Denying reality, Going Against the Constitution

  Newsletter interfidei Edisi J uni 2 0 0 6

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  a m a n k e a g a m a a n n y a secara diskriminatif. Perlakuan diskriminatif ini dapat dilakukan oleh siapa saja yang belum mempunyai kesadaran mendalam tentang hak asasi manusia. Kasus-kasus diskriminasi terhadap para pemeluk agama tertentu dapat dilakukan oleh para birokrat Negara walaupun UUD 45 telah menjamin kebebasan warga negara untuk memeluk serta m e n j a l a n k a n a g a m a d a n kepercayaan masing-masing. Kebebasan beragama ini tidak diimplementasikan secara total oleh Penyelenggara Negara. Disini Negara baru mengakui 6 agama saja (Islam, Katholik, Protestan, Hindhu, Budha, dan Konghucu). Pengakuan Negara y a n g t e r b a t a s t e r s e b u t mempersulit penganut agama

  sebagai makhluk Tuhan. Hak kebebasan beragama adalah hak yang tidak dapat diambil dan dihilangkan oleh siapapun. Negara telah menjamin hak kebebasan beragama ini di dalam UUD 45. Oleh karena itu tidak dapat dibenarkan segala perlakuan yang b e r u s a h a u n t u k m e m a k s a , mengintimidasi, melakukan tindak kekerasan terhadap orang lain untuk melepaskan keyakinannya atau pun memperlakukan orang yang berbeda p e m a h

  yang dimiliki oleh setiap orang

  K

  S u c h d i s c r i m i n a t i v e treatment could be done by whomever with no profound awareness on human rights. Discriminating cases against certain religions can be done by bureaucrats of the state despite the fact that the state and the Constitution have guaranteed freedom of the citizens to embrace and practice their own religions and faiths. This religious freedom is not totally i m p l e m e n t e d b y s t a t e administrators. To date, the state has just recognized 6 religions (Islam, Catholic, Protestant, Hindhuism, Buddhism, and Confucianism). This limited recognition by the state makes it more difficult for people having religions or faiths other than the 6 e b e b a s a n b e r a g a m a merupakan bagian dari hak asasi manusia, hak

  rs to convert to other faiths or treat o t h e r s w i t h o t h e r f a i t h s discriminatively can not be justified.

  reedom is the right that cannot be taken away nor eliminated by any one. The state has guaranteed this freedom of religion in the Constitution (UUD) 1945. Thus, all sorts of treatments directed to force, intimidate, or act violently against othe

  Right to religious f

  R human being as God's creation.

  eligious freedom is one of the basic human rights, the right owned by every

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  Penanggung Jawab Pemimpin Redaksi Tim Redaksi Setting/ Layout

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  Editorial Fokus Opini Kronik Potret Fitur Refleksi Agenda

  Bilingua l Edisi Juni 2006 Newsletter Interfidei No. 1/I Juni 2006

  Biling ua l Ne w sle tte r Daftar Isi

  Sekretaris EDITORIAL

  E-mail: dianinterfidei@yahoo.com; Website: Http:/ / www.interfidei.or.id

  Yogyakarta, 55581, Indonesia. Phone/ Fax.:0274-880149.

  Vony Susanto, Supriyanto Diterbitkan oleh: Institut DIAN/ Interfidei. Jl. Banteng Utama 59, Perum Banteng Baru

  Listia, Lian Gogali, Suhadi, Leo CE Sarnuji SR Eko Putro Mardiyanto

  Keuangan Distributor Elga Sarapung Amin Ma'ruf

  Diskriminasi Agama Religious Discrimination jam setiap hari, b

  erkaitan dengan seminar T

  anggal 29 dan 30 Mei 1994, saya pernah diinterogasi di kantor polisi DIY, selama 8

  Learning from experiences

  Denying reality, Going Against the Constitution Elga Sarapung

  Taking into consideration the issue of religious freedom and discrimination in religious life is indeed a difficult homework for all the elements of community. Therefore, the problem will be the main focus in this edition's newsletter. In this edition, there is one article on Ahmadiyah Qadiyan Community who sadly became victims of discrimination and violence by religious elites and groups of mass in a number of regions. We could learn as well from sharing of experience from a human right activist in managing conflicts in our 'Feature' column. This newsletter also provides for you information on activities carried out by Interfidei and its agenda for future activities. We hope you find it all of use. [ ]

  Discriminative treatment could also be conducted by certain religious elites or mass groups. Violent cases against certain religious embracers serve as proofs of strong existence of discrimination in midst of our community. Discrimination emerges as a result of a sense of superiority in understanding diversity: that his/her groups' understanding is the correct one, while other groups are heretic, and thus, must be put into a stop. This is the real form of arrogance in embracing a religion.

  reli gions in gainin g civil rights. Their experience of problems in administration of IDs, birth certificate, marriage recording at civil registry are just some of discriminating cases often take place.

  tentang “Konfusianisme di Indonesia” yang diselenggarakan oleh Interfidei sehari sebelumnya. Saat itu persoalan Konghucu masih sangat “alergi” bagi ₁ Negara, karena factor sejarah masa lampau . Sebab itu

