265 Therefore, when we look not only at markedness indicators in the form of
asymmetric [ATR] spreading, but also at other clues in the language, such as distributional restrictions, we see the systematic ways in which a language’s [ATR]
markedness influences many static patterns as well. If we posit systematic [+ATR] dominance in Ikoma, the patterns mentioned in this section are difficult to understand.
7.2.3 Assessing the markedness evidence
What is quite interesting about Ikoma is how ambiguous the dominance patterns really are, especially at first glance. In the other cases of dual markedness from Casali’s survey
mentioned in §7.1.2 above, it is quite clear which value is systematically dominant in the language. In Ikoma, however, there is so much evidence on both sides of the issue,
and so many unusual patterns e.g. prefix dissimilation, the unusual applicative and subjunctive, and the asymmetric patterning of front and back vowels that it is not
immediately clear. We have seen cases of apparent [+ATR] spreading which are suggestive of
[+ATR] dominance over [-ATR]. However, we have also seen that there are a number of facts suggestive of [-ATR] markedness, including distributional generalizations and
apparent [-ATR] spreading. Concerning [+ATR] spreading, recall that it occurs only from word-final vowels with the exception of the applicative, and the existence of this well-
defined position means that [+ATR] could be the more limited and therefore not systematic dominant value. On the other hand, indicators of [-ATR] markedness are
found throughout the word, in prefixes, stems and suffixes. Concerning the rightward [+ATR] spreading to the applicative suffix, in §7.1.3 I
have already outlined one way in which this pattern could be explained, even if [-ATR] is
266 systematically dominant. Perhaps similar dominance reversal accounts could be made for
the other instances of [+ATR] spreading. Even if we suppose an analysis in which only [-ATR] or [RTR] is specified and [+ATR] is absent, the apparent [+ATR] spreading
could still be explained in terms of delinking the lexical [-ATR] specification from the root vowel in order to satisfy other harmony constraints.
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One point which immediately becomes clear is that either way we go, Ikoma has much to contribute to a theory of [ATR] markedness. Even for those who see no need to
decide on only one value as being the systematically marked value, Ikoma is still an especially interesting example of how both values are apparently marked. And for those
interested in the concept of dominance reversal, Ikoma provides an array of interesting data, since an analysis of either [+ATR] or [-ATR] dominance must account for at least
some patterns by reliance on dominance reversal. In summary, an interesting path of exploration is one in which we account for the
Ikoma patterns in terms of systematic [-ATR] dominance, with superficial [+ATR] dominance accounted for by other means. Ultimately, however, because of the
complexity and ambiguity of the data, we must also recognize that determining the relative types of [ATR] dominance in Ikoma is not easily done outside of a specific
theoretical framework and analysis including assumptions about featural respresentations and harmony driving constraints in particular.
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Therefore, even though I have outlined places where an analysis of systematic [+ATR] dominance might be difficult, once again,
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For example, imagine a constraint requiring [-ATR] to spread from the root to a suffix. Imagine also a number of [+ATR] high-vowel suffixes. If there is also an undominated constraint against [-ATR] high
vowels, [-ATR] could not spread to the high suffix, and the winning candidate might be one in which [- ATR] delinks from the root. This would look like [+ATR] dominance on the surface, but the constraints at
work are actually aiming towards spreading and preserving [-ATR].
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I thank Rod Casali for pointing this out to me.
267 only working through the possibilities in more detail will reveal whether or not it is
preferable. Finally, remember that this exercise has practical applications. If future work
shows that Ikoma is most simply analyzed in terms of systematic [-ATR] dominance, then it would conform to Casali’s hypothesis, further strengthening the typological
observations made in his 2003 study. Furthermore, if this typology continues to be confirmed, it would be grounds for a more restricted theory of [ATR] vowel harmony,
especially one which correlates [ATR] markedness with a language’s vowel inventory.
7.3 An historical explanation of markedness behavior
