GENERAL ELECTIONS 2015 / 2016 AS THE CONFLICT RESOLUTION IN CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC

UNDERGRADUATE THESIS

GENERAL ELECTIONS 2015 / 2016 AS THE CONFLICT RESOLUTION IN CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC

Written by :

Diyanah Afifah Ramadhaniyati 20130510442

DEPARTMENT OF INTERNATIONAL PROGRAM OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS

FACULTY OF SOCIAL AND POLITICAL SCIENCE UNIVERSITAS MUHAMMADIYAH YOGYAKARTA

UNDERGRADUATE THESIS

GENERAL ELECTIONS 2015 / 2016 AS THE CONFLICT RESOLUTION IN CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC

Presented to fulfill the requirement for achieving the degree of Sarjana Ilmu Politik (S.IP), Department of International Relations, Faculty of Social and Political Science,

Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta

Advisor: Dr. Surwandono , S.Sos, M.Si

Name: Diyanah Afifah Ramadhaniyati Student’s number: 20130510442

International Program of International Relations Department Faculty of Social and Political Science

Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta 2016

STATEMENT OF ORGINALITY

This is to certify that to the best of my knowledge, the content of this thesis is my own work. This thesis has not been submitted for any degree or other purposes.

I certify that the intellectual content of this thesis is the product of my own work and that all the assistance received in preparing this thesis and sources have been acknowledged.

Yogyakarta, December 24th 2016

Author,

Diyanah Afifah Ramadhaniyati

“The struggle you're in

today is developing the

strength you need for

tomorrow. Don´t give

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

The highest praise and gratitude dedicated to Almighty God, Allah SWT who always give His endless kindness and bless that make the writer possible to finish this undergraduate thesis entitled: “General Elections 2015/2016 as The Conflict Resolution in Central African Republic”. This undergraduate thesis is submitted to fulfill the requirement for achieving S-1 Degree of International Relations major, Faculty of Social and Political Science, Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta as well as the application of the theories and knowledge that the writer had already obtained during the undergraduate study.

The writer also would like to express her sincere gratitude to all those who have contributed in the process of writing this undergraduate thesis especially for the advisor of this undergraduate thesis, Dr. Surwandono, S.Sos M.Si, also to all of the board of examiners, Dra. Mutia Hariati Hussin, M.SI and Drs. Djumadi M. Anwar, M.Si. The writer realizes that there are still rooms for improvement for this undergraduate thesis. The writer hopes that this undergraduate thesis could be useful for international relations study.

Yogyakarta, December 24th, 2016

EXTENDED GRATITUDE

Praise and Gratitude again dedicated to Allah SWT because of His blessings I could finish this undergraduate thesis. Also, there were many people who have helped and motivated me in finishing and presenting this undergraduate thesis I would like to thank:

1. My family, especially my mother and father who always supported me and prayed for me.

2. My best partner, Bimo Adietama who always gave me advices, comments, motivations and also critics in the process of finishing this undergraduate thesis.

3. My language consultant, Miss Ani.

4. All of IPIREL 2013 friends, especially Bayu, Novi, Elin, Laila, Sintya, Atikah, Latifah, Rahma, Iqbal, Linda, Aji and other that I could not mention one by one.

5. KOMAHI big family, especially Bahasa dan Budaya Division. 6. SEA UMY family, especially Speaking ministry.

7. KKN UMY 10 2016, especially Hikma, Nindy, Fafa, Dhila, Jacky, Zainur, Java and Ami.

8. All of those who could not be mentioned one by one but always supported and prayed for me.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

STATEMENT OF ORGINALITY ... i

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT ... iii

EXTENDED GRATITUDE... iv

Abstract ... Error! Bookmark not defined. TABLE OF CONTENTS ... v

LIST OF FIGURES ... ix

LIST OF PICTURES ... x

ABBREVIATION ... xi CHAPTER I ... Error! Bookmark not defined. INTRODUCTION ... Error! Bookmark not defined. A. Background ... Error! Bookmark not defined. B. Research Question ... Error! Bookmark not defined. C. Theoretical Framework ... Error! Bookmark not defined. D. Hypotheses ... Error! Bookmark not defined. E. Scope of Research ... Error! Bookmark not defined. F. Methodology ... Error! Bookmark not defined. G. Range of Research... Error! Bookmark not defined.

H. Purpose of Research ... Error! Bookmark not defined. I. System of Writing ... Error! Bookmark not defined. CHAPTER II ... Error! Bookmark not defined. POLITICAL COMPLEXITY OF CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC ... Error! Bookmark not defined.

A. General Description of Central African Republic ... Error! Bookmark not defined.

1. Geography of Central African Republic ... Error! Bookmark not defined. 2. Socio-culture of Central African Republic ... Error! Bookmark not defined. 3. Economy of Central African Republic ... Error! Bookmark not defined. B. History of Central African Republic ... Error! Bookmark not defined. 1. Colonization Era ... Error! Bookmark not defined. 2. After Independence ... Error! Bookmark not defined. C. Complexity of Politic and Government of Central African Republic... Error! Bookmark not defined.

CHAPTER III ... Error! Bookmark not defined. THE EMERGENCE OF CONFLICT IN CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC .. Error! Bookmark not defined.

1. The Séléka ... Error! Bookmark not defined. 2. The Anti-Balaka ... Error! Bookmark not defined. B. Figure of Conflict between Séléka and Anti Balaka ... Error! Bookmark not defined.

1. Causes of The Conflict ... Error! Bookmark not defined. 2. The historical setting of the conflict ... Error! Bookmark not defined. 3. Impact of The Conflict ... Error! Bookmark not defined. C. Alternative Resolutions taken in Dealing with the Conflict . Error! Bookmark not defined.

1. Repressive / Military means ... Error! Bookmark not defined. 2. Negotiation and Mediation Means ... Error! Bookmark not defined. CHAPTER IV ... Error! Bookmark not defined. ANALYSIS THE MEASURES ON CONFLICT RESOLUTIONS TAKEN BEFORE CONDUCTING GENERAL ELECTIONS 2015 / 2016 IN CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC ... Error! Bookmark not defined.

A. Recreation of Cultural and Social norms between Muslims and Christians Error! Bookmark not defined.

1. Faith-Based Actors Role ... Error! Bookmark not defined. 2. Regional Organization Role ... Error! Bookmark not defined.

B. Humanitarian Aid and Diplomatic Assistance . Error! Bookmark not defined. 1. Humanitarian Aid and Diplomatic Support to the Transitional Government by U.S. ... Error! Bookmark not defined. 2. Humanitarian Aid by International Organizations ... Error! Bookmark not defined.

C. International Assistance ... Error! Bookmark not defined. 1. Security Assistance ... Error! Bookmark not defined. 2. Political and Electoral Assistance ... Error! Bookmark not defined. CHAPTER V ... Error! Bookmark not defined. CONCLUSION ... Error! Bookmark not defined. REFERENCES ... Error! Bookmark not defined. APPENDIX ... Error! Bookmark not defined.

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure of Normative Argument Democratic Peace Theory………...8

LIST OF PICTURES

Central African Republic Map……… 14

ABBREVIATION AU : African Union

C.A.R : Central African Republic

ECCAS : Economic Community of Central African States

EISA : Electoral Institute for Sustainable Democracy in Africa

EU : European Union

MINUSCA : United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in the Central African Republic

MISCA : Mission to the Central African Republic

NDI : The National Democratic Institute

UN : United Nations

UNDP : United Nations Development Program

UNSC : United Nations Security Council

Abstract

After its’ independence, Central African Republic had been facing political instability and also insurgencies. Most of the leaders gained power undemocratically and were overthrown in coups. In 2013, Séléka and Anti-Balaka emerged launching attacks against each other to gain power. Dealing with the problem, general elections were tried to be conducted several times but it only faced irregularities and security threats from the conflicting parties. The question emerged when there were international assistances in conducting general elections at the end of 2015. Thus, the conflict resolution measures were taken before conducting general elections are questioned.