  Interfidei newsletter Fokus

  Belajar dari Pengalaman

  O

  Menyangkal Realitas, Menentang Konstitusi Elga Sarapung*

  Mengingat masalah kebebasan beragama dan diskriminasi dalam kehidupan beragama masih menjadi PR besar untuk semua elemen masyarakat maka permasalahan tersebut akan menjadi fokus utama dalam newsletter edisi ini. Dalam edisi ini juga akan ditampilkan tentang Jemaah Ahmadiyah Qadiyan yang menjadi korban diskriminasi dan kekerasan oleh elit agama dan sekelompok massa di beberapa daerah. Kemudian kita juga dapat belajar dari sharing pengalaman seorang aktifis HAM dalam penanganan konflik dalam rubrik 'fitur'. Newsletter ini juga berisikan informasi tentang kegiatan-kegiatan yang pernah dilakukan oleh Interfidei serta agenda kegiatan ke depan. Semoga bermanfaat. [ ]

  yang benar sedang pemahaman kelompok lain adalah sesat dan menyesatkan sehingga harus dihentikan dan dimatikan. Inilah wujud nyata arogansi dalam beragama.

  terhadap pemeluk aliran agama tertentu adalah bukti masih mengentalnya diskriminasi dalam masyarakat kita. Diskriminasi timbul karena adanya superioritas dalam pemahaman keberagamaan, bahwa pemahaman kelompoknya sendiri

  Perlakuan diskriminatif juga dapat dilakukan oleh elit agama dan kelompok massa tertentu. Kasus tindak kekerasan

  selain 6 agama tersebut dalam memperoleh hak-hak sipil. Kesulitan mereka dalam pengurusan KTP, akta kelahiran, pencatatan pernikahan di kantor Catatan Sipil adalah kasus-kasus diskriminasi yang sering terjadi.

  e a c h d a y r e t h e s e m i n a r o n “Confucianism in Indonesia” Interfidei held one day before. That time, the state still regarded Confucianism as an “allergy” due to this country's history. Thus, Confucianism did not

  n 29 and 30 May 1994, I was interrogated at the office of DIY police for 8 hours

• . Direktur Interfidei

1. Penolakan terhadap Konghucu berkait dengan trauma politik pada 1965. Kalangan keturunan Cina, mayoritas penganut

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  Edisi Juni 2006

  Konghucu tidak diakui sebagai salah satu agama di Indonesia.

  Satu hal yang membuat kami tidak enggan melakukannya adalah, kesadaran di sekitar pertanyaan, “apa hak negara atau aparat untuk melarang Konghucu hidup dan berkembang di Indonesia sebagai agama?” Begitu banyak jumlah warga masyarakat Indonesia yang beragama

  Setahun kemudian, seluruh bahan dari Seminar tersebut diterbitkan oleh Interfidei dengan judul buku: “Konfusianisme di Indonesia, Pergulatan Mencari Jati Diri”. Sejak itu, setiap kali ada kegiatan Interfidei di mana pun juga selalu melibatkan teman- teman dari Konghucu, sampai sekarang.

  Setelah interogasi selesai, saya diminta menandatangani BAP. Sebelumnya saya minta supaya saya baca dulu semuanya, kalau-kalau ada yang perlu diperbaiki. Benar, ada beberapa kata dan kalimat yang salah ketik dan memberi arti lain yang fatal. Setiap hasil koreksi tersebut saya paraf. Ketika selesai, juga sebelum saya tandatangan, saya katakan kepadanya supaya saya dapat satu copy, dengan alasan saya punya hak untuk mendapatkan satu copy BAP tersebut. Tetapi sang polisi keberatan karena tidak selayaknya orang seperti saya dengan status sebagai yang diinterogasi mendapatkan copy BAP seperti itu. Saya katakan bahwa saya tidak akan tandatangan. Demikian yang terjadi, BAP tersebut tidak saya tandatangani dan saya tidak mendapat copynya.

  Kemudian saya tanya, “atasan Bapak di mana, saya mau ketemu?” Jawabnya, “tidak berada di tempat”.

  Saya ragu dengan kegiatannya saat itu. Apakah sang polisi mengerti apa yang sedang ia lakukan? Ketika istirahat saya tanya, apakah Bapak mengerti tentang Konghucu dan mengapa Bapak melakukan interogasi ini? Sang polisi menjawab singkat, “maaf, Bu-saya hanya menjalankan perintah atasan, katanya Konghucu dilarang di Indonesia”.

  Seorang polisi lengkap dengan mesin ketik tua dan kertas dengan beberapa lapis karbon sibuk m e n g i n t e r o g a s i s a y a . E n t a h b e r a p a j u m l a h pertanyaannya, saya lupa. Mungkin ada sekitar 50 pertanyaan.

  Kira-kira ada 100 atau bahkan lebih peserta yang hadir. MAKIN (Majelis Agama Konghucu) di tingkat propinsi/kota/kabupaten dari seluruh Indonesia, ditambah dengan MATAKIN (Majelis Tinggi Agama Konghucu) dan undangan lainnya.

  One thing serving as our reason not be reluctant to do so is the awareness we have of the answer to the question, “What is the right of the state or the authority to forbid Confucianism to live and develop in Indonesia as a religion?” There were so m a n y I n d o n e s i a n p e o p l e w h o e m b r a c e

  3 Focus

  eminar were published by Interfidei with the title: “Confucianism in Indonesia, a Struggle to find One's Self”. Since then, every time and wherever Interfidei has an activity, friends from Confuci anism are always involved, it has lasted up to the present time.

