e book 62 Yoder Phonology Enggano

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Phonological and Phonetic

Aspects of Enggano Vowels

Phonological and Phonetic Aspects of Enggano Vowels

Brendon E. Yoder

SIL International®

SIL e-Books 62

2014 SIL International®

ISBN: 978-1-55671-372-9 ISSN: 1934-2470

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Managing Editor

Bonnie Brown

Compositor

PHONOLOGICAL AND PHONETIC ASPECTS OF ENGGANO VOWELS by

Brendon E. Yoder

Bachelor of Arts, Moody Bible Institute, 2006

A Thesis

Submitted to the Graduate Faculty of the

University of North Dakota in partial fulfillment of the requirements

for the degree of Master of Arts

Grand Forks, North Dakota August

This thesis, submitted by Brendon E. Yoder in partial fulfillment of the

requirements for the Degree of Master of Arts from the University of North Dakota, has been read by the Faculty Advisory Committee under whom the work has been done and is hereby approved.

Chairperson

This thesis meets the standards for appearance, conforms to the style and format requirements of the Graduate School of the University of North Dakota, and is hereby approved.

Dean of the Graduate School Date

PERMISSION

Title Phonological and Phonetic Aspects of Enggano Vowels Department Linguistics

Degree Master of Arts

In presenting this thesis in partial fulfillment of the requirements for a graduate degree from the University of North Dakota, I agree that the library of this University shall make it freely available for inspection. I further agree that permission for extensive copying for scholarly purposes may be granted by the professor who supervised my thesis work or, in his absence, by the chairperson of the department or the dean of the Graduate School. It is understood that any copying or publication or other use of this thesis or part thereof for financial gain shall not be allowed without my written permission. It is also understood that due recognition shall be given to me and to the University of North Dakota in any scholarly use which may be made of any material in my thesis.

Signature ________________________________ Date ________________________________

TABLE OF CONTENTS

LIST OF FIGURES ... vii

LIST OF TABLES...ix

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS ...xi

ABSTRACT ...xii

CHAPTER 1. INTRODUCTION ... 1

1.1

.

Historical, geographical and sociopolitical context ...2

1.2. Previous research on Enggano...6

2. RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY ... 12

3. OVERVIEW OF ENGGANO PHONOLOGY... 21

3.1

.

Consonants...21

3.2. Vowels ...31

3.3. Syllable structure ...36

3.4. Stress pattern ...37

4. SYLLABIFICATION OF VOCOID SEQUENCES... 41

4.1. Attested sequences ...41

4.2. Syllabification...44

4.3. Acoustic correlates of syllabification patterns ...49

4.4. Phonological analysis in Optimality Theory...64

5. VOWEL QUALITY... 70

5.1. Methodology...70

5.3. Discussion ...74

6. VOWEL QUALITY TRANSITION IN VOCOID SEQUENCES ... 82

6.1. Methodology...82

6.2. Results ...85

6.3. Summary...94

7. CONCLUSION... 95

APPENDICES ... 98

LIST OF FIGURES

Figure Page

1. Enggano island in Indonesia... 1

2. Ethnologue language map of Sumatra ... 5

3. Villages on Enggano island... 6

4. Vowel quality of stressed and unstressed vowels...39

5. Intensity contour of [ɘi ̯] in [pɘi ̯s] ‘machete’ ... 50

6. Intensity contour of [oi ̯] in [boh.oi ̯] ‘rope’ ... 51

7. Intensity contour of [iɘ] in [pi.ɘh] ‘massage’... 52

8. Intensity contour of [iɨ] in [hi.ɨr] ‘woman’ ...53

9. Intensity contour of [jõ] in [jĩhjõn] ‘type of tool’ ... 54

10. Intensity contour of [o̯e] in [boh.o̯e] ‘wild’ ... 55

11. Duration of vocoid sequences in final open syllables... 59

12. Duration of vocoid sequences in final closed syllables... 60

13. Duration of vocoid sequences in final open syllables after glottal consonant... 62

14. Duration of vocoid sequences in final closed syllables after glottal consonant...63

15. Plotted oral vowels... 72

16. Plotted nasal vowels...73

17. Average value of oral and nasal vowels... 74

18. Comparison of F1 ranges of oral and nasal vowels ... 76

19. Comparison of F2 ranges of oral and nasal vowels ... 77

21. Plotted nasal vowels as spoken by Josia ... 79

22. Plotted nasal vowels as spoken by Milson Kaitora... 80

23. Plotted nasal vowels as spoken by Manogar RH ... 80

24. Targets [u] and [a] in [pu.ak] ‘go’... 84

25. Targets [a] and [ɨ] in [jarkɨ.aʔ.aɨ ̯] ‘fence’... 84

26. Disyllabic sequence [i.a] in [ki.ak] ‘blood’ ... 85

27. Disyllabic sequence [ɨ.a] in [pɨ.ah] ‘face’... 86

28. Disyllabic sequence [u.a] in [pu.ak] ‘go’ ... 87

29. Disyllabic sequence [i.u] in [hi.ur] ‘dust’ ... 88

30. Disyllabic sequence [u.i] in [kahə̆ʔu.is] ‘sea crab’... 88

31. Diphthong [ai ̯] in [karaʔ.ai ̯] ‘type of tree’ ... 89

32. Diphthong [aɨ ̯] in [jarkɨ.aʔ.aɨ ̯] ‘small fence’ ... 90

33. Diphthong [au̯] in [baʔ.au̯] ‘guava’ ... 91

34. Tautosyllabic diphthong [aɪ ̯] in [paɪ ̯ʔ] ‘throw’ ... 92

35. Targets [a] and [ɪ ̯] in [paɪ ̯ʔ] ‘throw’... 92

LIST OF TABLES

Table Page

1. Consonant inventory from Nothofer (1992) ... 8

2. Difference between consonant inventories ... 8

3. Vowel inventory from Nothofer (1992)... 9

4. Difference between vowel inventories... 9

5. Enggano consonant phonemes... 21

6. Consonant coLoccurrences in underlying forms ... 26

7. Contrast for /x/ ... 29

8. Enggano vowel phonemes ...32

9. Syllable types in Enggano...36

10. Correlation of duration, intensity and pitch with word stress...38

11. Oral vocoid sequences ... 42

12. Nasal vocoid sequences ...43

13. Syllabification patterns in vocoid sequences... 48

14. Final vocoid sequences for duration measurement ... 57

15. /ʔa piah/ [ʔa.pi.ah] ‘graze’... 65

16. /ka karai/ [ka.ka.rai ̯] ‘chase’ ... 65

17. /ki deok/ *[ki.deo̯k] ‘pinched’, incorrect prediction ... 66

18. /ki deok/ [ki.de.ok] ‘pinched’, correct prediction... 66

19. /karaʔai/ [ka.raʔ.ai ̯] ‘type of tree’... 66

20. /kõʔĩã/ [kõʔ.jã] ‘tree sp.’ ... 67

22. /ki deok/ *[kid.e̯ok] ‘pinched’, incorrect prediction ... 67 23. /ki deok/ [ki.de.ok] ‘pinched’, correct prediction... 68 24. Summary of OT constraint ranking... 69

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I would like to express my appreciation to the people of Meok village on Enggano. They graciously hosted me, showed me around their village and their island, and patiently answered my endless stream of questions about their language. Special thanks to my hosts Jhon Rafles K.N. and his wife. Thanks also to the other Meok residents who participated in the research: Adam Kurniawan, Josia, Milson Kaitora, Marhelam,

Manogar R.H., and two anonymous participants.