The objective of this research is to analyze how conflict resolution measures were taken before conducting general elections 2015 / 2016 in Central African Republic. Furthermore, the method that was used by the writer was qualitative method by using secondary data such as article, journals, e-news, e-book and other literary sources.

As the findings, this research proves that there were national efforts done by faith-based actors and regional organization in creating cohesiveness through social and cultural norms. Also, humanitarian aid, diplomatic supports and international assistances that consist of security, political and electoral assistance played the important role in conducting the general elections as well.

Keywords:

CHAPTER I INTRODUCTION

In this chapter, the writer will explain about the background of the topic which is general elections 2015/2016 in Central African Republic, followed by the research question of the topic and theoretical framework that was used to answer the question. Furthermore, the writer will explain about scope, methodology, range and purpose of the research. As the last part, of this chapter, the writer will explain about the system of the writing.

A. Background

The African continent has already known as a continent that consists of many conflicting countries. Central African Republic (C.A.R) is one of the countries that also had been facing difficulties in solving their internal conflict. These years, C.A.R faced the worst political crisis in their history since the central government could not play its effective role in governing the society. The conflict in this country had already emerged a long time ago, but recently, the conflict became worst into an ethnic cleansing toward Muslim (UN: Muslims ethnically cleansed in CAR, 2015).

Insurgencies and army mutinies were the sources of conflict in C.A.R but the conflict reached the peak these years due to the unstable political condition of the government. It also became more complex after the

emergence of rebels group in C.A.R (Arieff & F. Husted, The Central African Republic: Background and U.S. Policy, 2015).

In the end of 2012, Séléka as the first actor of recent conflicting party emerged. It is a Muslim minority group who lived in the north region of Central African Republic which was also the part of previous rebels group that already split into one (Herbert, Dukhan, & Debos, State fragility in the Central African Republic: What prompted the 2013 coup?, 2013). Séléka is the overview of Muslim minority disappointment toward unfair treatments done by the government like the exclusivity had by Christians and also persecution faced by them (Arieff & F. Husted, The Central African Republic: Background and U.S. Policy, 2015).

Séléka was formed to oppose the government of Francois Bozize in 2012 who gained the power to be the president of Central African Republic undemocratically by attempting a coup to topple down the previous president (Central African Republic Profile – Timeline , 2016). Under his ten years administration, many rebels emerged as the demand of new government establishment. The rebels’ objections to Bozizé are including forgotten health and education promises, war crimes, and the exclusion of certain groups from government positions, also the discrimination faced by Muslims minority (Bahr, 2013). To handle the rebels, Bozize made an agreement with them but at the end, he violated the agreement and finally became toppled down

(Herbert, Dukhan, & Debos, State fragility in the Central African Republic: What prompted the 2013 coup?, 2013).

After Bozize toppled down, Séléka as the new powerful group at that time chose unilaterally their leader, Michel Djotodia to become the new president. He was the first Muslim ruler in the country. Under his administration, Séléka used power abuse to occupy all of C.A.R cities by conducting the individual attack to the citizens. However, since Djotodia was not chosen by the entire C.A.R’s citizen, he was not recognized by African leaders and Western powers as the legitimate president (Regional Leaders recognize C.African Republic rebel chief (2013) Retrieved November 13th, 2016 Regional Leaders recognize C.African Republic rebel chief , 2013).

Under his administration in 2013, Anti-Balaka re-emerged as the disagreement response of the chosen Muslim leader. They were formed from Christian farmers and also consist of the former officers of Bozize’s army (ACLED, COUNTRY REPORT: CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC, 2015). They gained power and became a Christian militant group targeting Séléka as their threat which also making Muslims as their target to be killed. It was the starting point of ethnic cleansing in C.A.R towards Muslims. Due to this condition, hundreds of deaths were reported. A religious dimension had emerged in the conflict, with Anti-Balaka targeting Muslim civilians. This action led to reprisals done by Séléka to target back Christian civilians.

The condition where Muslim and Christians attacked each other brought Michel Djotodia to step down from his position and again, made C.A.R facing a political vacuum and made the number of violence increased.

Since Djotodia stepped down from the position of president, the number of violence from both conflicting parties to the innocent civilians increased. If the media reported they attacked each other on behalf of their religion but however, it could not be denied that both parties have their own political interests. It could be seen from the regrouping of Séléka group, and three factions had emerged: the Union for Peace in the Central African Republic (UPC) under Ali Daras, the Popular Front for the Renaissance of Central Africa (FPRC) under Adam Nourredine and the Patriotic Assembly for the Renaissance of Central Africa (RPRC) under Damane Zacharia and Joseph Zoundeko (ACLED, COUNTRY REPORT: CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC, 2015). While Anti-Balaka also formed the Central African Party for Unity and Development (PCUD), a political party seeking to legitimate their role in C.A.R and use institutional forces to continue their struggle (ACLED, COUNTRY REPORT: CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC, 2015).

In managing the conflict, there were many alternative peace ways that had already taken by both transitional government of C.A.R and even international actor involvement. One of the actions taken was ceasefire agreement conducted in Congo between Séléka and Anti-Balaka in 2014. However, it was not effective enough to end the conflict that had already

caused many victims died (ACLED, COUNTRY REPORT: CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC, 2015). Not only that, regional actor like The Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) also played a role in solving the problem by mediating peace accords and also deploying troops (Arieff & Husted, Crisis in the Central African Republic, 2015).

Seeing the conflict became an endless conflict due to changes of leadership have generally been accomplished through military coups, and rarely through democratic elections especially since the beginning of the 2000s, United Nations Integrated Peace-building Office in the Central African Republic (BINUCA) as United Nations mandate did not only focus on disarmament and humanitarian protection but also planning for a transitional government by supporting general elections (Weber & Kaim, 2014). The African Union as a regional organization also worked together with United Nations to help them to hold general elections by conducting observation mission to conduct general election, but still could not finish the conflict. The general elections that were hoped as one of the ways to reduce the conflict also had been repeatedly delayed to be conducted (Arieff & F. Husted, The Central African Republic: Background and U.S. Policy, 2015). Both of conflicting parties considered elections as the unfavorable mean to deal with the conflict which made the elections suffered from irregularities and security threats that ultimately caused it to fall short of many Central Africans’ expectations (Central African Republic ).

After several years conflict happened and all of the alternative ways taken to reduce the conflict, in the end of 2015 the conflict in C.A.R started to face de-escalation and in the beginning of 2016, the elections conducted as the way to solve the problem. The first legislative and presidential election that conducted after several years conflict resulting former Prime Minister of Central African Republic, Faustin Archange Touadera as the new president of Central African Republic democratically.

B. Research Question

From the explanations above regarding the background of the conflict, then the question emerged is “How conflict resolution measures were taken before conducting general elections 2015 / 2016 in Central African

Republic?”

C. Theoretical Framework Democratic Peace Theory

Democratic peace theory was first enunciated in a keynote article by Michael Doyle in the journal Philosophy and Public Affairs. (Williams, 2008).

This theory is considered by the basic idea about democracies by nature do not go to war with another. This concept is rooted theoretically in

the writings of Immanuel Kant, and in particular his work “Perpetual Peace” (Pugh, 2005).

