Again, although the Awar people report an opinion that immigrants should learn their language, it has not translated into the action of teaching immigrants. For this reason most immigrant children do
not use Awar in any way. The Awar in all three villages recognize that their language is in an endangered position. Most of
them speak only of trying to record their language so it is not lost entirely. Only a few spoke of trying to revitalize it. Unless something drastic changes, the Awar language will likely not be spoken regularly in
the next 10 years and could be completely lost in the next two generations.
3.2 Kayan
The Kayan language is spoken in only one village of the same name. It is situated at the end of the north coast road. Because of its position it is the terminus for PMVs carrying passengers who need to go further
via boat. It also hosts people who come in by boat and wait for PMVs to carry them into town.
3.2.1 Language use patterns
All children in the community learn Kayan before they learn another language. The Kayan feel that it is the parents’ responsibility to teach their children Kayan and the school’s responsibility to teach Tok Pisin
and English.
18
I interacted with a child around seven or eight years old who stumbled on a Tok Pisin word. Some other children mocked him and then explained to me that this child was just starting to
learn Tok Pisin. These factors create an environment where Kayan children use Kayan with all other members of the community, including other children.
In walking around Kayan I was surprised by how little of Tok Pisin I heard. I walked alone around the village for about an hour at dusk. In that setting it is easy to surreptitiously listen to natural
conversations. Families are preparing the evening meal, children are playing, men are gathering to discuss the day’s events and plans for the next. During that hour I did not hear a single Tok Pisin word
other than what was directed to me.
During my time there I never heard an adult address a child in Tok Pisin except when I was a part of the conversation. This confirms reports from the community that they speak the Kayan language to
socialize their children. Finally, the Kayan report that the community at large speaks Kayan in every domain. During the
main questionnaire all of my questions, posed in Tok Pisin, were translated into and then discussed in Kayan before a spokesman then gave me the group answer in Tok Pisin. Most interactions I witnessed
between adults were in Kayan.
3.2.2 Internal and external community attitudes
The community reports that they want their children to use the Kayan language. They also see value in knowing Tok Pisin and English, but don’t see knowing and using Kayan as a hindrance to either.
The headmaster of the primary school in Kayan is from Awar. His children have learned Kayan, but are more comfortable in Tok Pisin. From his perspective the community is very insistent that outsiders learn
and use Kayan.
There is an elementary school and community education center in Kayan. Both use Kayan as the language of instruction. There are three Kayan teachers in the primary school. They will use Kayan to
explain a concept the children are not understanding in English or Tok Pisin. There is a rule at the primary school that vernacular languages cannot be used on school grounds, but it is reported that
18
“Lainim ol pikinini tok ples, em i wok bilong ol papamama. Lainim ol Tok Pisin na English, em i wok bilong skul tasol.”
children primarily use Kayan when they play. As the headmaster put it, “Kayan is too strong and overcomes this rule.”
19
Kayan is actively used at the elementary and primary levels of education. The local prayer leader of the Roman Catholic Church in Kayan reports that they will sing in Kayan
and pray in Kayan, but they don’t like to do too much in Kayan since speakers of other languages from other villages also attend the church.
3.2.3 Language use of immigrants