Thanks to SIL Indonesia for covering transportation and housing costs, as well as for providing logistical support throughout the research.

I am especially grateful for my thesis advisor Dr. John Clifton, who guided me through the entire research project. My understanding of phonology has grown

tremendously as John has explained and applied concepts, taken my ideas apart and put them back together again. I also owe a big thanks to my other committee members Dr. Steve Marlett and Dr. David Weber, who provided invaluable insight as research progressed.

My wife Naomi has been a great support to me, enduring my long absence during research trips during our engagement, and long mental absence at home in front of the computer screen. Thank you, and I love you.

ABSTRACT

The Enggano language has received little attention in Austronesian linguistics. It is an isolate located geographically in a large area of related languages. A dedicated description of Enggano phonology has never been undertaken before. This thesis describes aspects of Enggano phonology and phonetics, primarily at the word level. It focuses mainly on vowels and vocoid sequences.

As a starting point for analysis of Enggano phonemes, a list of phonemes was compiled from previous research where phonemes are mentioned. For each reported phoneme, words were elicited with the phoneme in initial, prestress and final (stressed) position. An example word containing each vowel and consonant was recorded in frames for acoustic analysis. Since sequences of two or more adjacent vocoids are

common, words containing examples of all vocoid sequences were recorded in frames as well.

The Enggano phoneme inventory consists of twelve consonants and fourteen vowels in a sevenLvowel oral system and an analogous sevenLvowel nasal system. There are seven possible syllable types. Word stress is consistently final in both monomorphemic and polymorphemic words. Acoustic measurements show that word stress is indicated by intensity in closed syllables, and possibly by length and pitch in both open and closed syllables.

There are a few allophonic processes in Enggano. An intrusive vowel (Hall 2006) is inserted in consonant sequences beginning with /ʔ/. A tentative analysis of the fricative /x/ is that it is realized as [x], [ç], or [s] depending on the context. The glottal stop is

optionally palatalized after a high front vowel, and vowels are nasalized in words with a nasal consonant.

Vocoid sequences syllabify based on the preceding environment and the relative height of the two vocoids. TwoLvocoid sequences after medial nonLglottals are disyllabic except sequences beginning with a lower vocoid and ending with a higher vocoid (lowL high and midLhigh). These are realized as diphthongs. Vocoid sequences after medial glottal consonants [ʔ] and [h] are realized differently. Glottal consonants syllabify in the coda of the previous syllable. SyllableLinitial vocoids in sequences that are not lowL high are realized in the onset of the syllable, as in /kõʔĩã/ [kõʔ.jã] ‘tree sp.’. This process does not affect lowLhigh sequences, or sequences where the glottal consonant is wordLinitial. Acoustic measurements show that the three syllabification patterns of vocoid sequences (vowelLvowel, glideLvowel, vowelLglide) can be distinguished by both intensity and overall duration of the sequences.

Nasal vowels have a much greater range in the vowel space than oral vowels, and consequently there is much more overlap between adjacent vowels. This range can be attributed to variation between speakers in articulation of nasal vowels. Vocoids in sequences are very similar in place of articulation to their interconsonantal

counterparts. Vocoids in disyllabic sequences are generally in more extreme areas of the vowel space, while vocoids in diphthongs are generally located in more central areas of the vowel space than plain vowels.

CHAPTER 1

INTRODUCTION

The Enggano [eno]1 _{language is an isolate spoken by about 1,500 people in}

Indonesia (Lewis 2009). It is spoken only on the island of Enggano, which is about 80 miles (125 km) off the southwestern coast of Sumatra, Indonesia, in the Indian Ocean. The island of Enggano is the southernmost of the Barrier Islands that extend along the western coast of Sumatra. Figure 1 shows a map of Indonesia, with an arrow marking Enggano.

Figure 1. Enggano island in Indonesia2

1 _{ISO 639L3 language identification codes are given in square brackets following language} names.

2 _{Accessed on the Internet at https://www.cia.gov/library/publications/theLworldL}

Enggano is linguistically and geographically isolated from surrounding language groups. Because of this and the small number of people who speak it, the language has received little attention in the literature. This thesis, a description of Enggano wordLlevel

phonology and phonetics, is the first research project dedicated to analyzing the phonology of Enggano.

The thesis is laid out as follows. The first three chapters are introductory in nature, giving background (Chapter 1) and methodology (Chapter 2), followed by an overview of phonemes, allophonic processes, stress patterns, and syllable structure in Chapter 3. Chapter 4 is dedicated to a discussion of vocoid sequences, focusing on syllabification processes. Chapter 5 presents an acoustic analysis of vowel quality of single vowels, while chapter 6 lays out an acoustic analysis of vowel quality transition in vocoid sequences. Finally, conclusions are given in chapter 7.

1.1

Historical, geographical and sociopolitical context

Little is known about the island of Enggano or its people before the late nineteenth century. The name Enggano is popularly thought to come from the Portuguese engano

‘deception, error’. A story, told by local Enggano people as well as outsiders, says that the Portuguese explorers of the sixteenth century came upon Enggano from the West and mistakenly thought that they had found Sumatra. In their disappointment at finding that they had not arrived on Sumatra, they named the island Enggano. Any former languageLinternal name for the Enggano people and language has been lost, as the exonym Enggano is the only name that is known.

The Museum Volkenkunde in Leiden, The Netherlands, houses a collection of artifacts and drawings from early explorers’ visits to Enggano (ter Keurs n.d.). Drawings from Modigliani (1894) show Enggano people living a Stone AgeLtype existence with no evidence of influence from the Malay and Javanese civilizations a few hundred miles

away. They lived in beehiveLshaped houses similar to traditional houses of the Andaman Islands of India 1,000 miles to the northwest in the Indian Ocean. The old Malay name for the island of Enggano, Pulau Telanjang or Naked Island, reflects the fact that the Enggano had a lifestyle very different from that of the larger people groups of Sumatra and Java.

With the onset of contact with outsiders, the Enggano society went through major upheaval. At some point between 1866 and 1884 the population of the island was decimated, going from over 6,000 people in 1866 to 900 people in 1884 (Jaspan 1964, 110). Some authors believe that this was caused by cholera, venereal disease, and induced abortion (Helfrich 1888).

Whatever the cause of the decimation of Enggano’s population, the effects were devastating for the language. In his dictionary Kähler notes that when he conducted his 1937 field research on the island, only about 200 people still spoke Enggano as their mother tongue, “which, however, in the case of the younger generation . . . was already strongly influenced by Malay” (1987, 81). Concerning Enggano culture, Keuning (1955) said that the traditional culture had almost completely disappeared by the middle of the twentieth century. The Enggano culture and language were put in further jeopardy in the early 1960s when the Indonesian government began relocating convicts from Java and Sumatra to Enggano. By 1963 there were 2,600 offenders from other parts of Indonesia on the island in addition to the 400 remaining Enggano people (Jaspan 1964, 110).