  A year later, all the materials of that s

  After the interrogation, I was asked to sign the interrogation file. Before I signed it, I read the whole document, just to make sure if there were no mistakes made in the report. And as I suspected, there were some mistyped words and phrases which therefore provided its readers with fatal different meanings. I put my signature on every word I corrected. When it was done, before I signed the document, I asked the police to give me one copy of it, based on the reason that I have the right to get one copy of the document. The police had an objection as he thought that a person who is interrogated does not have the right to get a copy of the police interrogation report. I told him that I would not sign it if it was the case,. Thus, the interrogation report was not signed and I did not get the copy.

  I doubt it if he understood what he did, so during the break I asked him if he knew anything about Confucianism and why he did the interrogation. He briefly replied, “Sorry, Ma'am I'm just doing what I was asked to do, as it is said that Confucianism is forbidden in Indonesia”. Then I asked him again, “Where is your superior? I would like to meet him.” He answered, “He is not here”.

  A police with an old type machine and numerous carbon sheets interrogated me. I can not remember how many questions he asked, b ut I think there were some 50 questions.

  There were some 100 or more people who attended the seminar. MAKIN (Majelis Agama Konghucu di Indonesia / the Indonesian Council of Confucian religion ) in the level of province /city / district from all over Indonesia, in addition to MATAKIN (Indonesian High Council of Confucian religion) and other invitations.

  gain recognition as one of the religions existing in Indonesia.

  Konghucu, dianggap punya keterkaitan dengan RRC, poros Partai Komunis Indonesia (PKI) TEMPO, 2 April 2006, hal. 66

  Interfidei newsletter Fokus

  It was not until twelve years later that Confucianism was finally officially recognized by the state as a religion. T he recognition was stated by President Yud h oyono in his speech, on Saturday, 14

  2. Gus Dur mencabut Instruksi Presiden nomor 14/1967 tentang tatacara ibadah Cina yang dilarang. (Keputusan Presiden RI

No. 69/thn 2000), tanggal 23 Mei 2000). Megawati menetapkan hari raya penganut Konghucu, Imlek sebagai libur nasional,

tanggal merah.

  used until the present time”. (TEMPO, ibid). There are two questions here, the first is on implementation of the President's statement and instructions of Minister of Home Affairs. Has it actually been implemented? Is there no more adherent of Confucianism who experiences difficulties in citizenship administration? The second one is about the statement of the President that there is no more discrimination; that we have changed. The question is, have we really changed and is there no more discrimination? What about other religions such as Sikh, Baha'i, Judaism, or indigenous religions, such as Parmalim in North Sumatera, Kaharingan in Kalimantan, Marapu in Sumba, Tolotang and Bisu in South Sulawesi, or denominations in each religion, like Ahmadiyah in Islam, etc? Aren't the adherents of those religions also citizens who have equal rights to live and have

  Instruction of the Minister of Home Affairs, Muhammad Ma'ruf, no. 470/336/SJ to all Governors, Heads of District and Mayors in Indonesia to provide administrative services to all adherents of Confucianism by adding one more religion, Confucianism, to the ID document form of which has been

  This President's statement was followed by

  “…We don't want to be discriminative anymore, we have changed …” (TEMPO, 2 April 2006, page 66). “….Confucianists will be served as adherents of a religion. Confucianism-based marriage is recognized formally and could be registered at the civil registry…” (Gatra, 4 March 2006, page. 22)

  February 2006 in front of thousands of adherents of Confucianism during a celebration of Chinese new year in Jakarta. It is a step pioneered by Gus Dur and Megawati while they served a s presidents of Indonesia.

  An Ambivalent New Step

  sebagai warga negara - tidak punya hak hidup dan berkembang di Indonesia? Apakah dengan alasan “peristiwa 1965”, cukup fair bagi negara untuk melakukan pelarangan seperti itu?

  ang memiliki hak yang sama untuk hidup dan menjalani kehidupan keagamaannya di Confucianism as their religion. Why should it be forbidden? Don't they as citizens have the right to live and develop in Indonesia? Is it fair that the state banned Confucianism based only on what happened in 1965?

  arga masyarakat yang beragama Konghucu mengalami kesulitan dalam soal-soal administratif kewarganegaraan? Kedua, soal pernyataan Presiden bahwa tidak ada diskriminasi lagi, kita telah berubah. Pertanyaannya, apakah benar kita telah berubah dan tidak ada diskriminasi lagi? Bagaimana dengan agama-agama, seperti Sikh, Baha'I, Yahudi, juga agama-agama lokal, seperti Parmalim di Sumatera Utara, Kaharingan di Kalimantan, Marapu di Sumba, Tolotang dan Bisu di Sulawesi Selatan, serta aliran-aliran dalam masing- masing agama, seperti Ahmadiyah dalam agama Islam, dan lain sebagainya? Bukankah para pengikutnya adalah warga negara y

  Ada dua pertanyaan di sini. Pertama, soal implementasi pernyataan Presiden dan surat perintah Mendagri. Apakah sudah jalan? Apakah tidak ada lagi w

  Pernyataan Presiden ini diikuti dengan surat perintah MENDAGRI, Muhammad Ma'ruf, nomor 470/336/SJ kepada seluruh gubernur, bupati dan walikota se-Indonesia untuk memberikan pelayanan administrasi kependudukan kepada penganut agama Konghucu dengan menambah keterangan agama Konghucu pada dokumen kependudukan yang digunakan selama ini”. (TEMPO, ibid).