In explaining the idea of democracy, there are three versions of democratic peace theory that had been argued by democratic peace theorists by examining real conflicts:

1. Monadic version analyzed in 1960’s and 70’s: democracies, in general, are more peaceful and are less likely to go to war (Democratic Peace Theory ).

2. Dyadic: the most commonly accepted version among democratic peace theorists. Democracies may be even robust in the use of force than non-democracies due partially to the ideological nature of democratic wars and partially to the fact that liberal democratic states are strong with large wealth base (Williams, 2008).

3. Systemic: as democratic states grow, then the international system as a whole becomes more peaceful (Democratic Peace Theory ).

From those three versions of democratic peace theory, it is clearly explained the positive side of democracy in dealing with conflict and could be related to the case of Central African Republic conflict where many parties are trying to adopt democracy as the way to solve the problem. The involvement from other actors like regional organization, international organization and also other countries are also explained by all of three versions of democratic peace theory.

In the explanation of democratic peace theory, there are several arguments proofing how democracy could result peace. One of the arguments that could be related to the case of Central Africa Republic is Normative Arguments.

According to normative arguments, democracies believe that other democracies are reasonable, predictable, and trustworthy (Maoz & M. Russett, 1993). Democratic states are bound by cultural and social norms that call for non-violent conflict resolution and negotiation. Because democratic leaders are bound by these norms they try to adopt them in the international arena which means that a democracy will respect its fellow democracy abiding by these norms and ; thus, treat the fellow with great esteem and diplomatic affection.

This logic argues that autocratic political systems are considered unjust and immoral. From the perspective of democracy, war may be necessary to free people from dictatorship. Democracies may also want to introduce the idea of human right (Democratic Peace Theory ).

In relating the theory with conflict in Central African Republic, based on the figure 1, it explains that democracy is bound by norms. The norms that should be recreated before conducting general elections in Central African Republic are cultural and social norms. It aimed to create cohesiveness between Muslim and Christians since the conflict in the country somehow was influenced by political interests that used religious matter as the mean to

achieve their interest. In this process, the actor who played a role was faith-based actors.

Figure 1 – Norms and Democratic Peace Source:

rand.org/content/dam/rand/pubs/monograph_reports/MR1346/MR1346.ap pc.pdf

Also in the figure 1 explains that fellow democracy will treat the fellow with great esteem and diplomatic affection. Democracies may also want to introduce the idea of human rights and free people from dictatorship. In the context of conflict resolutions taken before conducting general elections as liberal democratic idea in Central African Republic, there were humanitarian aids and diplomatic supports given by the international actors as other adherents of democracy.

While also as explained in the normative figure of democratic peace theory, due to democratic leaders are bound by norms they try to adopt them in international arena which means that a democracy will respect its fellow democracy abiding by these norms and treat the fellow with great esteem and diplomatic affection. International assistance is showing diplomatic affection regarding non-violent resolution and negotiation done by other international actors to Central African Republic as the conflict resolution taken before conducting general elections.

Despite some arguments about democratic peace theory, this theory has been influential in public policy. The association between war, democracy, and rights prevalent in the immediate aftermath of Second World War, has also been revived (Williams, 2008).

From the explanation above, this theory could be implemented in analyzing the conflict resolutions taken before conducting the general elections in C.A.R as the alternative conflict resolution. Normative argument of democratic peace theory figure could be used to analyze steps taken in conducting the elections.

D. Hypotheses

Based on background and theoretical framework, the following hypothesis that could be put to explain how conflict resolution measures were taken before conducting general elections 2015 / 2016 in Central African Republic is by:

1. Re-creating cultural and social norms between Muslims and Christians. 2. Giving humanitarian aid and diplomatic assistance.

3. Involving international assistance.

E. Scope of Research

The conflict in Central African Republic had already emerged a long time ago due to the political violence that was done by several actors which made government could not play its role. This research will primarily focus on the conflict that occurred since 2012 until the elections conducted in the beginning of 2016.

F. Methodology

The method of the research was qualitative method. This method was used to verify the hypothesis by understanding empirical reality. The

information source of this research will be taken by collecting relevant secondary data like article, journals, e-news, e-book and other literary sources.

G. Range of Research

In this research, the writer only focused on the topic research by limiting the time of the phenomenon. The writer explained the understanding of the conflict and its conflict resolution in the case of horizontal conflict.

Since the conflict had already happened more than 10 years, the writer limited the time of this research start from 2012 when C.A.R was controlled by Francois Bozize until the general elections conducted democratically as one of conflict resolution in the beginning of 2016.

H. Purpose of Research

The purpose of this research is to identify the conflict resolutions taken before general elections 2016 as one of conflict resolution in solving the conflict in Central African Republic. This research is addressed to all readers who have the interests toward Politic and Government in Africa. It will help them to increase their knowledge about one of the conflicting country in Africa. The writer hopes after being finished, this research would be useful for its readers.

I. System of Writing

The system of writing this research was arranged as :

Chapter I. The writer explained about problem background, followed by research question, theoretical framework, hypotheses, scope of research, methodology, range of research, purpose of research, and outline of research.

Chapter II. The writer explained about political complexity of Central Africa Republic followed by the general information about political, geographical, alliance and political and governmental history of the country.

Chapter III The writer explained about the historical setting of conflict in Central Africa Republic including the actors involved, figures of the conflict, and alternative solutions that had been taken. Chapter IV. The writer examined how general elections could be conducted as the alternative of conflict resolution in Central Africa Republic including the involvement of state and non-state actors. Chapter V. The writer provided conclusion

CHAPTER II

POLITICAL COMPLEXITY OF CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC In this chapter, the writer will provide the information about the political complexity of Central African Republic that will be related in answering the analysis of this research. Previously, the writer will provide general overviews of the Central African Republic such as geographical, socio-cultural and also economical overview that somehow influence the political complexity in the country.

A. General Description of Central African Republic 1. Geography of Central African Republic

As its name, geographically Central African Republic (C.A.R) is located in the center of Africa continent with 3,512,751 people as its population. It is bordered by several neighboring countries like Chad in the north area of the country, Sudan in the northeast area, South Sudan in the east area, the Democratic Republic of Congo and Republic of Congo in the south area and also Cameroon in the West area of the country (Central African Republic - CAR - Country Profile).

The capital city of this country is Bangui which is located in the southern area. The country occupies the area of 622,984 which consists of flat to rolling plateau 600 meters-700 meters above sea levels with geographic

coordinate 7 00 N, 21 00 E, scattered hills in northeast and southwest, mainly savannas, the Sahel covers the north, forest and savanna eco-region in the south (Central African Republic - CAR - Country Profile).

Picture1. Central African Republic Map

Source: https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/the-world-factbook/geos/ct.html

Since C.A.R is located in the middle of Africa continent, it does not have direct access and claim to the sea. However, there are several rivers located in the country like Oubangui River that is formed by Mbomou River and Ulele River which also forms the southern border and flows through capital Bangui and then south to the Congo basin. It is an important transport route in the country. Other

river which flow in the western regions of the country is The Sangha River, while Nile River also flows in the eastern border of C.A.R.

The Central African Republic is also located near from the equator. It makes the climate of this country typically tropical hot, followed with dry winters and also wet summers. The country also has several mount which rise in the northeast to the Bongos Massif area, extending to an elevation of 1,330 meters at Mount Toussoro, and to the Tondou Massif in the east. In the west of the country there is

Karre Mountains, reaching nearly 1,410 meters at Mount Ngaoui, the country’s

highest point, before declining eastward into sandstone plateaus. In the north, the most significant mountains are those of the Dar Challa range, which rise to 1,326 meters at Mount Ngaya near the border with Sudan. In the southeast is a plain cut by a number of rivers (Thomas E. O'Toole, Lynn Giles-Vernick, & van Hoogstrate, 2016).