Contrary to predictions during the early 1900s, the Enggano population has actually grown in the past fifty years, and the language is still in vigorous daily use. Estimates of the number of Enggano speakers today range from 700 (Wurm 2000) to 1,500 (Lewis 2009). The total population of the island is around 2,000, with about half

of the population being native and the other half being people of outside descent, mostly from Java and Sumatra.

Enggano has recently been heavily influenced by the culture, politics and languages of Java and Sumatra. The languages most influential on Enggano are the Malay and Indonesian language varieties spoken on Java and Sumatra. The nearest language is Bengkulu Malay, spoken in and around the city of Bengkulu (classified in the

Ethnologue as a dialect of Central Malay [pse]). The only ferries connecting Enggano to Sumatra go to Bengkulu, so there is much direct contact between that city and the island. Minangkabau [min] is a regional trade language along the west coast of Sumatra, and as such it also has influence on Enggano. The third prominent language influencing Enggano is Standard Indonesian [ind], the official language of Indonesia and the language of school, government, and all official business on Enggano. Figure 2 shows the Ethnologue language map of Sumatra. Enggano island is number 13 at the far bottom, Central Malay is spoken in the area designated by number 10 in the southwest, and Minangkabau is spoken in the area designated by number 28 along the western coast.

Figure 2. Ethnologue language map of Sumatra

Bengkulu Malay, Minangkabau, and Indonesian are all closely related to each other. It is often difficult to tell which one has caused a particular effect in Enggano.

Speakers of Bengkulu Malay, Minangkabau and Indonesian now live on Enggano island, intermingled with the local Enggano population. Speakers of other languages, including Batak and Javanese, live there as well. Since few of the immigrants speak Enggano, most interethnic communication takes place in Indonesian or Bengkulu Malay. Enggano speakers only use their language among themselves, although many

immigrants claim that they can understand some of the language.

There are six villages on Enggano island, all of them strung along the island’s only road on the northeast coast. Figure 3 shows the villages on the island. The lines mark the territorial boundaries of the villages, while the dots represent the residential area for each village.

Figure 3. Villages on Enggano island3

The three central villages of Malakoni, Apoho and Meok have greater percentages of native Enggano residents, while the outlying villages of Banjarsari, Kaana and Kahayapu have larger immigrant populations. Ferries to Bengkulu depart from Kahayapu and Malakoni.

1.2

Previous research on Enggano

The first substantial documentation of life on Enggano began when Enggano’s contact with the outside world increased in the last half of the nineteenth century. Dutch administrators and explorers made numerous trips to the island and published several general reports on the people, culture and language. These include Boewang (1854), van der Straaten and Severijn (1855), von Rosenberg (1855), Walland (1864), van der Hoeven (1870), and Helfrich (1888). These reports culminated in an often cited

3 _{This map was created by SIL Indonesia and is used by permission. I added the points to} represent the approximate place of each village’s residential area.

ethnographic description of the Enggano people, “The Island of Women”, by Italian researcher E. Modigliani (1894). Ethnograpic work continued with more recent work by Tichelman (1942), Keuning (1955), Amran (1979), and ter Keurs (2006).

The first linguistic records from Enggano are the brief wordlists found in van der Straaten and Severijn (1855) and von Rosenberg (1855). Both of these wordlists were recorded by nonLlinguists unfamiliar with the Enggano language, so their accuracy is doubtful. Helfrich and Pieters (1891) published an extensive wordlist, with extensive corrections and additions published a few years later (Helfrich 1916). The complete wordlist contains over 1,000 items, with glosses in Malay and Dutch. Also available is the Holle List for Enggano (Stokhof 1987), which was collected in 1895 and also contains over 1,000 items. These two extended wordlists represent the first substantial records of the Enggano language.

The first and only major linguistic analysis of Enggano was conducted by German linguist Hans Kähler in 1937. The results of this research include a published grammar (1940), dictionary (1987), and texts (1955; 1961; 1973; 1975). Kähler’s grammar and dictionary are the sources for most typological and comparative work on Enggano. While the grammar and dictionary are both extensive, the only mention of phonology in either one is a list of consonant and vowel phonemes and a short paragraph describing some basic features. The list of phonemes in the dictionary does not agree with the one in the grammar, and some of the dictionary’s transcriptions are inconsistent. The font used in the publication causes poor legibility for some words. Prentice (1989), among others, questions the accuracy of the transcriptions.

The only literature that discusses Enggano phonology is Kähler’s grammar and dictionary, along with Nothofer’s more recent paper on loanwords in Enggano, which has a list of phonemes (Nothofer 1992). Table 1 shows Nothofer’s analysis of the consonant phonemes.

Table 1. Consonant inventory from Nothofer (1992)

Bilabial Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal

Stop p b t d k ʔ

Nasal m n

Trill r

Fricative h

Approximant w j

There are extensive differences between this analysis and Kähler’s. Kähler adds /ɲ/ and /x/ as phonemes but does not include /w/. He claims that /t/ and /r/ are marginal, occurring only in certain dialects, adding /tʃ/,4 _{/dʒ/, /f/, and /l/ as marginal phonemes}

as well. These differences are summarized in Table 2.

Table 2. Difference between consonant inventories

Kähler dictionary Kähler grammar Nothofer 1992

p √ √ √

b √ √ √

t marginal marginal √

d √ √ √

tʃ marginal √ LLL dʒ marginal marginal LLL

k √ √ √

ʔ √ √ √

m √ √ √

n √ √ √

ɲ √ √ LLL

r marginal marginal √ f marginal marginal LLL

x √ √ LLL

h √ √ √

w LLL LLL √

j √ √ √

l marginal marginal LLL Table 3 shows Nothofer’s analysis of vowel phonemes.

Table 3. Vowel inventory from Nothofer (1992)

Front Central Back

High i ĩ ɨ [ ̃ u ũ

Mid e ẽ ə ə̃ o õ

Low a ã

As with the consonant phonemes, there are many differences between Nothofer’s and Kähler’s analyses of vowel phonemes. Kähler’s dictionary does not include the high central vowels /[ ̃/ and /[ ̃/. His grammar, on the other hand, includes a set of low mid vowels /ɛ/, /ɛ̃/, /ɔ/, and /ɔ̃/ but does not include /ẽ/, /ə/, /ə̃/, or /õ/.

Table 4 shows the difference between the vowel inventories in the same sources. Table 4. Difference between vowel inventories

Kähler dictionary Kähler grammar Nothofer 1992

i √ √ √

ĩ √ √ √

ɨ LLL √ √

[ ̃ LLL √ √

u √ √ √

ũ √ √ √

e √ √ √

ẽ √ LLL √

ə √ LLL √

ə̃ √ LLL √

o √ √ √

õ √ LLL √

ɛ LLL √ LLL

ɛ̃ LLL √ LLL

ɔ LLL √ LLL

ɔ̃ LLL √ LLL

a √ √ √

ã √ √ √

The Kähler grammar also lists seventeen diphthongs as part of the phoneme inventory. All the diphthongs go from low to high, beginning with /a/, /e/ or /o/ and ending with /e/, /o/, /i/ or /u/. Diphthongs are not mentioned in any of the other sources.