  “…Kita tidak ingin lagi bersikap diskriminatif, kita telah berubah…” (TEMPO, 2 April 2006, hal 66). “….Umat Konghucu akan dilayani sebagai penganut agama. Perkawinan Konghucu dinyatakan sah dan dapat dicatat di kantor catatan sipil…” (Gatra, 4 Maret 2006, hal. 22)

  Dua belas tahun kemudian baru agama Konghucu diakui secara resmi oleh negara. Hal itu disampaikan oleh Presiden Yudoyono dalam pidatonya, Sabtu, 14 February 2006 di hadapan ribuan warga Konghucu dalam perayaan imlek di Jakarta. Langkah yang sudah dibukakan “jalan” oleh Gus Dur dan Megawati semasa menjadi ₂ Presiden.

  Langkah baru yang ambivalen

4 Konghucu, mengapa harus dilarang? Apa mereka

  Edisi Juni 2006

  In relation to the afore-mentioned issue, we need to see more the “religions officially recognized by the state”. The Letter of Minister of Home Affairs

  ally true, and concretely realized in our daily life? Isn't the reality just the opposite ?

  ICRP (Indonesian Conference on Religion and Peace) on the existence of Department of Religious Affairs in Yogyakarta last January, as by Din Syamsuddin, Chair person of the Indonesian Ulemas Council and Head of PP Muhammadiyah in a meeting in Indonesian Embassy in the Netherlands last February. Such statements are actually parts of the problem. Are those remarks re

  Mudhzar of the Research and Development division of Department of Religious Affairs in a discussion on the final draft of report of a research carried out by the National Commission of Human Rights and

  The same remark was also delivered by Atho

  “…In our country, there is no such thing as religions recognized or not recognized by the state. The state is obliged to provide protection, service, and assistance for building and maintenance of prayer facilities of all religions ”. (Gatra, 4 March 2006, page 22).

  The “religions recognized by the state ” was reemphasized by the President in his remarks in the same occassion of welcoming Imlek.

  donesian population. Nevertheless, it does not mean there were merely six religions. There were others too.”

  no. 470/1978 states that the government only recognizes five religions: Islam, Protestant, Catholic, Hinduism and Buddhism (TEMPO, 2 April 2006, page 69). The letter had actually been denounced since March 31 2000 (GATRA, 4 March 2006, page 24). Far before that, there had b een an elaboration on the Presidential Decree in 1965 stating that there were six religions to be embraced by the people Indonesia (comprising Confucianism). The Minister of Religious Affairs, Maftuh Basyuni, when interviewed by GATRA after celebration of Imlek on “the religions officially recognized by the state”, explained that “The state never determines whether this particular religion is official and that one is not. The elaboration of the Presidential Decree 1965 indeed stated that there were six religions adhered by In

  Bila memang negara Indonesia tidak membeda-bedakan agama yang satu dengan yang lain dan mengakui semua agama (tidak terbatas pada 6 agama), melindungi serta melayani warga masyarakat dengan kebebasan beragama dan berkepercayaannya, mengapa hanya 6 agama yang mendapat fasilitas serta pelayanan administrative their religion live in Indonesia? Don't they also have the right to obtain protection and service from the state?

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  Pernyataan-pernyataan semacam itulah, antara lain yang menjadi persoalan. Apakah benar pernyataan itu benar, berwujud konkrit dalam realitas kehidupan sehari-hari? Bukankah yang terjadi adalah kenyataan yang bertolakbelakang?

  P e r n y a t a a n y a n g s a m a p e r n a h disampaikan oleh Atho Mudhzar dari LITBANG DEPAG, dalam diskusi draft akhir hasil laporan penelitian Komnas HAM dan ICRP tentang eksistensi Departemen Agama, di Yogyakarta bulan Januari yang lalu. Juga oleh Din Syamsuddin, Ketua Majelis Ulama Indonesia dan Ketua PP Muhammadiyah dalam sebuah pertemuan di KBRI Belanda, bulan Februari lalu.

  “…Di negeri kita tidak dianut istilah agama yang diakui atau tidak diakui negara. Tugas negara memberikan perlindungan, pelayanan, serta membantu pembangunan dan pemelihataan sarana peribadatan”. (Gatra, 4 Maret 2006, hal. 22).

  ini kembali ditegaskan oleh Presiden dalam rangkaian sambu tannya pada perayaan Imlek yang sama.

  Soal “agama-agama yang diakui oleh negara”

  Menurut Menteri Agama, Maftuh Basyuni, ketika dihubungi GATRA sesudah perayaan Imlek, yang mempertanyakan soal “agama yang diakui negara”, menjelaskan bahwa “Negara kita tidak pernah menetapkan ini agama resmi atau itu tidak. Penjelasan PNPS 1965 memang menyatakan ada enam agama yang dianut penduduk Indonesia. Tapi tidak berarti hanya enam. Masih ada agama lain.”

  Dalam kaitan dengan itu, perlu disimak soal “agama-agama yang diakui oleh negara”. Dalam surat Edaran Menteri Dalam Negeri nomor 470/1978, mengatakan bahwa pemerintah hanya mengakui lima agama : Islam, Kristen, Katolik, Hindu dan Buddha (TEMPO, 2 April 2006, hal 69). Surat Edaran ini sudah dicabut pada tanggal 31 Maret 2000 (GATRA, 4 Maret 2006, hal 24). Jauh sebelumnya sudah ada Penjelasan PNPS 1965 yang mengatakan bahwa ada enam agama yang dianut oleh penduduk Indonesia (termasuk Konghucu).