2. Socio-culture of Central African Republic

Central African Republic has an official name which is the République Centrafricaine (C.A.R). Before achieving its’ independence, indigenous people of the country did not have any sense of belonging the same culture. They only thought or considered themselves as members of lineages and clans, and as villagers. Trading and intermarriage to war and enslavement were the only

reason they interact with people who had different languages (Thomas E. O'Toole, Lynn Giles-Vernick, & van Hoogstrate, 2016).

Since Central African Republic (C.A.R) was colonized by France, France was the one who did promote and introduce the ethnic and regional differences among the indigenous people. Under its colonization era, France also helped the indigenous people in creating an elite group. This group became the ruling group for the whole country and became the first introduction of political positions in the country.

Since then, regional affiliations started to emerge and increased the complexity of politic among these people. However, the non-riverine of the country preferred to resent this situation and chose to take their own leadership.

Although people living in the country’s northern regions have gained more

political power since independence, southern peoples still remain an important presence in national politics (Thomas E. O'Toole, Lynn Giles-Vernick, & van Hoogstrate, 2016).

The majority of the people religions of C.A.R are Protestant and Roman Catholic while the others are indigenous beliefs and Muslims. There are many languages used in this country like French, Sangho, Arabic, Hunsa and also Swahili. However, since C.A.R was colonized by France, the official language

used by the people in the country is French (The World Fact Book, Africa : Central Africa Republic ).

Social class in Central African Republic is distinguished by place where they live and do their jobs which also characterized the region into rural and urban. Power differentiated the bureaucrats from the governed. Those who are considered as the intellectuals and positioned in the upper class are the people with power, economic security, and high education. While people consider people in commerce and business, most of Muslims are positioned in the middle class of society (Culture of Central African Republic : history, people, clothing, women, beliefs, food, family, social, dress).

While in the scope of religious beliefs, people of Central African Republic have the low number in practicing their traditional religion in the country due to the spread of Christianity in the 1950s. The first missionaries of the religion established Saint Paul des Rapides as the first church in the capital city, Bangui, while Protestant missionaries who dominated by the American, arrived in the early 1920s (Culture of Central African Republic : history, people, clothing, women, beliefs, food, family, social, dress). However, Protestant Central African churches had divided into several factions as a result of competition for leadership. There are also syncretistic movements with traits from Catholicism, Protestantism, and Islam. Islam is growing through immigration and conversion; boys sometimes convert to gain employment

(Culture of Central African Republic : history, people, clothing, women, beliefs, food, family, social, dress).

3. Economy of Central African Republic

Central African Republic could be indicated as one of the countries that has strong economic seen by unemployment and Inflation in C.A.R is in the position of lower ranks ( Central African Republic : Economy).

Central African Republic is also a country in Africa continent that has rich natural resources like diamond, timber, forestry and fishing products. Agriculture is also one of resource that could be dependable as one of the economic sources. It plays the largest sector and the basis of the Central African economy, contributing more than half of the gross domestic product (GDP) of the country followed by services, industry and manufacturing sectors ( Central African Republic : Economy).

The government of Central African Republic also has been encouraging the people in developing agricultural diversification aiming to increase export products. Not only to the neighboring countries, another exports’ destinations

of C.A.R are of Tiongkok, Indonesia, Morocco and even France (OEC - Central Africa Republic Exports, Imports and Trade Partners).

However, C.A.R also has several weaknesses in its economy like the vulnerability of the economy to external shocks. Besides that, the location of

C.A.R in the center of Africa makes C.A.R faced geographic isolation which also influences to the weak transport infrastructures. Unstable political and security situation in C.A.R also became one of the factors that influenced the economic grow of the country which is resulting the withdrawal of donors and investors (Central African Republic / Economic Studies - Coface).

B. History of Central African Republic 1. Colonization Era

The colonization era of France toward Central African Republic (C.A.R)

was started in 1880’s. C.A.R was divided into 17 parts by France and offered to European companies in exchange for a fixed annual payment plus 15% of agricultural profit (History of Central African Republic - Lonely Planet Travel Information). At that time, France colonial administration began to force Central Africans to pay taxes and to provide the state with free labor for their own benefits.

During the first decade of France colonial rule (1900-1910), the rulers of African states in the Ubangi-Shari region increased their slave raiding activities and also their sale of local products to European companies and colonial state. They took advantage of their treaties with the France to get

more weapons, which were used to capture more slaves (Central African Republic - New World Encyclopedia).

During the second decade of colonial rule (1910-1920), armed employees of private companies and the colonial state continued to use brutal methods to deal with local populations who resisted forced labor, but the power of local African rulers was destroyed and so slave raiding was greatly diminished. While in the third decade of colonial rule (1920-1930) was a transition period during which a network of roads was built, cash crops were promoted, mobile health services were created to combat sleeping sickness, and Protestant missions established stations in different parts of the country. New forms of forced labor were also introduced, however, as the France conscripted large numbers of Ubangians to work on the Congo-Ocean Railway (Central African Republic - New World Encyclopedia).

During the fourth decade of colonial rule (1930-1940), cotton, tea, and coffee emerged as important cash crops in Ubangi-Shari and the mining of diamonds and gold began in earnest. The fifth decade of colonial rule (1940-1950) was shaped by World War II and the political reforms that followed in its wake. In 1946, the inhabitants of France-Africa were given the status of citizens and France government gave the territory representation in the France

parliament and allows local assemblies to be created (Central African Republic Profile – Timeline , 2016).

2. After Independence

In 1960, Central African Republic declared independence with David Dacko as the president. As the first president, he became repressive and dictatorial. Dacko turned the Central African Republic into a one-party state with Mouvement d'Évolution Sociale de l'Afrique Noire (MESAN) as the sole party (Central African Republic Profile – Timeline , 2016).

In 1965, Dacko was toppled down by an army commander, Jean-Bédel

Bokassa. Under Bokassa’s new administration, C.A.R faced 13 years of one

of the most brutal and notorious regimes. He declared himself as president for life and proclaimed himself as emperor and renamed the country into Central African Emperor (Central African Republic Profile – Timeline , 2016).

However, ‘unhealthy’ political competition in C.A.R kept running. In 1979, Bokassa was ousted by a coup led by David Dacko. He gained his support from France and allowed its troops to enter the country. Under his administration, amnesty for all political party leaders declared and in 1986 Bokassa returned to the C.A.R from exile in France.

In 1991, political parties were permitted to be formed. In the end of 1992, multiparty presidential and parliamentary first elections was held by C.A.R resulting Ange-Felix Patasse as the new president after beating Kolingba and Dacko as the other candidates. The choosing of Patasse as the president was the ending of 12 years of military rule. France began to withdraw its forces from the republic. He even re-elected in 1999.

However, in 2000, oppositions group started to emerge and accuse Patasse of mismanagement and corruption deteriorates into riots (Central African Republic Profile – Timeline , 2016). Since then, the ‘unhealthy’

competitions of getting power started again and caused many rebels group emerged. It made C.A.R had been facing unstable political conditions (Central African Republic Profile – Timeline , 2016).

C. Complexity of Politic and Government of Central African Republic

Picture 2. C.A.R Prefectures Map

Source : http://www.globalsecurity.org/military/world/war/images/map-C.A.R-prefecture.jpg

Central African Republic (C.A.R) is governed by a president as the head of state and a prime minister as the head of government (Central African Republic : Government). It is divided into fourteen prefectures, two prefecture-economic, and one commune. Each prefecture is governed by a local assembly called General Council (Conseil Général), presided by a Prefect (Préfet).