Besides Nothofer (1992), recent discussion of Enggano has mostly been limited to brief mention of the language in historical comparative and typological work on Austronesian languages. These begin with Dyen’s lexicostatistical analysis of

Austronesian wordlists (1965). Dyen’s analysis puts Enggano’s highest percentage of shared vocabulary at 11% with Murut, a language of Borneo. While the lexicostatistical method is not generally considered valid for determining language relationships, Enggano’s extraordinarily low percentage of shared vocabulary still shows that it is not closely related to any of the surrounding languages. The comparative work with the most thorough discussion of Enggano is Nothofer’s article on the Sumatran Barrier Islands languages (1986). Nothofer provides quantitative evidence for subgrouping Sichule (Sikule), Nias, Mentawai, and Simalur (Simeulue). Enggano, however, is included only as a possible member of the subgroup because it is so deviant from the other languages in the Barrier Islands.

Other authors take widely differing approaches to Enggano’s classification. Mahdi (1986) groups all Austronesian languages in Western and Eastern subgroups, with most of the Barrier Islands languages in the Western subgroup and Enggano in the Eastern subgroup. Capell (1982) takes a cautious approach, classifying Enggano as a nonL Austronesian isolate. He concludes, “Enggano does not in fact belong to the [ProtoL Austronesian] group” (p. 4). The Ethnologue summarizes the lack of consensus on Enggano’s classification: “Not closely related to other languages. Not conclusively established as an Austronesian language, rather than an isolate with Austronesian loans.”

There are three other studies discussing other aspects of the Enggano language. Nothofer (1992) lists sound changes that occurred in the adaptation of loanwords from Malay/Indonesian and Minangkabau into Enggano. Schmidt (1988) discusses the sound changes that occurred in Enggano over the past fifty years. Enggano is undergoing rapid

change under influence from Malay and Indonesian in its grammar, lexicon, phonology and domains of use. A very recent study of bilingualism patterns among the Enggano people by Simanjuntak (2009) shows that Enggano is still a vital language used in conjunction with Standard Indonesian for daily life. Simanjuntak states that attitudes toward both Enggano and Indonesian are positive.

CHAPTER 2

RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY

The goal of this research is a description of Enggano phonology and phonetics that will be of typological interest and will be useful for language development, with a focus on vocoids and vocoid sequences. To accomplish this, I take what is already known about Enggano phonology and expand on that knowledge with original research. In this chapter I summarize what has been previously published about Enggano phonology. I then sketch out my objectives for further research and the methodology used to accomplish the objectives.

As indicated in Chapter 1, the three publications that have information on Enggano phonology are Kähler’s grammar and dictionary and Nothofer’s 1992 paper on

loanwords. Following is a summary of the analyses presented there.

(a) Phoneme inventory: twelve to seventeen consonants and six to eight oral vowels with nasal counterparts. Kähler (1940) lists seventeen diphthongs in the phoneme inventory while other sources do not list these.

(b) Syllable structure: CV and V. Kähler’s dictionary does not list any syllable codas. There are many vowel sequences.

(c) Stress patterns: The discussion in the 1895 Holle list says, “word stress mostly is on the penultimate syllable; if not it falls on the final syllable” (Stokhof 1987, 189). Kähler’s dictionary also states that stress is penultimate.

(d) Morphophonology: There are many prefixes and suffixes in the language. As affixation is difficult to decipher in Kähler’s dictionary because of

typographical issues, it is difficult to tell whether there is any phonologically conditioned alternation in derived forms.

(e) Dialects: The Kähler grammar lists a few phonological differences between two dialects, and the older Dutch sources also list dialectal differences. There were apparently different speech patterns on several small inhabited outlying islands, especially Pulau Dua. Today the outlying islands are no longer inhabited. In 2007 Enggano speakers informed a sociolinguistic survey team that there was no dialect variation at all in the Enggano language (Aprilani 2007). The same was reported to me during my field research in 2010. Only the northeastern coast of the island is now inhabited.

Based on the goal of a descriptive phonology that is of typological interest, and based on what is already known from the literature, the following objectives guide the research. The focus here is on vowels and vocoid sequences.

(a) Establish the phoneme inventory, specifically by resolving areas of disagreement between the various published phoneme inventories.

(b) List and discuss basic phonological patterns including syllable structure, stress patterns, allophonic processes and positional neutralization of contrast. (c) List and discuss syllabification patterns in vocoid sequences.

(d) Provide a phonological analysis of syllabification patterns of vocoid sequences.

(e) Show the acoustic correlates (duration, intensity, formants) of all syllabification patterns of vocoid sequences.

(f) Show how the vowel system maps out acoustically in the vowel space.

Because of external factors, I was able to spend only two weeks doing intensive data collection in Meok. I was able to collect a large amount of quality data during that time, thanks to the guidance of my advisor and the generosity of my Enggano hosts. However,

two weeks is a very short time span for conducting field work, and there are several areas of Enggano phonology that remain unclear because of a lack of time in field research. If more extended visits to Enggano are undertaken in the future, researchers will be able to build on the initial research presented here. I discuss in prose below the methodologies used to accomplish the six objectives presented above.

The phoneme inventories in Kähler (1940; 1987) and Nothofer (1992) give a total of fourteen vowels and eighteen consonants, including all of Kähler’s marginal

consonants. For each of the vowels and consonants, native speakers were asked to think of words that contained that segment in various positions. Initially, the goal was to obtain ten examples of each consonant in the onset of syllables in three positions: initial, medial preLstress, and stressed; as well as wordLfinally. This is shown in (1).

(1) Four word positions for consonant elicitation (Example consonant: [p]) Initial /purik/ [purik] ‘grow’

Medial preLstress /kĩpãʔĩõp/ [kĩpãʔjõp] ‘eight’ Stressed /hãpɘ̃ʔ/5 _{[hãpɘ̃ʔ] ‘breathe’}

Final /kõp/ [kõp] ‘grave’

Each vowel was to be elicited in initial, stressed, and postLstress environments. These parameters were set up with the assumption that, as per Kähler, stress was penultimate and there were no syllable codas. When it became evident that stress was final, elicitation for the postLstress position was discontinued. Since wordLinitial syllable onsets are mandatory, elicitation for vowelLinitial words was discontinued as well. The word positions for vowel elicitation are shown in (2).

(2) Three word positions for vowel elicitation (Example vowel: [a]) PreLstress / tahaʔ/ [tahaʔ] ‘write’ Final closed syllable /poraʔ/ [poraʔ] ‘split’

5 _{Formant measurements of the mid central vowel show that it is acoustically higher than the} other mid vowels /e/ and /o/ (see section 5.2). Perceptually, the quality of this vowel sounds different from that of intrusive schwa (see section 3.3). So the highLmid vowel symbol [ɘ] is used for the mid central phoneme, while the schwa symbol with the breve [ə̆] is used for intrusive schwa.

Final open syllable / kitaha / [kitaha] ‘centipede’

It also became evident during elicitation that there were many syllable codas in the language, including wordLinternal codas. This created the possibility of medial

consonant sequences across syllable boundaries. Medial consonant sequences are common. Elicitation focused on consonant sequences was therefore not necessary since there were many examples of the sequences in words elicited for other purposes.

