Consonants OVERVIEW OF ENGGANO PHONOLOGY

21

CHAPTER 3 OVERVIEW OF ENGGANO PHONOLOGY

This chapter presents a basic overview of Enggano phonology as a background for the discussion of vowels and vocoid sequences in the remainder of the thesis. The chapter discusses consonants and vowels, along with their distribution and related allophonic processes. Syllable structure and stress patterns are also discussed.

3.1 Consonants

My analysis shows that Enggano has twelve consonant phonemes: six stops, two nasals, a trill, two fricatives, and a lateral approximant. Table 5 shows the inventory of consonant phonemes in Enggano. Evidence of contrast for the consonants is found in in Appendix F, which lists examples of each consonant in initial, prestress medial, stressed, and final positions. Table 5. Enggano consonant phonemes Bilabial Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal Stop p b t d k ʔ Nasal m n Rhotic r Fricative x 10 h Lateral approximant l 11 Approximants: [j], [ɨ ̯], [w], [e̯], [o̯] 10 I analyze surface [s], [ç], and [x] as allophones of x, although this analysis is tentative and awaits further study. See section 3.1.4 for a discussion. 11 Occurs in only a few words. 22 The glottal and velar stops are by far the most frequently occurring consonants in Enggano. Besides the consonants, many vocoids can occur in syllable onset position. These include three high approximants [j], [ɨ ̯] and [w], and two mid approximants [e̯] and [o̯]. These are shown in 7. 7 Underlying Surface Environment i [j] onset u [w] onset ɨ [ɨ ̯] onset not wordLinitial e [e̯] onset not wordLinitial o [o̯] onset not wordLinitial All five approximants occur in syllable onsets that are not word initial, while only [j] and [w] can occur word initially. 12 3.1.1 Restrictions on distribution Voiced oral consonants b, d, r, and l do not coLoccur in the same word with nasal consonants and vowels; that is, forms like bãbã [bãbã] and naba [nãbã] do not exist. I do not have an explanation for this. The single exception to this is the word parna [pãrnã] ‘paper’, where the sequence rn occurs. This is probably a loanword; see Sanskrit patra ‘paper’. A sample of words containing voiced oral consonants is shown in 8, while a sample of words with nasal consonants and vowels is shown in 9. 8 Words with voiced oral consonants tabɨdaʔ [tabɨdaʔ] ‘jackfruit’ ba [ba] ‘come’ duduk [duduk] ‘burn v.’ dix [diç] ‘earthquake’ dɘr [dɘr] ‘river current’ parur [parur] ‘festivity’ 12 There does not seem to be a principled reason why mid approximants could not occur in word initial position since they do occur medially. This distribution could be evidence for a constraint against nonsyllabic mid vocoids in word initial position, separate from constraints against high vocoids in initial position and against high and mid vocoids in medial syllable onsets. 23 bero [bero] ‘river’ paLlauaʔ [palawaʔ] ‘spit v.’ 9 Words with nasal phonemes pan [pãn] ‘nose’ kahten [kãhtẽn] ‘disgusting’ kĩk [kĩk] ‘necklace’ kome [kõmẽ] ‘bridge’ ʔãpũʔ [ʔãpũʔ] ‘snake’ hion [hĩ.õn] ‘scratch’ ʔẽp [ʔẽp] ‘left’ kaLpẽʔ [kãpẽʔ] ‘slanted’ Besides the two categories shown above, there are also many words that have neither voiced oral consonants nor nasal phonemes. The consonant t occurs mostly in loanwords. Out of 71 total occurrences of t in the data, it occurs in loanwords 47 times and in native vocabulary 24 times. Initial t is found almost exclusively in loanwords. Thse words appear to be of Malay origin, where the source consonant is initial s, t or tʃ. For example, Malay sirih→tiri [tiri] ‘betel leaf’, Malay tʃəŋkeh→teke [teke] ‘cloves’, and