Like the other democratic states, C.A.R has three subsidiaries that are executive and legislative which is elected every six years and judicial which is

elected every seven years. While in the context of political party’s

participation, C.A.R has multi-party system which consist of several parties like Action Party for Development (PAD), Alliance for Democracy and Progress (ADP), Central African Democratic Rally (RDC), Movement for Democracy and Development (MDD), Movement for the Liberation of the Central African People (MLPC), National Convergence (also known as Kwa Na Kwa) or KNK, National Union for Democracy and Progress (UNDP), New Alliance for Progress (NAP), Social Democratic Party (PSD), Union for Central African Renewal (URCA) and other political parties (The World Factbook – Central Intelligence Agency ).

In the executive branch, C.A.R was led by President Faustin Archange Touadera as the head of state and Prime Minister Simplice SarandjI as the head of government. Based on its constitution, the president itself would be elected every 5 years. Toudera was elected on the beginning of 2016 after passing two rounds of presidential elections. The first round of the election was held on the end of 2015 placing him as independent candidate on the second position after Anicet-Georges Dologuele from URCA political party followed by other 28 candidates. While the second round that was held on February 2016 resulting him as the first position of presidential candidate (The Worldfact book – Central Intelligence Agency ).

In the legislative branch, National Assembly of the country is positioned by 131 members directly elected in single-seat constituencies by absolute majority vote with a second round if needed and have 5 years for their serving period. In parliament, the seats was divided into 13 seats for UNDP, 13 for URCA, 10 for RDC, 9 for MLPC, 7 for KNK, 56 for independents 56, and 23 by other parties (The World Factbook – Central Intelligence Agency ).

While in the judicial branch, the constitutional court of C.A.R consists of judges appointed for nine-year terms; it assists the Supreme Court and the High Court of Justice. There are also courts of appeal, criminal courts, several lower tribunals, and a military tribunal. The judicial system is loosely based on that of France, with some traditional courts still operating on the local (sub-prefecture) level (Central African Republic – Constitutional Framework ).

Getting independence after being colonized by France does mean Central

African Republic had a stable government. Since its’ independence, the

people of Central African Republic (C.A.R) had experienced political instability for a long time. Following periods after its independence was the civil strife, dictatorial and monarchy government. Central African Republic’s post-colonial history shows how the use of force has been the most effective

strategy to follow for those who want to occupy the country’s highest office

(Weyns, Hoex, Hilgert, & Spittaels, 2014)

Between its’ independence and early 2013, five men have led the country

as the president and transitional government always chosen to fulfill the vacuum of power caused by coups. However, most of them were overthrown in coups, sometimes with external involvement. Even when International pressure resulted a chosen president through an election of a civilian government in 1993, but like previous governments, the president became a misrule leader. Corruption by those in power has impeded the realization of the social and economic rights for Central African Republic’s impoverished

residents (Central African Republic : Legacy of Misrule , 2014).

‘Unhealthy’ political competition kept being continued in the country and

could not be avoided. After David Dacko as the first president was ousted by the next presidents, C.A.R government was dominated by political

competitions including military coup d’etat. The next presidents after Dacko

was overthrown also faced the same coup when they were changed. Even when political party was legal in the beginning of 1991 and elections firstly conducted in 1993 resulting Patasse as the president, the eagerness to rule in

the country could not be avoided which made ‘unhealthy’ political competitions continued (Central African Republic : Legacy of Misrule , 2014). The first democratically-elected president, Patasse had been staying in

power for a decade, until he was ousted by former army chief of staff Francois Bozize in March 2003 (Central African Republic ).

Several rebel groups emerged like Forces for Unity (UFDR) and the largely unknown Patriotic Convention for Saving the Country (CPSK) doing political violence toward the citizens. Those groups also were the coalitions of recent conflicting parties (ACLED, COUNTRY REPORT: CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC, 2015). The UFDR and the FDPC had signed peace agreements with the government in 2007 and 2008, under which the rebels would reintegrate into the army in ex-change for, in particular, payment to those who disarmed, and the release of political prisoners (Herbert, Dukhan, & Debos, 2013).

Under a new constitution made in late 2004 of Central African Republic, the president is head of state and limited to two consecutive five-year terms. The constitution also provided for a prime minister, a council of ministers, and a 105-member National Assembly. Assembly members are elected by universal suffrage for five-year terms. An economic and regional council and a state council advise the assembly (Central African Republic – Constitutional Framework ).

Since in January 2013 rebels seized power and the president fled the country, the 2004 constitution was subsequently suspended, and government institutions were dissolved. An interim administration was created and

charged with restoring order to the country and organizing elections (Central African Republic – Constitutional Framework ).

By using republic presidential as the form of government, the new constitution reformed in 2015. It provides for the creation of a senate and a national elections authority, as well as requiring decisions made by the president as the head of state and prime minister as the head of government to be approved by ministers, and for the government to inform the national assembly when a contract relating to mineral resources is signed (Central African Republic – Constitutional Framework ).

In conducting international relations, there are nineteen countries have resident diplomatic representatives in Bangui, and the C.A.R. maintains approximately the same number of missions abroad (Central African Republic - New World Encyclopedia). Central African Republic also takes part in several organizations and bilateral relations. It is an active member in several Central African organizations, like Central African Economic and Monetary Community (CEMAC), the Economic Community of Central African States (CEEAC), and the Central Bank of Central African States (BEAC). C.A.R is also the participant of Community of Sahel-Saharan States (CEN-SAD) and African Union. Outside of Africa, the C.A.R maintains its close relation with France as well (Central African Republic : Government). C.A.R also has bilateral relations with its neighboring countries like Cameroon, Chad,

Republic of Congo, Democratic Republic of Congo in terms of trading and even South Korea and United States of America in diplomatic relations.

CHAPTER III

THE EMERGENCE OF CONFLICT IN CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC In this chapter, the writer will provide the information about conflicting parties in Central African Republic which consist of Séléka as Muslim minority in northern area of the country and also Christian Anti-Balaka. The information of both conflicting parties emergence will be followed by the historical setting of conflict in the countries since 2012 until the end of 2015 and alternative resolutions that had been taken to deal with the conflict.

A. The Emergence of Conflicting Parties 1. The Séléka

Séléka was one of the first current conflicting parties who consist of Muslim minority in northern area of Central African Republic. It was emerged in the end of 2012 as the disappointment of Muslim minority toward the government of C.A.R. This group was led by Michel Djotodia by making alliances with previous rebels groups like Democratic Front for the People of the Central African Republic (FDPC), and the Union of Re-publican Forces (UFR).

In its formation process, Séléka was also supported by other eight armed groups in the country while from the outset supports, Séléka relied on mercenaries who came from Sudan and Chad. (Weyns, Hoex, Hilgert, &

Spittaels, 2014). After Séléka gained C.A.R territory, to increase their power, they became alliances with several other armed groups present in the country.

Séléka itself was formed to oppose the government of Francois Bozize in 2012 who gained power to be the president of Central African Republic undemocratically by attempting coup to topple down the previous president (Central African Republic Profile – Timeline , 2016). As the response of Séléka emergence, Bozize tried to find alternative way in maintaining his position as the president of C.A.R.

One of the efforts taken to deal with Séléka was Libreville peace agreement signed by Séléka and Bozize in Libreville, Gabon, on 11th January 2013. The agreement itself was mediated by the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS).The agreement consist of demands asked by Séléka toward Bozize to decrease the tension of their rebellion. However it was not effective enough to stop Séléka’s eagerness to gain power since Boziz could not fulfill all of the demands asked by Séléka. The leader of Séléka, Djotodia also impeached Francois Bozize as the previous president doing such kind of discrimination toward certain ethnic and political groups, particularly Muslims by applying „exclusionist’ policies (Herbert, Dukhan, & Debos, State Fragility in the Central African Republic : What prompted the 2013 coup?, 2013).

