12 dependent on the other. However, there is now a consensus in the literature that each of
the two features needs to be able to spread independently, so this analysis of Sucite would likely be improved by more recent work on tone features such as Snider 1999 or Yip
2002. In particular, the analysis of Mid and Mid-low contours would be much improved. Garber 1987 devotes a lot of space to the analysis of words with these two
tone patterns, and discusses several possible featural specifications in great detail before coming to a final analysis. So many possibilities are discussed that it is difficult for the
reader to discern the best solution. Given the state of tone feature theory at the time when thi di ertatioꜜ wa publi hed, Garber’ aꜜaly i i quite iꜛpre ive. However, giveꜜ
more current theory, the analysis could probably be shortened and clarified. Garber speculates that Sucite may have somewhat recently evolved into a three tone system from
the splitting of L in a two tone system based on several facts. First, there are many more words both nouns and verbs with H tone than with M or L. Secondly, two processes
low raising, subregister high deletion reduce tonal contrasts in certain environments Garber 1981:61-67.
2.2 Grammatical function of tone
Hanga Hunt 1981, Kar Wischer 1994, Kabiye Roberts 2004, K nni Cahill
2007a, Buli Schwarz 2000, Mbelime Rietkerk 2000, Nateni Neukom 1995, Moba Russell 1985 and Ncam Cox 1998 have at least one TAM category that is at least
partially marked by tone. Hanga marks tense with segmental and tonal material. In Kar, tonal prefixes are added for potential, perfective, imperfective, imperative and for a non-
13 final position in a serial construction which result in further changes to the verb root,
although the changes caused by NP objects supersede the tonal prefixes. The rest of the languages listed above use tone in marking aspect. K
nni also marks conditionals with a high tone.
Many of the sources for the languages listed here say that aspect is marked by tone, but do not describe precisely how this happens. Others describe the changes, but the
analysis leaves much to be desired. For example, Cox gives a complex analysis of Ncam verbal tone, claiming that the tone on the first syllable remains constant and the tone on
the second changes according to aspect and other grammatical features. She organizes verbs into classes with different tonal patterns, and gives unusual explanations for these
patterns i.e. the second tone is one tone higher than the base tone. It seems that perhaps an analysis using tone features andor tonal suffixes would be helpful in explaining the
various patterns in Ncam. A somewhat similar approach is used in Nateni Neukom 1995 and Mbelime Rietkerk 2000; Neukom 2005.
Roberts 2002 and Cahill 2007a give more thorough analyses of the use of tone in verbal inflection for Kabiye and K
nni, respectively. For example, Roberts 2002 analyzes Kabiye as follows. All of the verbs can be shown to have the same segmental
markings for inflectional categories 2002:38. However, they each belong to one of three tonal classes which each have a distinct lexical tone melody L, H, or HL which is based
on the melody of the imperative 2002:40. The segmental suffixes are toneless and undergo dissimilation in tone such that a suffix surfaces as L if there is an H in the root
and it surfaces as H otherwise 2002:50. Kabiye has a floating L prefix for simple
14 inaccomplished-past, descriptive aspect, and the infinitive and a floating H prefix for the
simple inaccomplished-present. There is no tonal prefix for the accomplished aspect 2002: 51.
6
Several languages also have a tonal associative marker. These languages include K
nni Cahill 2007a, Moore Peterson 1971, Senoufo Mills 1984, Dagbani Goad 1988, Moba Russell 1985 and probably Samoma
edreb ogo 1997. The associative marker generally occurs between the possessed noun and the possessor noun in an
associative possessive construction Cahill 2000. In Moba, a three-tone language, the associative marker is a Mid
toꜜe that i iꜜ erted betweeꜜ the two ꜜouꜜ , beiꜜg attached phoꜜetically to the fir t” Ru ell 1 85:180:
7
2
kpaal piiog
k pa:l
ə
p
ç
iok
h
] the farꜛer’ heep
LL M
LL 53 3 56
farmer poss sheep Russell 1985:180
8
2.3 Tonal processes