Examples of each vocoid sequence6 _{were elicited as well. The goal was to obtain at}

least five examples of all possible combinations, excluding homorganic sequences. The surrounding environment was not specified as it was for consonants and vowels. Speakers could only think of one or two examples of some of the rarer sequences, especially the nasal and nasalized sequences.

A total of six men and two women, all from the village of Meok, participated in the research. All had spent most of their lives in Meok. All were initially thought to be firstL language Enggano speakers, although I learned later that one of the women had learned Indonesian as her first language and had learned Enggano while in elementary school. Data contributed by this speaker was not removed from the database since everyone agreed that she spoke Enggano no differently from anyone else, and had been fluent for a very long time.

The speakers worked in small groups. Together they filled out paper forms that listed a segment, a specific environment, and ten blank example spaces for examples. The speakers worked in small groups to fill out the forms. One group member was informally assigned as the transcriber. Standard Indonesian orthography was used for

6 _{In this thesis, the term vocoid sequence is used to denote a sequence of underlying vowels.} Vocoid sequences have surface realization as either two vowels or a vowel and an approximant.

transcription, with the addition of the apostrophe <'> for glottal stop, schwa <ə> for both central vowels, and tilde (e.g. <ã>) for vowel nasalization.

As lists of words were completed, all data was checked and reviewed with one of the speakers, and then entered into a FieldWorks database.7 _{When all of the lists were}

complete and entered into the database, one of the speakers made an audio recording of the whole database. All recordings in the study were done on a Zoom H2 portable digital recorder with an Audio Technica Pro 70 lapel microphone. Recordings were made at 24 bit depth, 48 kHz sampling rate. The recordings were done in stereo mode, with right gain turned to zero. Using Audacity (Audacity Team 2010), the right channel was extracted and deleted, leaving a mono file. For the recording, I gave a prompt in Indonesian and the speaker repeated the corresponding Enggano word twice. The only problem with this method was that it yielded words with “list intonation” – the first repeat of each word has a rising pitch and greater overall intensity, and the second has a falling pitch with lower overall intensity. All words in the FieldWorks database were later checked with the audio recordings to ensure phonetic accuracy.

The database resulting from this methodology contains 841 entries. 144 of these are complex words, loanwords, or place names. These were removed for the basic phonological analysis. The database of basic words for phonological analysis thus contained 697 items.

The audio files resulting from the research will be archived online in SIL

International’s REAP archive. As of this writing, the REAP archive is still very new and has not yet been made publicly available on the Internet. Plans are being developed to make this data publicly available, however.

7 _{SIL International’s FLEx (FieldWorks Language Explorer) was used for the database of lexical} items. SIL’s Phonology Assistant was used to analyze phonological patterns from the words in the corpus. Both programs are freely available on the Internet at http://fieldworks.sil.org/

Most Enggano verbs and adjectives have affixation. These words were included in the basic database, while other complex and compound words were excluded. In the analysis, care was taken to ensure all phenomena are attested within morphemes and not only across morpheme boundaries. In verbs with affixation, it is not clear what form of the verb is represented with the different affixed forms. Determining this would require a morphological analysis, which was impossible due to time constraints. The Kähler grammar would have likely been of great help in this area, but it was largely

inaccessible to me since it is written in German. All glosses of verbs, therefore, only contain the basic sense of the words and do not show what form of the verb is represented. Procedures for dividing morphophonological phenomena from

phonological phenomena are discussed in Appendix A, along with a brief overview of affixation.

For each vocoid, consonant, and vocoid sequence, one example word was recorded in the sentence frame [ʔu pe __ ʔan pe janik] ‘Say __ clearly’ for acoustic analysis. Words recorded in frames with a vocoid in focus are shown in (3), while those with a consonant in focus are shown in (4). The segment in focus is in bold.

(3) Vocoids recorded in frames8

/hɘdik/ [hɘdik] ‘turn around’ /kɨx/ [kɨx] ‘turtle’ /duduk/ [duduk] ‘burn’ /kaLrep/ [karep] ‘boil’ /kɘx/ [kɘx] ‘mountain’ /kaʔLtok/ [kaʔə̆tok] ‘red’ /kak/ [kak] ‘person’ /kãʔLkĩh/ [kãʔə̆kĩh] ‘dry’ /pA ̃ʔ/ [pA ̃ʔ] ‘fireplace’ /kũk/ [kũk] ‘back’ /kãLpẽp/ [kãpẽp] ‘shallow’

8 _{As discussed in sections 3.2 and 5.2 , the mid central vowel (represented as [ə] in other} sources) is better represented as [ɘ] as it is acoustically higher than the other mid vowels. This convention is also useful to distinguish it from the schwa vowel inserted in consonant clusters, which I represent with the symbol [ə̆]. [x], [ç], and [s] were found to be allophones of /x/, as discussed in section 3.1.3.

/kãʔLkɘ̃h/ [kãʔə̆kɘ̃h] ‘black’ /kõp/ [kõp] ‘grave’

/kãp/ [kãp] ‘traditional leader’ /ʔaLioiaʔ/ [ʔajojaʔ] ‘pay out (a rope)’ /ʔauaʔ/ [ʔawaʔ] ‘mangrove’ (4) Consonants recorded in frames

/ʔabeh/ [ʔabeh] ‘bamboo’ /batar/ [batar] ‘pillow’ /kaLder/ [kader] ‘soft’

/kabakeʔ/ [kabakeʔ] (a term of address) /baʔau/ [baʔ.au̯] ‘guava’

/ʔamak/ [ʔãmãk] ‘God’ /kanam/ [kãnãm] ‘salt’ /karah/ [karah] ‘body’ /pɘix/ [pɘi ̯s] ‘machete’ /karaix/ [karaç] ‘cup’ /kaʔLdaix/ [kaʔə̆daç] ‘white’ /kɘx/ [kɘx] ‘mountain’ /tahaʔ/ [tahaʔ] ‘write’ /kaLlel/ [kalel] ‘soft’

Words recorded in frames with a vocoid sequence in focus are shown in (5). Here and throughout the thesis, syllable breaks between two vowels are marked with a period. Glottal consonants syllabify with the preceding vowel (Chapter 4); these syllable breaks are also marked.9 _{Syllable breaks not involving a vocoid sequence are unmarked.}

Most of the sequences are sequences of two vowels, but several have a vowel and an approximant. Because of time limitations, I was not able to record an exhaustive set of vowelLvowel and vowelLapproximant sequences.

(5) Vocoid sequences recorded in frames /hiur/ [hi.ur] ‘dust’ /ie/ [je] ‘vomit’ /hiɘr/ [hi.ɘr] ‘earthworm’ /kiak/ [ki.ak] ‘blood’ /dudiar/ [dudi.ar] ‘durian fruit’

/kiLdadaʔɨɘh/ [kidadaʔ.ɨ ̯ɘh] ‘care for deceased’s spouse’ /kaʔhɨɘ/ [kaʔə̆hɨ.ɘ] ‘female leader’

9 _{This analysis of glottal consonant syllabification is necessary for the analysis of vocoid} sequence syllabification presented in Chapter 4. I assume that there is no articulatory or perceptual difference between glottal consonant as coda (e.g. [bah.aʊ̯ʔ] and onset (e.g.