In March 2013, Séléka succeed to control the capital city of C.A.R, Bangui by toppling down President François Bozize, who had himself come

to power in an armed rebellion 10 years earlier. (Arieff & Husted, Crisis in the Central African Republic, 2015). After Bozize was toppled down, Michel Djotodia was chosen to be the next president. He was the first Muslim leader in the country.

To avoid the international blame pointed to Séléka, Djotodia officially disbanded Séléka coalition on September 12th 2013 and blamed ―fake Séléka‖ and members of formers of Bozize’s members as the one who abused human right (Central African Republic : Legacy of Misrule , 2014). Although ―fake Séléka‖ was disbanded, but offensive attack toward the citizens was still continued. As the armed force of the country, he declared the FACA (Forces armées centrafricaines) to be the only legitimate force by still recruiting the ex-Séléka militants as the member of FACA. Also, he promoted some commanders of ex-Séléka to be senior ranks and appointing them as zone commanders throughout the country (Weyns, Hoex, Hilgert, & Spittaels, 2014). However, there was no difference between ex-Séléka who were officially integrated into the army, and Séléka as rebels group of the country.

Under Djotodia’s administration, the dysfunctional government of C.A.R under the control of Séléka as the powerful group had resulted citizens suffered from irregularities of laws done by Séléka to beneficiated themselves. Although Séléka launched attacks toward the other groups and civilians but the power of Djotodia as the president made them to have the

impunity. It was also one of the reason they ignored their action to avoid international blame by disbanding the group in September 2013. The government also seemed to be without a plan to integrate or disarm Séléka. (ACLED, COUNTRY REPORT: CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC, 2015).

Séléka was let in doing its violence toward the citizens. Djotodia and two heads of the transition government, Nguendet and Samba-Panza, had not been very active in running the government. Among his signatory on more than 500 decrees, there was not a single one of those decrees that is related to socio-economic issue of the country. Majority of those decrees are relating to nominations of political and military positions. (Weyns, Hoex, Hilgert, & Spittaels, 2014). Meanwhile, Djotodia as the president of C.A.R and former leader of Séléka did power abuse in accessing public funding to increase his own enrichment. Not only the former leader of the group, the whole Séléka also benefited from the taxes gotten by them since they had power. Beside that, they also did illegal actions toward C.A.R natural resources such as trading and smuggling diamonds and also pre-financing mining activities (Weyns, Hoex, Hilgert, & Spittaels, 2014).

After becoming powerful, Séléka started to kill civilians who were trying to flee attacks. In some villages, every single structure was at least partially burned. The destruction was often accompanied by pillaging, leaving civilian populations utterly destitute. It resulted many villagers forced to abandon

their homes, are living in extremely difficult conditions in the bush. Lacking humanitarian support, numerous people have died of illness, injuries, or exposure to the elements. International humanitarian agencies have been able to provide limited support to only a few affected areas. Governmental and nongovernmental health services were systematically targeted, and destroyed or closed (World Report 2014 : Central African Republic | Human Right Watch, 2014).

However, in February 2014, the violence done by Séléka to the civilians started to decrease. It may be influenced by the resignation of Djotodia as president in January 2014 under the demand and pressure of international actors since he was not considered as legal leader. Beside that, the militants of Séléka had to deal with Security Council Resolution 2134 which sent African-led International Support Mission to the Central African Republic (MISCA) and Sangaris French Mission to conduct disarmament in Bangui (ACLED, COUNTRY REPORT: CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC, 2015).

Despite on the violence done by Séléka toward the citizens of C.A.R, they also launched attack against other groups including state forces and international forces sent by UN and France. Also, as the peak of the recent conflict in C.A.R, Séléka had to deal with Anti-Balaka, the Christian militants reformed as the response of power abuse done by Séléka (ACLED, COUNTRY REPORT: CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC, 2015).

2. The Anti-Balaka

Anti-Balaka is a modern coalition of local groups who formed in self-defense to protect communities from power abuses done by certain groups like rebels, bandits, cattle-raiders and poachers that was emerged in August-September 2013 also as the response of power abuse done by Séléka under its former leader Michel Djotodia as the president of the country (ACLED, COUNTRY REPORT: CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC, 2015).

Anti-Balaka militants mainly consist of former soldiers in Francois Bozize administration, defected members of the Séléka, Christian vigilante farmers, members of the Association of Central African Farmers (ACP), and the Front for the Return to the Constitutional Order in Central Africa (FROCCA). Most of them were the supporter of the former president Francoiz Bozize (Pastoor). Together, this diverse range of predominantly Christian actors formed local units, which sought to defend communities against the actions of the Séléka, while also retaliating against Muslim communities.

Although the Anti-Balaka group firstly were created only aiming to protect their own group in their own region, under the administration of Djotodia as the first Muslim leader of the country, Anti-Balaka started to gain more power by gathering trusted people from lower position of Bozizé’s administration such as FACA, Presidential Guard, and Gendarmerie in order to fight against Séléka. Beside that, Anti-Balaka also

started to recruit their own new militants and organize the groups as the response toward power abuse done by Séléka (Weyns, Hoex, Hilgert, & Spittaels, 2014).

In the end of 2013, Anti-Balaka started to launch counter-attack toward Séléka actions under Djotodia’s government. Christian Anti-Balaka attack Bangui as the capital city and successfully conquered it. The attack done by Christian Anti-Balaka triggered a cycle of revenge killings between Séléka and Anti-Balaka, which also made the spolitical and security situation became worse. The Anti-Balaka militants, reinforced by elements of the disorganized and scattered FACA, organized themselves and C.A.R carried out mass killings, looting and destruction of property under the pretext of retaliating for the violations against the non-Muslim and Christian communities by the Séléka forces (UNSC, The Final report of the International Commission of Inquiry on the Central African Republic, 2014). As the result, Michel Djotodia had to leave his position as the president of the country. By being mediated by the Chad, Michel Djotodia finally resigned from his position as the president of Central African Republic on January 10th 2014 (Weyns, Hoex, Hilgert, & Spittaels, 2014).

After Michel Djotodia ousted in January 2014, Séléka was started to split due to the emergence of distrust among the members. Some of the commanders of Séléka considered the representatives in the capital only negotiate for their own interests to maintain their positions in the

government or the administration. Moreover, Djotodia was additionally subject to U.S. sanctions (Arieff & Husted, Crisis in the Central African Republic, 2015). He was declared as persona non grata by the international community when placed under international sanctions (Weyns, Hoex, Hilgert, & Spittaels, 2014).

Since then, both conflicting parties started to attack civilians in the name of religion and resulted ethnic cleansing toward Muslims as the minority in the country. Although both conflicting parties attack in the name of religious, however, it could not be considered correct since political interests also play a role as the reason behind the attacks between both conflicting parties (Käihkö & Utas, 2014). It could be seen from the emergence of several political actors in the political arena of the country. When international actors only focused on the conflict between Séléka and the Anti-Balaka due to the information shared by media, the other information about groups such as the LRA and Fulani/Peul ethnic militias contributing to the complex setting of C.A.R was not delivered. Even the information about the re-grouping of Séléka and the emergence of other factions in political arena such as the Union for Peace in the Central African Republic (UPC) under Ali Daras, the Popular Front for the Renaissance of Central Africa (FPRC) under Adam Nourredine and the Patriotic Assembly for the Renaissance of Central Africa (RPRC) under Damane Zacharia and Joseph Zoundeko were not delivered to the international actors which made people

in the world think that conflict in the country only caused by religious reason (ACLED, COUNTRY REPORT: CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC, 2015).