Malay tahun→tauud [tawud] ‘year’. There are three apparently native words with initial t in the data: tahaʔ [tahaʔ] ‘stab’, teʔ [teʔ] ‘there’ and tabɨdaʔ [tabɨdaʔ] ‘jackfruit’. The alveolar stops t and d rarely occur in final position. Final t occurs only after i, with seven instances in the data. Final d only occurs in one native word: dahɨd [dahɨd] ‘lean’, and in four loanwords. The other alveolar consonants n and r occur more freely in final position. n occurs finally 38 times, following all vowels, and final r occurs 61 times after all oral vowels but i. The rhotic consonant r occurs initially in only one native word: roro [roro] ‘pick up’. It occurs frequently in medial and final positions and is realized as either a trill or a tap section 3.1.6. 24 In a few words, d and r appear to be in free variation, as in [kader] ~ [karer] ‘soft’ and the loanword [dudiad] ~ [dudiar] ‘durian fruit’. Enggano speakers report that older speakers tend to favor pronunciation with d, while younger speakers favor pronunciation with r. 13 The glottal stop occurs in all positions. It contrasts with other consonants initially and finally, but it is somewhat predictable medially. In 87 of the instances of intervocalic glottal stop in the data 113 out of 130, the vowels on either side of the glottal stop are homorganic. Geminate vowels are rare in Enggano with only one attestation kããh [kã.ãh] ‘afraid’ in the data, while heterorganic vocoid sequences are common. The glottal stop in these cases could then be analyzed as a surface insertion between geminate vowels. The remaining 13 of occurrences of intervocalic glottal stop do not fit this, however. These occurrences are between heterorganic vowels and cannot be explained as surface insertions. There is no principled way of distinguishing between heterorganic vowel sequences and sequences of heterorganic vowels separated by a glottal stop, so all glottal stops must be regarded as phonemic. The glottal stop also occurs word medially in consonant sequences, usually as the first member of the sequence as in doʔra [doʔə̆ra] ‘sand’. 14 The lateral approximant [l] is rare in Enggano. It occurs in only five words in the data. They are listed in 10. 10 paLlauaʔ [palawaʔ] ‘split v.’ kaLlel [kalel] ‘soft’ kaʔLkaluʔ [kaʔə̆kaluʔ] ‘rumpled’ kaLleʔleʔ [kaleʔə̆leʔ] ‘muddy’ kaʔLblau [kaʔə̆blau̯] ‘blue’ 13 Some younger speakers also use the form [dudian] with final [n]. The use of final [n] is probably because of influence from the MalayIndonesian form of the word [durian]. 14 The inserted schwa in the surface form is predictable. See section 3.3 for a discussion. 25 The lateral approximant occurs intervocalically four times, finally one time, and medially following another consonant two times. The word kaʔ blau ‘blue’ contains the only underlying threeLconsonant sequence in the data. This is an assimilated loanword, probably from Dutch blau ‘blue’ and with the Enggano adjectival prefix kaʔ . The lateral approximant alternates with d and r in the word [kader] ~ [karer] ~ [kalel] ‘soft’. 15 The fricative x only occurs finally, in thirtyLthree words in the data. According to my tentative analysis, it contrasts with other consonants in final position, as discussed in section 3.1.3. 