[ba.haʊ̯ʔ]). These syllabification marks are part of the analysis rather than a reflection of actual articulation.

/kaLkɨɘ/ [kakɨ.ɘ] ‘short’ /pɨah/ [pɨ.ah] ‘face’ /kahʔuis/ [kahə̆ʔwis] ‘sea crab’ /baLʔueh/ [baʔweh] ‘sleep’ /ʔiLʔuoʔ/ [ʔiʔwoʔ] ‘there’ /puak/ [pu.ak] ‘go’ /kikeor/ [kike.or] ‘lost’ /kiLdeok/ [kide.ok] ‘pinched’ /paLhitɘi/ [pahitɘi ̯] ‘mock’ /koi/ [koi ̯] ‘wild pig’ /bohoe/ [boh.o̯e] ‘wild’

/koar/ [ko.ar] ‘type of kitchen utensil’ /paido/ [pai ̯do] ‘cry’

/bahauʔ/ [bah.aʊ̯ʔ] ‘heart’ /beia/ [beja] ‘table’ /tauud/ [tawud] ‘year’

Words recorded in frames with a nasal or nasalized sequence in focus are shown in (6).

(6) Nasal and nasalized sequences recorded in frames /hĩũk/ [hĩ.ũk] ‘louse’

/kiLhĩẽk/ [kĩhjẽk] ‘sit’

/kĩʔj ̃ɘ̃kj ̃ʔF ̃ɘ̃/ [kĩʔjɘ̃kj ̃ʔjɘ̃] ‘sea creature sp.’ /hion/ [hĩ.õn] ‘scratch’

/kiLhiam/ [kĩhjãm] ‘itchy’ /ĩũʔpA ̃ãʔ/ [jũʔə̆pA ̃.ãʔ] ‘fence’

/kũʔũĩ/ [kũʔwĩ] ‘great grandparent’ /kũhũẽ/ [kũhwẽ] ‘usefulness’

/muo/ [mũ.õ] ‘flower’ /kuan/ [kũ.ãn] ‘when’ /hẽõk/ [hẽ.õk] ‘cockroach’ /ʔẽãp/ [ʔẽ.ãp] ‘thick’ /kiLmɘmɘi/ [kĩmɘ̃mɘ̃F ̯̃] ‘overcast’ /pinohoi/ [pĩnõh.õF ̯̃] ‘naïve’ /koan/ [kõ.ãn] ‘Lord’ /ʔamahai/ [ʔãmãh.ãF ̯̃] ‘bed’ /painɘn/ [pãF ̯̃nɘ̃n] ‘feelings ‘ /kĩpãʔãũp/ [kĩpãʔ.ãʊ̯̃p] ‘ten’ /kãʔãũ/ [kãʔ.ãũ̯] ‘fat (adj.)’

Six speakers were given the list of words written in five different orders on separate sheets of paper. Each speaker went through the lists one at a time, repeating each word in the frame [ʔu pe ___ ʔan pe janik] ‘Say ___ clearly’. For analysis I selected two recordings each from four men, totaling eight tokens of each word. I chose the second and third recordings from each speaker unless there was a problem with one of these

such as stuttering, stumbling or scrambling the words in the frame, a pause part way through the frame phrase, or background noise. In these cases I selected the fourth recording of the word unless it also was problematic, in which case I chose the first or fifth one. I also recorded all the words from the entire database in list format with one speaker. I spoke the Indonesian prompt once, and the speaker repeated the Enggano word twice. When the words recorded in frames were not sufficient for acoustic analysis, I used recordings of words from this comprehensive list.

CHAPTER 3

OVERVIEW OF ENGGANO PHONOLOGY

This chapter presents a basic overview of Enggano phonology as a background for the discussion of vowels and vocoid sequences in the remainder of the thesis. The chapter discusses consonants and vowels, along with their distribution and related allophonic processes. Syllable structure and stress patterns are also discussed.

3.1

Consonants

My analysis shows that Enggano has twelve consonant phonemes: six stops, two nasals, a trill, two fricatives, and a lateral approximant. Table 5 shows the inventory of consonant phonemes in Enggano. Evidence of contrast for the consonants is found in in Appendix F, which lists examples of each consonant in initial, prestress medial, stressed, and final positions.

Table 5. Enggano consonant phonemes

Bilabial Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal

Stop p b t d k ʔ

Nasal m n

Rhotic r

Fricative x10 _h

Lateral

approximant l11

Approximants: [j], [ɨ ̯], [w], [e̯], [o̯]

10 _{I analyze surface [s], [ç], and [x] as allophones of /x/, although this analysis is tentative and} awaits further study. See section 3.1.4 for a discussion.

The glottal and velar stops are by far the most frequently occurring consonants in Enggano.

Besides the consonants, many vocoids can occur in syllable onset position. These include three high approximants [j], [ɨ ̯] and [w], and two mid approximants [e̯] and [o̯]. These are shown in (7).

(7) Underlying Surface Environment /i/ [j] onset

/u/ [w] onset

/ɨ/ [ɨ ̯] onset (not wordLinitial) /e/ [e̯] onset (not wordLinitial) /o/ [o̯] onset (not wordLinitial)

All five approximants occur in syllable onsets that are not word initial, while only [j] and [w] can occur word initially.12

3.1.1

Restrictions on distribution

Voiced oral consonants (/b/, /d/, /r/, and /l/) do not coLoccur in the same word with nasal consonants and vowels; that is, forms like */bãbã/ [bãbã] and */naba/ [nãbã] do not exist. I do not have an explanation for this. The single exception to this is the word /parna/ [pãrnã] ‘paper’, where the sequence /rn/ occurs. This is probably a loanword; see Sanskrit /patra/ ‘paper’. A sample of words containing voiced oral consonants is shown in (8), while a sample of words with nasal consonants and vowels is shown in (9).

(8) Words with voiced oral consonants /tabɨdaʔ/ [tabɨdaʔ] ‘jackfruit’ /ba/ [ba] ‘come’ /duduk/ [duduk] ‘burn (v.)’ /dix/ [diç] ‘earthquake’ /dɘr/ [dɘr] ‘river current’ /parur/ [parur] ‘festivity’

12 _{There does not seem to be a principled reason why mid approximants could not occur in word} initial position since they do occur medially. This distribution could be evidence for a

constraint against nonsyllabic mid vocoids in word initial position, separate from constraints against high vocoids in initial position and against high and mid vocoids in medial syllable onsets.

/bero/ [bero] ‘river’ /paLlauaʔ/ [palawaʔ] ‘spit (v.)’ (9) Words with nasal phonemes

/pan/ [pãn] ‘nose’ /kahten/ [kãhtẽn] ‘disgusting’ /kĩk/ [kĩk] ‘necklace’ /kome/ [kõmẽ] ‘bridge’ /ʔãpũʔ/ [ʔãpũʔ] ‘snake’ /hion/ [hĩ.õn] ‘scratch’ /ʔẽp/ [ʔẽp] ‘left’ /kaLpẽʔ/ [kãpẽʔ] ‘slanted’

Besides the two categories shown above, there are also many words that have neither voiced oral consonants nor nasal phonemes.