Other evidence shown telling that the conflicting parties who attack each other in the name of religious is wrong was the forming of the Central African Party for Unity and Development (PCUD) by Anti-Balaka as a political party seeking to legitimatize their role in C.A.R and use institutional forces to continue their struggle. Even as the result of this formation, the Anti-Balaka has won the international PR campaign and their activities, in particular those oppose civilians, including forced migrations and campaigns of ethnic (ACLED, COUNTRY REPORT: CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC, 2015). Due to the ineffectiveness of government role, both conflicting parties have been integrated into the government, with some holding ministerial positions, impunity continues in the context of a crippled judicial system (ACLED, COUNTRY REPORT: CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC, 2015).

B. Figure of Conflict between Séléka and Anti Balaka 1. Causes of The Conflict

1.1.Structural Causes

According to United Nations Development Programs (UNDP)’s analysis, the structural causes of conflict in Central African Republic are due to extreme poverty, considerable inequalities, poor governance, weaknesses and failures of the political class in the country (Dieye, 2014).

1.2.Accelerator Causes

Accelerator of the conflict could be seen from changes or deterioration in the structural factors that drive a conflict (Conflict Prevention). Seeing the conflict in Central African Republic that could not face its end, the accelerator is political interests and eagerness of certain parties to gain power by establishing several rebels groups which were used to achieve their own interests to attack each other.

1.3.Trigger Causes

Trigger of conflict in Central African Republic could be seen from the toppling down of every people who were positioned as the president of the country. Also the attack on behalf of religion could be one of the trigger of conflict in Central African Republic that resulted into the provocation on behalf of religion.

2. The historical setting of the conflict

Since 2013, Central African Republic had faced the worst political crisis in their history (UN: Muslims ethnically cleansed in CAR, 2015). Most of the presidents of C.A.R were overthrown in coups, sometimes with external involvement (Central African Republic : Legacy of Misrule , 2014). During its political crisis, 2014 was the year that recorded most of political violent emerged in the country. The emergence of Muslim Séléka as one of the rebels group in December 2012 resulted widespread violence toward the citizens and led to a coup in March 2013 to topple down Francois Bozize as the president (Weyns, Hoex, Hilgert, & Spittaels, 2014). As the change, the leader of Séléka, Michel Djotodia was chosen unilaterally as the new president by Séléka which made them continued in doing its violence for beneficiating them.

Like the analysis of Johan Galtung in his conflict escalation and de-escalation model, there are many complexity of conflict in Central African Republic. The conflict is dynamic and can take long periods of time to gestate unnoticed before it suddenly erupt into overt violence. The process of its escalation is also complex and unpredictable where new issues and even new parties could emerge to complicate the situation (Ramsbotham, Woodhouse, & Mial, 2015).

As the response toward the power abuse by Séléka under Djotodia administration, a majority-Christian coalition of the Anti-Balaka re-emerged

in August 2013 to launch a counter attack and resulted a revenge cycle attack between both parties. Since then, Djotodia got pressure to leave his presidency position.

After the fall of Djotodia administration, the troops of Séléka in Bangui were withdrawn. Most of them started moving to the northeast of the country. Although transitional president was chosen to run the government, however, the conflict between Séléka and Anti-Balaka could not be avoided. The conflicts reached the escalation in December 2013, when it was recorded the highest number of violence and attacks launched by both of conflicting parties. It could be seen from the report of hundreds of people died as the victims of the conflict. It was also reported that there were 60 cases of violence involving Muslim and Christian militias have increased, frequent targeting of people based on religion. Being targeted in the worst violence conducted by conflicting parties, there had been thousands of Muslims exodus left the country. Furthermore, Christian and Muslim militias continue to attack civilians of the other faith (ACLED, COUNTRY REPORT: CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC, 2015).

In the beginning of 2014, Séléka continued to conduct violence toward Christian civilians including their properties. The Séléka considered their attacks toward the Christian population were their responsibility for Anti-Balaka attacks toward the Muslims that was conducted before (AMNESTY, 2014). The conflict continued on the middle of 2014, when the conflict

between Anti-balaka and Séléka continued in several cities of the country like Kémo, Ouaka, Nana-Grébizi and Bangui. Not only attacking each other, Anti-Balaka and Séléka also launched attack against the civilians (ACLED, COUNTRY REPORT: CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC, 2015).

3. Impact of The Conflict

As the result of conflict between Séléka and Anti-Balaka, by the end of 2015, thousands had been killed on both sides and hundreds of villages burned. An estimated 456,000 people, the majority Muslim, remained refugees. A further 447,000 remained displaced internally (Human Rights Watch World Report 2016 : Central African Republic, 2015).

Beside attacking Anti-Balaka, Séléka also burned or destroyed villages and engaged in widespread looting. For example, in late 2014 and early 2015, Séléka fighters from the Union for Peace in the Central African Republic (l'Union pour la Paix en Centrafrique), a former Séléka group, killed at least 120 people and burned hundreds of homes on the road between Kouango and Bianga, in Ouaka province (World Report 2014 : Central African Republic | Human Right Watch, 2014).

While the Anti-balaka who also fought against Séléka, targeted Muslim civilians as well as, increasingly, others who were seen as being too close to Muslims or were not supporting the Anti-Balaka. In central regions, the

Anti-Balaka killed scores of civilians and burned homes. For example, in late March, Anti-Balaka fighters killed at least 14 ethnic Peuhl herders outside Kaga Bandoro as they were moving their cattle. Ten of the victims were children, aged between one and nine years old, and three were women. The Peuhl scattered into the bush and several others went missing and are presumed dead. Some Anti-Balaka fighters also held ethnic Peuhl hostage for ransom, raped Peuhl women and girls and, in some cases, held them as sex slaves (Human Rights Watch World Report 2016 : Central African Republic, 2015).

Widespread of Anti-Balaka attacks have forced tens of thousands of Muslims to flee their homes. Muslim-owned properties and businesses have been looted and seized, and mosques have been destroyed. In some locations, Muslims are confined to precarious enclaves where their survival depends on the protection of international troops (Central African Republic: Muslims Trapped in Enclaves | Human Rights Watch , 2016). The U.N. Secretary General reported in April 2015 that the security and humanitarian situations remained critical in and around Muslim community enclaves and Amnesty International has reported on the forcible suppression of Muslim religious practice, including through forced conversions (Arieff & Husted, Crisis in the Central African Republic, 2015).

C. Alternative Resolutions taken in Dealing with the Conflict

During the conflict between Séléka and Anti-Balaka in Central African Republic, there had been many actors involved trying to find alternative solutions in dealing with the problem.

1. Repressive / Military means 1.1. State’s and Army’s role

The attack between Séléka and Anti-Balaka in Central African Republic supposed to be state’s responsibility. The state had enforced justice and rule of law to deal with the conflict. However, state’s role is not enough to solve the problem since state had focused in Bangui while it had limited presence outside the capital, which led to a proliferation of self-defense militias, armed groups and bandits, particularly in the north-east. The police and army were also inadequate and completely disintegrated following the 2013 coup (Barbelet, 2015).

Even judges and lawyers who had the capability to deal with criminals had already left the country since they also had been targeted by Séléka as part of its efforts to undermine the official authorities during and after the coup. The country has no secure prisons. Widespread impunity was impossible to be tackled when the legal chain had been broken (Barbelet, 2015).

National army of the country (FACA) and redeploying the police only could relay on deploying peace-keepers. However, there were allegations that both the army and the police had participated in Anti-Balaka attacks on Muslims in Bangui. Some observers have claimed that the well-organized military operation attack Bangui in December 2013 was the work of professional soldiers, not a loose coalition of self-defense groups (Barbelet, 2015).

