau feasts? It is
difficult to make generalizations about the feasts, given their great number and diversity. We have seen that, particularly where large scale preparations are required
such as the all-night cooking prior to the wedding feast, and the ngisi kalas, the feastgiver calls upon the help of his relatives and village neighbors alike. In terms of
the attendance of feasts, feastgoers sometimes include relatives but they nearly always include village neighbors, as seen for the bangi feasts. From this we may conclude that
participation in feasts, whether as feastgiver or feastgoer, is motivated as much by village residence as by kinship ties, though one’s close kin are usually called upon in
the putting on of feasts. Concerning their significance for the Bajau community, the feasts constitute a form
of natural not obligatory reciprocal exchange, both in putting on the feasts and in attending such feasts. Reciprocal labor is no longer practiced in the cultivation of rice,
but it is still practiced in the putting on of feasts and the ngisi kalas. Reciprocity in the attendance of village feasts encourages village solidarity. In all of its forms, reciprocity
works against the individualistic tendencies of the culture, tendencies which were illustrated in the previous discussion of the Bajau household and marriage. But the
feasts and other exchanges do more than promote social cohesion in the village. They also constitute familiar expressions of Bajau adat, viewed within an Islamic context that
provides yet further layers of shared meaning. Hence, the feasts and other Bajau exchanges contribute importantly to Bajau identity. It is to the question of identity that
we now turn.