3.1.2 Consonant sequences Sequences of two consonants are common in Enggano, but the range of consonants that can occur in a sequence is restricted. Consonant sequences only occur wordL internally and are found most frequently at morpheme boundaries between a prefix and stem. There are no tautosyllabic consonant sequences in native words. The first consonant in a sequence is nearly always ʔ, h or r. There are three consonant sequences in the data whose first member is a different consonant. Two are reduplicated forms: kaʔ riprip [kaʔə̆riprip] ‘muddy’ with the sequence pr and ka bikbik [kabikbik] ‘muddy’ with the sequence kb. The third is the borrowed word kaʔ blau [kaʔə̆blau] ‘green’ with the underlying threeLconsonant sequence ʔbl. Table 6 shows usual sequences attested in phonemic representations. 15 It is not clear whether these forms alternate based on speaker, or whether the same speaker uses different forms. 26 Table 6. Consonant coLoccurrences in underlying forms _p _b _t _d _k _ʔ _m _n _x _h _r _l ʔ √ √ √ √ √ LLL √ √ LLL √ √ √ h √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ LLL LLL √ LLL r √ √ √ √ √ LLL LLL √ LLL LLL LLL LLL Out of thirtyLsix possible consonant coLoccurrences, twentyLfive are attested and eleven are not. The fact that there are no geminate sequences explains three gaps. x does not occur in sequences since its restriction to wordLfinal position does not overlap with the wordLinternal restriction of consonant sequences. This explains three more gaps. There are no attestations of hl or rl, presumably because l is so rare in the language. These can be considered accidental gaps. The sequence rm is not attested, and this is expected since voiced oral consonants do not coLoccur with nasal consonants in the same word. The sequence rn is attested only in the borrowed word parna [pãrnã] ‘paper’. The sequences rh and rʔ remain the only unexplained gaps in consonant coL occurrences. It is possible that these are accidental gaps. 3.1.3 Vowel intrusion In consonant sequences where the first consonant is a glottal stop, a short schwa vowel [ə̆] is inserted between the two consonants of the sequence. This occurs both morphemeLinternally and at morpheme boundaries. MorphemeLinternally, it occurs in words such as doʔra [doʔə̆ra] ‘sand’ and koʔma [kõʔə̆mã] ‘porch’. At morpheme boundaries it occurs in words like kaʔ tok [kaʔə̆tok] ‘red’ and kaʔ he [kaʔə̆he] ‘go octopus hunting’. Insertion only occurs in clusters involving a glottal stop and a true consonant. There is no insertion between a glottal stop and a following surface approximant; e.g. kõʔĩã [kõʔjã] ‘melinjo nut’, or in consonant sequences that begin with h or r, as in kah mih [kãhmĩh] ‘squeeze’ and ʔarkix [ʔarkiç] ‘rice’. 27 There is one occurrence of the sequence hʔ. Schwa insertion occurs in this sequence: kahʔuis [kahə̆ʔu.is] ‘sea crab’. Hall 2006 distinguishes between epenthetic vowels, which are phonologically visible, and intrusive vowels, which are phonologically invisble. Epenthetic vowels can be of any vowel quality and can occur in various types of consonant clusters, while intrusive vowels are consistently schwaLlike and only occur in heterorganic consonant clusters. Enggano inserted vowels have several of the properties of intrusive vowels. They are schwaLlike, and only occur in heterorganic consonant clusters. The inserted vowel [ə̆] does not interact with stress patterns or syllable structure. Enggano secondary stress is consistently placed on alternating syllables right to left see section 3.4, regardless of whether an inserted vowel is present or not. This is seen in the words ʔanoʔon [ˌʔãnõʔˈõn] ‘heel’ and koʔnene [ˌkõʔə̆nẽˈnẽ] ‘flirt’. The inserted vowel also does not interact with syllable structure. There are several instances of a sequence of glottal consonants followed by a sequence of vocoids; e.g. kaʔhɨɘ [kaʔə̆.hɨ.