1.2. Peacekeeping actors (MISCA and Sangaris)

Mission to the Central African Republic (MISCA) was established on December 5th, 2013. It was established by the African Union’s Peace and Security Council and through UN Security Council 2127. Ten African countries contributed troops except Chad that had repeated accusations that its troops were supporting the Séléka and firing on civilians (Barbelet, 2015).

MISCA focused on the protection of civilians, the restoration of security and public order and stabilization, the restoration of state authority, the creation of conditions conducive to the provision of humanitarian assistance, the continuation of United Nations Integrated Peacebuilding Office in the Central African Republic (BINUCA)’s disarmament, demobilization and reintegration process and security sector reform.

While the French force called Sangaris was tasked under Security Council Resolution 2127 „to take all necessary measures to support MISCA in the discharge of its mandate’. It was particularly active in disarming the Séléka in late December and early January, and deployed to safeguard areas of C.A.R with the objective of protecting civilians.

However, MISCA and Sangaris missed the rise of the Anti-Balaka and the increasing threat to civilians. They also failed to recognize the impact on Muslim minorities of the Séléka’s retreat in January 2014.

2. Negotiation and Mediation Means 1.3. Libreville Peace Agreement

After Séléka took over several cities in Central African Republic, they asked for formal demands to Francoiz Bozize as the president at that time. In discussing their demands, a negotiation conducted between Séléka and the government to create peace agreement in order to decrease the conflict. The negotiation that was mediated by the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) in Gabon resulted Libreville Peace Agreement that was signed in January. United Nations Integrated Peace-building Office in the Central African Republic (BINUCA) in 2013 reported that the presidents of ECCAS (Chad, Republic of Congo, Gabon and Equatorial Guinea) were also highly involved in the process (Tumutegyereize & Tillon, 2013).

The agreement discussed about the ceasefire of Séléka, the limitation of Bozizé’s administration as the president of C.A.R until the end of 2016 without a possibility to be re-elected, the formation of a government of national union within twelve months (to include the majority party, opposition parties, non-active rebel movements, the Séléka coalition, and civil society), elections, reformation of defense, security, territorial administration, and the judicial system, a continued DDR and SSR process with the support of the international community, and various economic and social reforms (Herbert, Dukhan, & Debos, State Fragility in the Central African Republic : What prompted the 2013 coup?, 2013).

Although the Libreville agreement had been signed by Séléka and Bozize, however, it was violated by Bozize. He hadn’t fulfilled the demands asked by Séléka except the demand for the appointment of the Prime Minister. The demands asked by Séléka consist of the release of certain prisoners, and the withdrawal of South African troops from the country who were deployed from South African army. All of the demands were not fulfilled and violated by Bozize which made Séléka continued the attacks.

As the continuation of Libreville agreement, in March 2013, Séléka asked more demands to the administration of Francois Bozize by providing the list of eleven demands for the government. They also launched the threat to conduct military action if the government did not fulfill the demands

within 72 hours. The demands asked by Séléka included the content of 2013 peace agreement before since it had not been fulfilled yet by Bozize such as the withdrawal of the South African troops. In addition, Séléka also asked for the review of the ministerial posts for Séléka, disarmament of the government’s militias, and the integration of more than 2000 rebels into the FACA force. However, again, the demands were not fulfilled by Bozize and in March 2013, Séléka entered Bangui to topple down the administration of Bozize and chose Michel Djotodia, the leader of Séléka to be the new president of the country (Herbert, Dukhan, & Debos, State Fragility in the Central African Republic : What prompted the 2013 coup?, 2013)

assistance, monitoring, and capacity-building. It also outlined the detail of logistics planning for the voter registration process, voting, and post-electoral support to the National Electoral Authority and the national internal security forces. In accordance to objectify the plans, MINUSCA established an ad hoc committee to increase awareness among national actors on women‘s candidacies and effective participation in the elections.

After getting the political and electoral assistance from other national and international actors, United Nations Security Council (UNSC) reported that Central African Republic achieved significant betterment in its political transition, most notably the peaceful and successful holding of a constitutional referendum on December 13th and legislative and presidential elections in December, February and March (UNSC, 2016).

The National Electoral Authority reported that the elections would be participated by 30 presidential candidates (including one woman) and 1,643 legislative candidates (including 175 women. Not only the people in C.A.R who participated in the elections, but United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) also helped to enable refugees in neighboring states to participate in the electoral process.

After being postponed, the first round of presidential and legislative elections was held on December 30th. Unfortunately, there were 415 appeals reported during the first round of elections which made the Court annulled the results and announced that a new first round would need to be held. Despite on the appeals reported, there were also complaints regarding the technical errors.

The second round of presidential elections was held on February 14th 2016. In this round, there was improvement in the overall organization. Although there were 3 appeals reported in this round, The Transitional Constitutional Court rejected them and proclaimed

the final results of the presidential elections on 1 March, resulting candidate Faustin Archange Touadera as President with 62.69 per cent of the vote, and with Anicet George Dologuélé garnering 37.31 per cent. (UNSC, Report of the Secretary-General on the situation in the Central African Republic S/2016/305, 2016). While the second-place presidential candidate positioned by Mr. Dologuele. Fortunately he conceded victory following the announcement of the provisional results had a generally positive effect on the post-electoral environment, including among his supporters.

Conclusion

In conclusion, based on the analysis using democratic peace theory, the conflict resolution measures taken before conducting general elections 2015 / 2016 in Central African Republic is by re-creating social and cultural norms between Muslims and Christians, giving humanitarian and diplomatic assistances given by United States of America and international organizations, also by involving international assistances in term of security assistance, political and electoral assistances.

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Tendai Marima. 2013. ‗New Big Man, Old Politics: The Challenging Road Ahead for C.A.R's Djotodia‘. Think Africa Press

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Journal Articles:

_____(2015). Mission Report and Post Bangui Forum Action. Abidjan: INTERNATIONAL DIALOGUE STEERING GROUP MEETING.

ACLED. (2015). COUNTRY REPORT: CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC. ACLED.

AMNESTY. (2014). ETHNIC CLEANSING AND SECTARIAN KILLINGS IN THE CENTRAL AFRICAN REPUBLIC. Amnesty International Publications 2014.

Arieff, A., & Husted, T. (2015). Crisis in the Central African Republic. Congressional Research Service.

Barbelet, V. (2015). Central African Republic: addressing the protection crisis. Harbottle, M. (1994). The Peacebuilding Role of the United Nations Operations.

Herbert, S., Dukhan, N., & Debos, M. (2013). State Fragility in the Central African Republic : What prompted the 2013 coup?

Maoz, Z., & M. Russett, B. (1993). Normative and Structural Causes of Democratic Peace, 1946–1986. American Political Science Review.

Neal, A. (2014). 'Supporting Social Cohesion in the Central African Republic' : Humanitarian Exchange.

Pugh, J. (2005). Democratic Peace Theory : A Review and Evaluation. Center for Mediation, Peace, and Reslution of Conflict, International.

UNSC. (2013). Mothly Forecast : Central African Republic.

UNSC. (2014). The Final report of the International Commission of Inquiry on the Central African Republic.

UNSC. (2015). Report of the Secretary-General on the situatuion in the Central African Republic.

UNSC. (2016). Report of the Secretary-General on the situation in the Central African Republic S/2016/305. UNSC.

Weber, A., & Kaim, M. (2014). Central African Republic in Crisis : African Union Mission Needs United Nations Support.

Weyns, Y., Hoex, L., Hilgert, F., & Spittaels, S. (2014). Mapping Conflict Motives: The Central African Republic.

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