  Indonesia? Bukankah mereka juga memiliki hak untuk mendapatkan perlindungan dan pelayanan dari negara?

  If indeed Indonesia does not differ one religion from the other and does recognize all religions (not limited to the 6 religions mentioned); if it does protect and serve citizens and their freedom of religion, why only 6 religions obtain certain facilities, administrative rights, and the right to live

  Interfidei newsletter

  Could the communities of Ahmadiyah or Lia Eden freely do their activities without being disrupted, annoyed, or treated uncivilizedly and violently by others ? Could silat (Indonesian martial arts) schools such as Mahdi's in Central Sulawesi , Mahesa Kurung in West Java, do their activities without being accused as practicing false teachings ? Could indigenou s

  In a number of cases in the community to date, theology or aqidah is regarded and made as a normative, static, and doctrinary ending “point”, as if the “life” of human beings and reality, even faith /

  Indeed, there is lay a theological issue. It is an issue considered as untouchable, as it is of a very sensitive nature, and is regarded as a “fixed price”, as if it cannot be criticized and discussed anymore. On the other side, we talk about the dynamic of relations between faith and life itself; it is a dynamic life that always experiences interactions with all forms of daily life. Therefore, theology or aqidah is a reflection of a real experience, the dynamic between faith and reality. In Islam for example, we are familiar with Ahlusunnah waljamaah aqidah, Asy'ariah aqidah, and Syiah aqidah.In Christianity, we know Calvinist, Lutheran, Evangelical, Ecumenic theologies, etc.

  A Change is Required-without violence

  The question now is until when such public lie is carried on. Where is the consistency of the government or the state or religious institutions in the issue of “freedom of religious & faith expression?”

  It only proves one point: that such public lie and ambivalence nature of the state and religious institutions are dangerous. Perhaps it has been a “tradition” for most government and religious institutions' elites to do something against Constitution, while at the same time also a form of denying against reality . A “tradition”, which if not Scrutenized well or criticized, will entrap the communities into a form of schism.

  Parmalim, Tolotang, Bisu freely carry out their religious ceremonies without being considered as “non- religion community”, and therefore have to be “religionized”?

  religious communities, such as K aharingan, Marapu,

  Dalam beberapa kasus di masyarakat saat ini, teologi atau aqidah dianggap dan dijadikan sebuah “titik” penghabisan yang normative, statis dan sifatnya doktriner, seakan-akan “kehidupan” and develop in the society ? Are people of Sikh, Baha'I, and Judaism religions able to get married without any constraints, especially from the state? T heir ID cards, can they freely put their religions ?

  hak hidup bermasyarakat? Apakah mereka yang beragama Sikh, Baha'I, Yahudi bisa melangsungkan pernikahan mereka tanpa kesulitan? Apakah di KTP, mereka bisa dengan bebas mencantumkan agama mereka?

  emang ada persoalan teologi atau aqidah di sana. Persoalan yang dianggap tidak bisa disentuh, karena sedemikian sensitive, dianggap sebagai sebuah “harga mati”, seakan-akan tidak bisa dikritisi dan didiskusikan lagi. Padahal menyangkut dinamika hubungan antara keimanan dan kehidupan itu sendiri. Kehidupan dinamis, yang selalu mengalami interaksi dengan segala bentuk realitas kehidupan sehari-hari. Karena itu, teologi atau aqidah adalah sebuah refleksi atas pengalaman riil, dinamika antara keimanan dan realitas. Dalam Islam misalnya kita mengenal ada aqidah Ahlusunnah waljamaah, aqidah Asy’ariah, aqidah Syiah. Dalam Kristen, misalnya ada teologi Calvinis; Lutheran; atau evangelical, ekumenis, dan lain sebagainya.

  M

  Perlu berubah-tanpa kekerasan

  ercayaan?”

  mbohongan publik kepada masyarakat luas seperti ini akan berlangsung? Dimana konsistensi pemerintah atau negara atau lembaga- lembaga keagamaan dalam hal “kebebasan beragama dan berkep

  Sampai kapan pe

  Hal ini membuktikan betapa pembohongan publik serta ambivalensi negara dan lembaga keagamaan seperti itu berbahaya. Barangkali sudah menjadi sebuah “tradisi” bagi kebanyakan elit pemerintahan dan lembaga keagamaan. Hal yang bertentangan dengan Konstitusi, sekaligus wujud penyangkalan terhadap realitas. “Tradisi”, yang kalau tidak dicermati atau tidak dikiritisi akan menjebak masyarakat masuk ke dalam perpecahan.

  Apakah komunitas Ahmadiyah, Lia Eden bisa dengan bebas melakukan kegiatan mereka tanpa dihasut, diganggu dan diperlakukan dengan tidak beradab dan kekerasan oleh siapa pun juga? Mungkinkah kelompok perguruan silat seperti Mahdi di Sulawesi Tengah, Mahesa Kurung di Jawa Barat menjalankan kegiatan mereka tanpa dituding sebagai aliran sesat? Apakah komunitas agama-agama local, seperti Kaharingan, Marapu, Parmalim, Tolotang, Bisu dapat dengan bebas menyelenggarakan upacara kepercayaan mereka tanpa harus dianggap sebagai “bukan agama”, karena itu harus “diagamakan”?