ɘ] ‘female leader’ and kahʔuix [kahə̆ʔu.is] ‘sea crab’. High vocoids following postLvocalic glottal consonants are nonsyllabic, as in kõʔĩã [kõʔ.jã] ‘tree sp.’ see section 4.2. If the inserted vowel were phonologically visible, the high vocoid following the second glottal consonant should be nonsyllabic; e.g. [kaʔ.ə̆h.ɨ ̯ɘ] and [kah.ə̆ʔ.wis]. But since the intrusive vowel is not phonologically visible, the glottal consonant before the high vocoid is postLconsonantal and the vocoid is consequently syllabic. Representation of intrusive vowels in relation to syllable structure is a matter of some controversy Hall 2006, 397. Because the Enggano intrusive vowels vowels are invisible to stress patterns, I follow Hall in not including such vowels in syllable structure. I do not mark syllable boundaries in phonetic forms for the intrusive vowel, assuming that the vowel does not belong to either syllable. For example, the word 28 kõʔkõʔ [kõʔə̆koʔ] ‘sago palm’, while not marked for syllabicity, is assumed to have two CVC syllables. 3.1.4 Place assimilation of x The three fricatives [x], [ç], and [s] only occur wordLfinally. They appear to be in complementary distribution. I present below an initial analysis based on the available data. The analysis presented here is tentative since there are several factors related to these segments that remain difficult to explain. I analyze the three fricatives as allophones of the phoneme x. This phoneme is realized as [x] after ɨ, ɘ, and u, as [ç] after i, ai and ãĩ, and as [s] after vocoid sequences ending in i, including ai. The distributions of [ç] and [s] overlap after ai. The phoneme only occurs after these six vowels in its thirtyLthree occurrences in the data. The three allophones of x are shown in 11, 12, and 13. 11 [x] after nonLfront vowels ʔabɨx [ʔabɨx] ‘already’ kɨx [kɨx] ‘turtle’ kɘx [kɘx] ‘mountain’ ʔudɘx [ʔudɘx] ‘shampoo’ kaLpux [kapux] ‘sick’ 12 [ç] after i, ai, ãĩ kaʔLpix [kaʔə̆piç] ‘sudsy’ dix [diç] ‘earthquake’ kaix [kaç] ‘box’ pãĩx [pãç] ‘pestle’ 13 [s] after vocoid sequences ending in i: ii, ai, ɘi, ui iix [jis] ‘word’ kaix [kai ̯s] ‘sound’ pɘix [pɘi ̯s] ‘machete’ kahʔuix [kahə̆ʔu.is] ‘sea crab’ juʔuix [juʔ.wis] ‘oar’ I analyze the sequence [aç] as coming from underlying [aix]. In several words, [ais] alternates with [aç]; e.g. kaix [kaç] ~ [kais] ‘box’ and maix [mãç] ~ [mãĩs] ‘gold’. There are some words ending in [aç] that have no known [ais] alternant e.g. 29 pãĩx [pãç] ‘pestle’ and taix [taç] ‘bag’, but there are no known words ending in [ais] that do not have an [aç] alternant. Alternatively, it could be argued that [aç] is underlyingly ax, but it would be difficult to find a motivation for a process where x becomes [ç] after a. The process ix→[ç] is phonetically grounded. The alternation in words like [kaç] ~ [kais] ‘box’ is straightforward if both are analyzed as underlyingly kaix. Although x only occurs finally, it contrasts with other consonants in this position. There is contrast between x and h, stops, and the absence of x. This is shown in Table 7. Table 7. Contrast for x Example Contrast x vs k kaLpux [kapux] ‘sick’ puk [puk] ‘navel’ x vs k kiLdidix [kididiç] ‘too big adj.’ kiLdidik [kididik] ‘diligent’ x vs h kɘx [kɘx] ‘mountain’ kɘʔɘh [kɘʔɘh] ‘plant n.’ x vs t iix [jis] ‘word’ ʔit [ʔit] ‘banana’ x vs ∅ ∅ ∅ ∅ ʔabɨx [ʔabɨx] ‘already’ kapɨ [kapɨ] ‘cold’ x vs ∅ ∅ ∅ ∅ kaix [kaç] ‘box’ ʔeai [ʔe.ai] ‘fish’ x vs ∅ ∅ ∅ ∅ iix [jis] ‘word’ ii [ji] ‘behavior’ The distribution of x does not overlap with that of t. x occurs as [s] only after a vocoid sequence ending in i, while final t only occurs after interconsonantal i. Because the distributions of [s] and [t] do not overlap, they could be analyzed as