The consonant /t/ occurs mostly in loanwords. Out of 71 total occurrences of /t/ in the data, it occurs in loanwords 47 times and in native vocabulary 24 times. Initial /t/ is found almost exclusively in loanwords. Thse words appear to be of Malay origin, where the source consonant is initial /s/, /t/ or /tʃ/. For example, Malay

/sirih/→/tiri/ [tiri] ‘betel leaf’, Malay /tʃəŋkeh/→/teke/ [teke] ‘cloves’, and Malay

/tahun/→/tauud/ [tawud] ‘year’. There are three apparently native words with initial /t/ in the data: /tahaʔ/ [tahaʔ] ‘stab’, /teʔ/ [teʔ] ‘there’ and /tabɨdaʔ/ [tabɨdaʔ] ‘jackfruit’.

The alveolar stops /t/ and /d/ rarely occur in final position. Final /t/ occurs only after /i/, with seven instances in the data. Final /d/ only occurs in one native word:

/dahɨd/ [dahɨd] ‘lean’, and in four loanwords. The other alveolar consonants /n/ and /r/ occur more freely in final position. /n/ occurs finally 38 times, following all vowels, and final /r/ occurs 61 times after all oral vowels but /i/.

The rhotic consonant /r/ occurs initially in only one native word: /roro/ [roro]

‘pick up’. It occurs frequently in medial and final positions and is realized as either a trill or a tap (section 3.1.6).

In a few words, /d/ and /r/ appear to be in free variation, as in [kader] ~

[karer] ‘soft’ and the loanword [dudiad] ~ [dudiar] ‘durian fruit’. Enggano speakers report that older speakers tend to favor pronunciation with /d/, while younger speakers favor pronunciation with /r/.13

The glottal stop occurs in all positions. It contrasts with other consonants initially and finally, but it is somewhat predictable medially. In 87% of the instances of

intervocalic glottal stop in the data (113 out of 130), the vowels on either side of the glottal stop are homorganic. Geminate vowels are rare in Enggano (with only one attestation /kããh/ [kã.ãh] ‘afraid’ in the data), while heterorganic vocoid sequences are common. The glottal stop in these cases could then be analyzed as a surface insertion between geminate vowels. The remaining 13% of occurrences of intervocalic glottal stop do not fit this, however. These occurrences are between heterorganic vowels and cannot be explained as surface insertions. There is no principled way of

distinguishing between heterorganic vowel sequences and sequences of heterorganic vowels separated by a glottal stop, so all glottal stops must be regarded as phonemic. The glottal stop also occurs word medially in consonant sequences, usually as the first member of the sequence as in /doʔra/ [doʔə̆ra] ‘sand’.14

The lateral approximant [l] is rare in Enggano. It occurs in only five words in the data. They are listed in (10).

(10) /paLlauaʔ/ [palawaʔ] ‘split (v.)’ /kaLlel/ [kalel] ‘soft’ /kaʔLkaluʔ/ [kaʔə̆kaluʔ] ‘rumpled’ /kaLleʔleʔ/ [kaleʔə̆leʔ] ‘muddy’ /kaʔLblau/ [kaʔə̆blau̯] ‘blue’

13 _{Some younger speakers also use the form [dudian]with final [n]. The use of final [n] is} probably because of influence from the Malay/Indonesian form of the word [durian]. 14 _{The inserted schwa in the surface form is predictable. See section 3.3 for a discussion.}

The lateral approximant occurs intervocalically four times, finally one time, and medially following another consonant two times. The word /kaʔ blau/ ‘blue’ contains the only underlying threeLconsonant sequence in the data. This is an assimilated loanword, probably from Dutch /blau/ ‘blue’ and with the Enggano adjectival prefix

/kaʔ /. The lateral approximant alternates with /d/ and /r/ in the word [kader] ~ [karer] ~ [kalel] ‘soft’.15

The fricative /x/ only occurs finally, in thirtyLthree words in the data. According to my tentative analysis, it contrasts with other consonants in final position, as discussed in section 3.1.3.

3.1.2

Consonant sequences

Sequences of two consonants are common in Enggano, but the range of consonants that can occur in a sequence is restricted. Consonant sequences only occur wordL

internally and are found most frequently at morpheme boundaries between a prefix and stem. There are no tautosyllabic consonant sequences in native words. The first

consonant in a sequence is nearly always /ʔ/, /h/ or /r/. There are three consonant sequences in the data whose first member is a different consonant. Two are reduplicated forms: /kaʔ riprip/ [kaʔə̆riprip] ‘muddy’ with the sequence /pr/ and /ka bikbik/ [kabikbik] ‘muddy’ with the sequence /kb/. The third is the borrowed word /kaʔ blau/ [kaʔə̆blau] ‘green’ with the underlying threeLconsonant sequence /ʔbl/. Table 6 shows usual sequences attested in phonemic representations.

15 _{It is not clear whether these forms alternate based on speaker, or whether the same speaker} uses different forms.

Table 6. Consonant coLoccurrences in underlying forms

_p _b _t _d _k _ʔ _m _n _x _h _r _l ʔ √ √ √ √ √ LLL √ √ LLL √ √ √ h √ √ √ √ √ √ √ √ LLL LLL √ LLL r √ √ √ √ √ LLL LLL √ LLL LLL LLL LLL Out of thirtyLsix possible consonant coLoccurrences, twentyLfive are attested and eleven are not. The fact that there are no geminate sequences explains three gaps. /x/ does not occur in sequences since its restriction to wordLfinal position does not overlap with the wordLinternal restriction of consonant sequences. This explains three more gaps. There are no attestations of /hl/ or /rl/, presumably because /l/ is so rare in the language. These can be considered accidental gaps. The sequence /rm/ is not attested, and this is expected since voiced oral consonants do not coLoccur with nasal consonants in the same word. The sequence /rn/ is attested only in the borrowed word /parna/ [pãrnã] ‘paper’. The sequences /rh/ and /rʔ/ remain the only unexplained gaps in consonant coL occurrences. It is possible that these are accidental gaps.

3.1.3

Vowel intrusion

In consonant sequences where the first consonant is a glottal stop, a short schwa vowel [ə̆] is inserted between the two consonants of the sequence. This occurs both morphemeLinternally and at morpheme boundaries. MorphemeLinternally, it occurs in words such as /doʔra/ [doʔə̆ra] ‘sand’ and /koʔma/ [kõʔə̆mã] ‘porch’. At morpheme boundaries it occurs in words like /kaʔ tok/ [kaʔə̆tok] ‘red’ and /kaʔ he/ [kaʔə̆he]

‘go octopus hunting’. Insertion only occurs in clusters involving a glottal stop and a true consonant. There is no insertion between a glottal stop and a following surface

approximant; e.g. /kõʔĩã/ [kõʔjã] ‘melinjo nut’, or in consonant sequences that begin with /h/ or /r/, as in /kah mih/ [kãhmĩh] ‘squeeze’ and /ʔarkix/ [ʔarkiç] ‘rice’.