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  Edisi Juni 2006

  7 Focus

  manusia dan realitas, bahkan keimanan /aqidah manusia sudah berhenti pada titik itu dan tidak mengalami dinamika lagi. Padahal, semakin manusia mampu bersentuhan dengan dinamika realitas sehari-hari justru keimanan atau aqidahnya akan semakin dewasa yang kemudian akan memampukannya untuk menghargai realitas itu tanpa melemahkan keimanan atau aqidahnya sama sekali, melainkan memperteguh. Di sini pentingnya melakukan reinterpretasi, pemikiran ulang terhadap teologi atau aqidah, bahkan ajaran- ajaran agama yang ada selama ini. Perlu memikirkan kembali bagaimana menjalani hidup beragama? Tanpa maksud mengubah dasar- dasar serta prinsip dan “identitas” yang paling hakiki dari masing-masing agama. Karena teologi atau aqidah bukanlah sebagai “ukuran” dan atau “patokan” untuk memberhentikan dinamika kehidupan, tetapi kehidupan yang dinamis itulah merupakan dasar teologi atau aqidah, sekaligus dasar untuk berteologi dan beraqidah.

  Hal lai n yang perlu dicermati adalah,

  pentingnya kejujuran, kritik diri, ketulusan dan keterbukaan yang sungguh-sungguh serta arif dari semua pihak, masyarakat, komunitas agama dan kepercayaan, negara, lembaga-lembaga keagamaan, institusi serta individu yang ada di dalamnya dalam menghadapi perkembangan dan dinamika pluralitas di masyarakat. Dalam hal ini pluralitas agama dan kepercayaan. Itu berarti akan menyentuh aspek-aspek institusional juga non-institusional, seperti p emahaman-pemahaman terhadap agama,

  keagamaan, hidup beragama, dan lain sebagainya.

  Bila kita mau realistis dengan realitas kehidupan yang terjadi di Indonesia, maka eksistensi kepelbagaian apa pun, termasuk agama dan kepercayaan yang ada dan hidup di Indonesia tidak akan pernah dap

  at dihentikan atau dilarang oleh lembaga apa pun, termasuk negara, lembaga-lembaga keagamaan atau oleh komunitas agama tertentu dengan alasan apapun. Penghentian, pelarangan dalam bentuk apa pun, apalagi dalam bentuk kekerasan hanya akan melahirkan “kekuatan baru” yang lebih jujur, terbuka dan realistis di masyarakat, dari masyarakat, oleh masyarakat, untuk masyarakat. Kekuatan inilah yang akan mengatakan kepada negara, kepada lembaga-lembaga keagamaan atau kepada kelompok-kelompok tertentu dalam ag

  ama tertentu, kepada individu-individu yang senang dengan larangan-larangan, peraturan-peraturan yang menghambat kehidupan saling menghargai aqidah of human beings has stopped at that point and will no longer experience any dynamics. Whereas the mature people keep in touch with the dynamics of daily reality, the more mature their faith or aqidah will be. In turn, it will make them more possible to appreciate this reality without weakening their faith or aqidah at all. Instead, it will strengthen it. There lies the important point to reinterpretatie, rethinking of theology or aqidah, and religious teachings. We need to rethink of how we practice our religion in life, without changing the basics, principles, and the most essential “identities” of each religion. This is due to the fact that theology or aqidah is not a “measurement” and or “standard” to stop the dynamics of life. Instead, this dynamic nature of life is the basic of theology or aqidah, as well as the basic of practicing theology and aqidah.

  Another point worth to take a note of is the honesty, self-criticism, sincerity, and openness from all stakeh olders, the community, religious congregations, the state, religious institutions, as well as individuals involved in facing development and dynamics of plurality in the community; in this case the plurality of religions and faiths. It means it will also touch institutional as well as non-institutional aspects, e.g. understandings toward religions, religiosity, religious practices, etc.

  If we are to be realistic, the existence of any diversity, comprising religions and faiths living and developing in Indonesia will never be able to be put into halt or banned by any institution, whether the state, religious institutions, or any religious communities under whatever reasons. Any attempt to stop or ban it in any form, moreover in form of violence, will only give birth to a more honest, open, and realistic “new power”in the community; from the community, by the community, and for the community. It is this power that will loudly pronounce to the state religious institutions, to certain groups in certain religions, or to individuals who find banning or regulations constraining life based on mutual appreciation and respect amusing; all those with violent “tradition”, that “life” is the basic right of ev ery human being ; “having one or no religion” and “having one or no faith” is the basic right of each human being, every citizen. It

  Elg a Sa ra p ung

  Terjebak Nalar Kolonial

• _* Syamsurijal (Ijhal Thamaona)

  Trapped in a Colonial Frame of Mind

• _* Syamsurijal (Ijhal Thamaona)

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  dan menghormati, yang memiliki “tradisi” kekerasan, bahwa “kehidupan” adalah hak hidup semua orang; “beragama atau tidak beragama” dan “berkepercayaan atau tidak berkepercayaan” adalah hak hidup setiap orang, setiap warga negara. Tidak perlu diatur oleh negara, apalagi menentukan bahwa “harus beragama” dan “harus memilih salah satu dari 6 agama”. Tidak perlu diatur

  apalagi diancam oleh kelompok tert

  entu yang menganggap diri memiliki otoritas untuk melarang, me ngusir,

  menutup dan memperlakukan kelompok lain secara tidak beradab. Kemampuan masyarakat dalam memahami realitas dan hak hidup mereka tidak serendah itu lagi. Masyarakat tidak se sederhana untuk dengan sewenang-wenang

  diperlakukan secara tidak manusiawi dengan kekerasan.

