Summary of previous chapters

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Chapter 8: Concluding remarks

Ikoma is a fascinating language, typical of other Bantu languages in many respects, but quite unusual in other ways. Some of the fascinating features include the height-changing prefixes, the [ATR] markedness paradox and the frontback [ATR] asymmetry in verb stem harmony. The [ATR] markedness issue could have interesting implications for a theory of vowel harmony systems, since it at first glance it appears to be a potential counterexample to Casali’s inventory-dependent [ATR] dominance hypothesis. Nonetheless, it seems possible that there could be a formal account which posits [-ATR] as the systematically dominant value, thus conforming to the hypothesis. Ikoma provides an intriguing new set of data for theoretical linguists, and it has much to teach us about dominance reversal. Further comparative work could also bring significant insights to our understanding of how languages and vowel systems in particular change over time.

8.1 Summary of previous chapters

In this final section, I briefly summarize the contents of each chapter and then suggest areas for future research. In Chapter 1, I introduced the Ikoma language and situated it within Tanzania’s linguistically-diverse Mara Region. I also introduced typological issues and vowel formant analysis methodology, both of which are important throughout this work. Chapter 2 provides additional introductory material, but here I focused on giving background to other aspects of the language outside of the vowel system. I described nominal and verbal morphology, consonant phonology and tone. Chapter 3 began the analysis of the vowel system, arguing that the language has a 7V inventory with e o as the degree 2 vowels, as well as both phonemic and conditioned vowel length. This analysis was supported by plenteous examples showing contrast in 277 both nouns and verbs, and also by frequency measurements and vowel formant analysis. Discussion of phonetic realization and native speaker perception of the vowels strengthens the argument for this inventory. Chapter 4 describes vowel harmony in bisyllabic noun stems, particularly examining vowel co-occurrence patterns. Ikoma requires adjacent mid-vowels in the stem to have the same [ATR] value. Of particular interest is that mid vowels before high vowels are always [+ATR], which suggests that [+ATR] has either historically or synchronically spread leftward in stems. Note, however, that only short vowels are targets of this spreading. Long [-ATR] vowels and are resistant to [ATR] assimilation. Chapter 5 describes dissimaltory prefix alternations in both nouns and verbs. Only the prefix closest to the stem harmonizes. Dissimilation is triggered by [-ATR] stem vowels, but [-ATR] does not actually spread. Instead, prefixes alternate from e o to [i u]. The analysis of both alternating and non-alternating prefixes is supported by vowel formant measurements. I give a brief explanatory account of prefix dissimilation using Optimality Theory, showing that this unusual pattern is actually a predicted repair strategy under some constraint rankings. Chapter 6 is a lengthy description of vowel harmony in verbal stems and suffixes. The patterns are complex, involving alternations of both root and suffix vowels, depending on the root-vowel and suffix combination. The description is complicated by the fact that the root-vowel assimilation patterns are not entirely clear. Vowel formant analysis shows that [+ATR] assimilation for front vowels is most likely categorical, but in some cases the statistical evidence is not quite as strong as we might expect. For back 278 vowels, on the other hand, there is clear gradient raising, but the [ATR] contrast in the back mid vowels is not at all neutralized. I also discuss gradient raising of the low vowel in various contexts. Finally, Chapter 7 summarizes the thesis and connects it to previous typlogical and theoretical predictions. I evaluated Ikoma in light of theories of [ATR] markedness and suggested that it could be possible that [-ATR] could be the systematically dominant value in the language, whereas instances of superficial [+ATR] dominance might be explained by dominance reversal. I also propose a possible historical path for Ikoma, which could explain why it could have developed patterns which are suggestive of both types of markedness.

8.2 Areas for future research