allophones of a single phoneme t. However, [s] is better regarded as an allophone of x since it is associated with x in the alternation [aç] ~ [ais]. A problem with this analysis of the fricatives is their unusual distribution, particularly the distribution of [ç] and [s] after postLconsonantal and postLvocalic i. Another problem is that they only occur word finally. This is an odd distribution for a phoneme, and it remains unexplained why x does not occur in word initial or medial position. The inflected possessive form of words ending in [aç] may give a clue 30 regarding an alternate analysis. The word tax [taç] ‘bag’ probably from Malay tas [tas] ‘bag’ has forms with a possessive suffix including the sequence [ahi], such as [tahiʔ] ‘my bag’ and [tahib] ‘your sg. bag’. While the exact shape of the possessive suffixes is not clear see Appendix A, it may be significant that the final [ç] of the stem is [h] or [hi] in suffixed forms. More research is needed in this area. 3.1.5 Glottal consonant palatalization In some words, glottal stops are optionally palatalized in surface form. The existence and duration of the palatal offglide varies, with some speakers completely omitting palatalization and others producing a very short palatal glide. Examples 14, 15 and 16 are verbs with optional prefix kiL, while 17 and 18 have the obligatory locative prefix ʔiL. 14 ʔu [ʔu] ‘say’ kiLʔu [kiʔu] ~ [kiʔʲu] ‘say’ 15 hẽk [hẽk] ‘sit’ kiLhẽk [kĩhẽk] ~ [kĩhʲẽk] ‘sit’ 16 hau [hau̯] ‘bite’ kiLhau [kihau̯] ~ [kihʲau̯] ‘bite’ 17 ʔiLʔẽʔ [ʔĩʔẽʔ] ~ [ʔĩʔʲẽʔ] ‘here’ 18 ʔiLʔõʔ [ʔĩʔõʔ] ~ [ʔĩʔʲõʔ] ‘there’ Presumably, glottal consonant palatization occurs morphemeLinternally as well. In this environment it would be difficult to distinguish from a [iʔj] sequence, as in kiʔia [kiʔja] ‘mosquito’, which could potentially be analyzed as kiʔa [kiʔʲa]. However, there are no words with the morphemeLinternal [iʔj] sequence that have an alternate form without the glide. Since the words in the data with this sequence do not appear to have the alternate form without the palatal glide, I tentatively analyze them as having the underlying postLglottal high vowel. Further research may reveal words where there 31 is optional palatization morphemeLinternally. There are words where palatization of the glottal consonant does not occur after i, as in kiʔuɘi [kiʔwəi ̯] a term of address. Labialization of the glottal stop occurs morphemeLinternally in one word after a high back vowel: kũʔĩ [kũʔĩ] ~ [kũʔʷĩ] ‘greatLgrandparent’. 3.1.6 [r] and [ɾ] allophones of rhotic consonant The consonant r is realized as either a trill [r] or a tap [ɾ]. In word initial and final positions it is realized as [r], as in roro [roɾo] ‘pick up’ and ʔadɘhɘr [ʔadɘhɘr] ‘grass’. In word medial position it is most often realized as a single tap [ɾ]. This is true in consonant sequences as in iurpuʔ [juɾpuʔ] ‘knee’, as well as intervocalically, as in kare [kaɾe] ‘traditional dance’. But there is some variability in word medial r, as some instances of the consonant have two taps rather than just one. This variability is even present in different productions of the same words, as in ʔarop [ʔaɾop] ~ [ʔarop] ‘four’ and roro [roɾo] ~ [roro] ‘pick up’. In summary, word initial and word final r are realized with two or more taps, while word medial r is realized with one or two taps. Since there is no straightforward way to transcribe ‘two or more taps’ as opposed to ‘one or two taps’ in phonetic transcriptions, I have chosen to simply use the trill symbol [r] for phonetic representation of the rhotic consonant in all word positions.

3.2 Vowels