  Keadaan seperti ini sangat mungkin terjadi disebabkan oleh sikap yang ambivalen negara. Sikap yang membuat masyarakat terpecah belah dan hidup dalam ketidakpastian serta merasa tidak aman. Sikap yang memberi legitimasi kepada kelompok tertentu untuk melakukan intimidasi dan tindak kekerasan terhadap kelompok lain? Ambivalensi ini membuktikan bahwa ada persoalan dalam negara yang perlu diperjelas, dikritisi dan diperbaiki. Relasi antara agama dan negara perlu dilihat kembali. Pelbagai kebijakan dan perundangan yang hadir dalam kerangka berpikir hegemonic negara terhadap agama perlu ditinjau kembali. Fungsi, makna substansial dan cara-cara hegemonistik dari perangkat-perangkat lembaga kenegaraan yang berhubungan dengan agama, yakni Departemen Agama, juga lembaga-lembaga keagamaan seperti MUI, PGI, KWI, WALUBI, PHDI dan MATAKIN bahkan lembaga-lembaga hukum sert kepolisian perlu ditinjau kembali, dibongkar dan dikembalikan kepada manusia sebagai warga nega

  ra dengan seluruh hak- hak dasarnya.[]

  Unfortunately, the fame of this Islamic institution is not gained through its constructive

  iapa yang tidak kenal MUI? Rasanya sulit menemukannya. Sayangnya ketenaran

  W

  ho does not know MUI? It will be difficult to find one that does not.

  Such a situation is very possibly caused by the ambivalent nature of the state: the attitude that divides the community and causes them to live in uncertainty and feeling of unsecurity; one that legitimizes certain groups to do intimidation and violent actions to other communities or groups.

  This ambivalence clearly shows that there is an issu e in the state that needs to be clarifies, criticized, and improved. the relations between religons and the state need to be reviewed. Various policies and legislations present in the hegemonic frame of mind of the state towards religions need to be reviewed . The function, substantial meanings, and hegemonic means of religion-related state institutions, i.e. Ministry of Religious Affairs, as well as religious institutions such as MUI, PGI, KWI, WALUBI, PHDI and MATAKIN, even legal institutions and the police dept. need to be analyzed, dissected, and returned to human beings as citizens with all their basic rights.[]

• _* ideas, but through its fatwa or teachings regarding

  lembaga Islam ini bukan karena gagasan- is something that does not require any interference from the state, moreover in regulating that one must “have a religion” and “have to choose one of the 6 religions”. We do not need any interference, moreover threat from certain groups considering themselves have the authority to ban, get rid of, disperse, or treat other groups or communities uncivilizedly. The capability of the community in understanding reality and their basic rights is not that weak an yymore. They are not that naive to accept inhuman, violent treatment anymore.

  S

• Ketua Divisi Riset Budaya dan Wacana Alternatif Lembaga Advokasi dan Pendidikan Anak Rakyat (LAPAR) Makassar, Peneliti pada Desantara (Institute for Cultural Studies).

8 Opini

  9 Edisi Juni 2006 Opinion

  meskipun sesungguhnya di menara sudah tidak ada siapa-siapa. Pengawasan semacam ini lebih numerous religious teachings existing in the community as false and misleading. One of these cases is that of Yusman Roy, a leader of I'tiqaf Ngadi Lelaku Malang Islamic boarding school in East Java. Yusman Roy is regarded a blasphemy since he practices Islamic prayers not only in Arabic, but also in Indonesian. There lies the problem, as according to the Head of MUI fatwa Commission in Jakarta, Ma'ruf Amin, “there is no such shalat / Islamic prayer. All shalat have to follow the example of Rasulullah”.

  where prisoners feel they are being watched even though there is no one in the tower. Such a watch is more of cognitive and intuitive nature than physical

  Panopticon (Watch Tower) a la Jeremy Bentam (Michael Fuchoult; Dicipline and Punish, 1977),

  This ambiguity of policy is more greatly affected by political power factor run by the government than by efforts of keeping the purity of religion itself. Indeed, in this context, the government borrow s the hands of religionists to make the process of control to its citizens easier. The voice of religionists has become a sort of

  This reality shows existence of ambiguity in our state's policy. On one side, it is as if the state recognizes religious freedom as written in Article 29 of (Constitution) 1945, but at the same time also strengthens supervision in practicing religion which will instead initiate discrimination in religious life.

  Is this a new phenomenon in Indonesia? Not at all, it is an old problem from Indonesia that applies strong control system to religiosity of the community.

  In West Sulawesi, there is also an Islamic community regarded as heretic since their prayer is carried out while whistling. After they are considered as a false group, there are still numerous other Islamic groups that will also be regarded as having false teachings.

  After Yusman Roy, now it is Ahmadiyah Qadiyan's turn to have the same fate, accused of being a blasphemer and not in line with Islam. For Ahmadiyah followers, the fatwa claiming that they are practicing false religion from MUI is like a saying lightning does strike twice. Ahmadiyah that had been attacked by some circles in the community on behalf of Moslems was regarded having false teaching by MUI.

  oleh faktor politik kekuasaan yang dijalankan oleh pemerintah dibandingkan soal menjaga kemurnian dari agama itu sendiri. Memang dalam hal ini pemerintah m e m i n j a m t a n g a n p a r a a g a m a w a n u n t u k memperm udah proses kontrol terhadap warga negaranya. Suara kalangan agamawan menjadi semacam Panopticon (Menara Pengawas) a la Jeremy Bentam (Michael F oucault; Dicipline and Punish, 1977). Dimana seorang tawanan merasa terus diawasi

  gagasannya yang konstruktif melainkan karena fatwa-fatwanya yang menganggap beberapa praktek keber-agama-an masyarakat sesat dan menyesatkan. Salah satunya adalah kasus Yusman Roy, seorang pimpinan pesantren I'tiqaf Ngadi Lelaku Malang, Jawa Timur. Yusman Roy d i a n g g a p s e s a t k a r e n a d a l a m mempraktekkan shalat tidak hanya berbahasa Arab tetapi diartikan ke dalam bahasa Indonesia. Inilah problemnya, karena menurut ketua komisi fatwa MUI di Jakarta, Ma'ruf Amin, “tidak ada shalat yang seperti itu, shalat harus mengikuti Rasulullah”.

  Ambi guitas kebijakan ini sangat dipengaruhi

  yataan ini menunjukkan adanya ambiguitas dalam kebijakan negara kita. Salah satu sisi seakan-akan mengakui kebebasan beragama dari rakyatnya seperti yang tertuang dalam pasal 29 UUD 45, tetapi bersamaan dengan itu memperketat pengawasan dalam menjalankan agama yang justru rentan menimbulkan diskrimin asi dalam kehidupan beragama.

  Ken

  ini? Sama sekali bukan, ini adalah problem lama dari Negara Indonesia yang menerapkan sistem kontrol yang begitu kuat terhadap keber-agam a-an masyarakat.

  Apak ah ini fenomena baru di Negara Indonesia

  Di Sulawesi Barat, ada juga kelompok yang dianggap sesat karena shalatnya dilakukan sambil bersiul. Kabarnya setelah mereka ini difatwa sesat, masih ada beberapa kelompok Islam lainnya yang juga akan difatwa sesat.

  Ahmadiyah yang diserang oleh sejumlah kalangan masyarakat yang mengatasnamakan Umat Islam malah difatwa sesat oleh MUI.

  Setelah Yusman Roy, giliran Ahmadiyah Qadiyan yang mendapatkan nasib serupa, dituduh sesat dan menyempal dari Agama Islam. Bagi kalangan Ahmadiyah, fatwa sesat dari MUI ini ibarat pepatah sudah jatuh tertimpa tangga pula.

  Ic a l

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  Bila dilacak, sejarah pengawasan dan kontrol dalam beragama ini muncul pada masa Kolonial dengan munculnya Stassblad No. 44 tahun 1941 oleh Snouck Hurgronje. Ini direproduksi kembali oleh Presiden Soekarno dengan Penetapan Presiden No. 1 tahun 1965 tentang pencegahan . one, but the control effect is much more effective.

  .

  If traced back, the history of supervision and control in religions emerged in colonial time with the emerging of Staasblad No. 44 year 1941 by Snouck Hurgronje. It was then reproduced by President Soekarno with Presidential Decree No. 1 / 1965 on prevention on Desecration and Abuse of Religions. In the New Order era, the decree was made UU (Law) No. 5 / 1969. It is interesting to note

  being a part of Indonesian (community) means that we have to be recorded in the state's recording system (statistics); whoever your name is, you have to fill out religion column provided in the form (and the religion should be one officially recognized by the state), level of education, sex (has to be male or female), and other additional columns, such as single / married, etc. The essence of this system is standard ization and static nature. In such a system, we will find difficulties in treating religions as a part of w inding life dynamics. If we are to choose one religion as our faith, in the logic of statistic, our opted religion cannot be changed. If today for example we opt for Islam as our religion, but then in the future, due to some considerations, we want to convert to Buddhism or we do not believe in any official religions, the logic of statistics cannot accept it. Similar case takes place if our ways of practicing religions is out of the mainstream. The cases of Ahmadiyah, Yusman Roy or Tanah Toa Kajang community are just few of the samples. Such religious communities, since they cannot be engrossed by the logic of statistic, are categorized as apostates, followers of animism, heresies, or infidels. The problem is simple, the columns are already available and are provided to identify distinctly “who we are”

  Imagined Communities , 2001) in such logic system,

  The control al system of the state is commonly preserved through State statistic system. According to Ben Anderson (Bennedict Anderson;

  Thus, numerous circles considered deviating from Islam have to take their risks, regarded as heretic and could be dispersed or even contained in prisons, or have to be willing to be managed by the state with all its regulations. In Tolotang case, they have to be willing to accept Hinduism as their religion, as determined by Minister's Decree No. 6 in 1966. The same case occurs with Tanah Toa Kajang community whose faith has been determined as Islam. Those were the cases of communities (forced toaccept) managed by the state to maintain their existence.

  perti ini karena tidak bisa terserap oleh logika statistik maka dikelompokkan sebagai murtad, anemisme, sesat ataupun kafir. Soalnya sederhana, kotak telah dan telanjur disediakan sedemikian rupa untuk mengidentifikasi “siapa kita”

  mengarahkan pada kognisi dan sanubari, dibanding pada fisik, namun efek kontrolnya jauh lebih efektif.