There is one occurrence of the sequence /hʔ/. Schwa insertion occurs in this sequence:

/kahʔuis/ [kahə̆ʔu.is] ‘sea crab’.

Hall (2006) distinguishes between epenthetic vowels, which are phonologically visible, and intrusive vowels, which are phonologically invisble. Epenthetic vowels can be of any vowel quality and can occur in various types of consonant clusters, while intrusive vowels are consistently schwaLlike and only occur in heterorganic consonant clusters.

Enggano inserted vowels have several of the properties of intrusive vowels. They are schwaLlike, and only occur in heterorganic consonant clusters. The inserted vowel [ə̆] does not interact with stress patterns or syllable structure. Enggano secondary stress is consistently placed on alternating syllables right to left (see section 3.4), regardless of whether an inserted vowel is present or not. This is seen in the words /ʔanoʔon/

[ˌʔãnõʔˈõn] ‘heel’ and /koʔnene/ [ˌkõʔə̆nẽˈnẽ] ‘flirt’. The inserted vowel also does not interact with syllable structure. There are several instances of a sequence of glottal consonants followed by a sequence of vocoids; e.g. /kaʔhɨɘ/ [kaʔə̆.hɨ.ɘ] ‘female leader’ and /kahʔuix/ [kahə̆ʔu.is] ‘sea crab’. High vocoids following postLvocalic glottal consonants are nonsyllabic, as in /kõʔĩã/ [kõʔ.jã] ‘tree sp.’ (see section 4.2). If the inserted vowel were phonologically visible, the high vocoid following the second glottal consonant should be nonsyllabic; e.g. *[kaʔ.ə̆h.ɨ ̯ɘ] and *[kah.ə̆ʔ.wis]. But since the intrusive vowel is not phonologically visible, the glottal consonant before the high vocoid is postLconsonantal and the vocoid is consequently syllabic.

Representation of intrusive vowels in relation to syllable structure is a matter of some controversy (Hall 2006, 397). Because the Enggano intrusive vowels vowels are invisible to stress patterns, I follow Hall in not including such vowels in syllable structure. I do not mark syllable boundaries in phonetic forms for the intrusive vowel, assuming that the vowel does not belong to either syllable. For example, the word

/kõʔkõʔ/ [kõʔə̆koʔ] ‘sago palm’, while not marked for syllabicity, is assumed to have two CVC syllables.

3.1.4

Place assimilation of /x/

The three fricatives [x], [ç], and [s] only occur wordLfinally. They appear to be in complementary distribution. I present below an initial analysis based on the available data. The analysis presented here is tentative since there are several factors related to these segments that remain difficult to explain.

I analyze the three fricatives as allophones of the phoneme /x/. This phoneme is realized as [x] after /ɨ/, /ɘ/, and /u/, as [ç] after /i/, /ai/ and /ãĩ/, and as [s] after vocoid sequences ending in /i/, including /ai/. The distributions of [ç] and [s] overlap after /ai/. The phoneme only occurs after these six vowels in its thirtyLthree

occurrences in the data. The three allophones of /x/ are shown in (11), (12), and (13). (11) [x] after nonLfront vowels

/ʔabɨx/ [ʔabɨx] ‘already’ /kɨx/ [kɨx] ‘turtle’ /kɘx/ [kɘx] ‘mountain’ /ʔudɘx/ [ʔudɘx] ‘shampoo’ /kaLpux/ [kapux] ‘sick’ (12) [ç] after /i/, /ai/, /ãĩ/

/kaʔLpix/ [kaʔə̆piç] ‘sudsy’ /dix/ [diç] ‘earthquake’ /kaix/ [kaç] ‘box’

/pãĩx/ [pãç] ‘pestle’

(13) [s] after vocoid sequences ending in /i/: /ii/, /ai/, /ɘi/, /ui/ /iix/ [jis] ‘word’

/kaix/ [kai ̯s] ‘sound’ /pɘix/ [pɘi ̯s] ‘machete’ /kahʔuix/ [kahə̆ʔu.is] ‘sea crab’ /juʔuix/ [juʔ.wis] ‘oar’

I analyze the sequence [aç] as coming from underlying [aix]. In several words, [ais] alternates with [aç]; e.g. /kaix/ [kaç] ~ [kais] ‘box’ and /maix/ [mãç] ~ [mãĩs]

/pãĩx/ [pãç] ‘pestle’ and /taix/ [taç] ‘bag’), but there are no known words ending in [ais] that do not have an [aç] alternant. Alternatively, it could be argued that [aç] is underlyingly /ax/, but it would be difficult to find a motivation for a process where /x/ becomes [ç] after /a/. The process /ix/→[ç] is phonetically grounded. The alternation in words like [kaç] ~ [kais] ‘box’ is straightforward if both are analyzed as

underlyingly /kaix/.

Although /x/ only occurs finally, it contrasts with other consonants in this position. There is contrast between /x/ and /h/, stops, and the absence of /x/. This is shown in Table 7.

Table 7. Contrast for /x/

Example Contrast

/x/ vs /k/ /kaLpux/ [kapux] ‘sick’ /puk/ [puk] ‘navel’

/x/ vs /k/ /kiLdidix/ [kididiç] ‘too big (adj.)’ /kiLdidik/ [kididik] ‘diligent’

/x/ vs /h/ /kɘx/ [kɘx] ‘mountain’ /kɘʔɘh/ [kɘʔɘh] ‘plant (n.)’

/x/ vs /t/ /iix/ [jis] ‘word’ /ʔit/ [ʔit] ‘banana’

/x/ vs ∅∅∅∅ /ʔabɨx/ [ʔabɨx] ‘already’ /kapɨ/ [kapɨ] ‘cold’

/x/ vs ∅∅∅∅ _{/kaix/ [kaç] ‘box’ /ʔeai/ [ʔe.ai] ‘fish’}

/x/ vs ∅∅∅∅ /iix/ [jis] ‘word’ /ii/ [ji] ‘behavior’

The distribution of /x/ does not overlap with that of /t/. /x/ occurs as [s] only after a vocoid sequence ending in /i/, while final /t/ only occurs after interconsonantal /i/. Because the distributions of [s] and [t] do not overlap, they could be analyzed as allophones of a single phoneme /t/. However, [s] is better regarded as an allophone of /x/ since it is associated with /x/ in the alternation [aç] ~ [ais].

A problem with this analysis of the fricatives is their unusual distribution,

particularly the distribution of [ç] and [s] after postLconsonantal and postLvocalic /i/. Another problem is that they only occur word finally. This is an odd distribution for a phoneme, and it remains unexplained why /x/ does not occur in word initial or medial position. The inflected possessive form of words ending in [aç] may give a clue

regarding an alternate analysis. The word /tax/ [taç] ‘bag’ (probably from Malay /tas/ [tas] ‘bag’) has forms with a possessive suffix including the sequence [ahi], such as

[tahiʔ] ‘my bag’ and [tahib] ‘your (sg.) bag’. While the exact shape of the possessive suffixes is not clear (see Appendix A), it may be significant that the final [ç] of the stem is [h] or [hi] in suffixed forms. More research is needed in this area.

3.1.5

Glottal consonant palatalization

In some words, glottal stops are optionally palatalized in surface form. The existence and duration of the palatal offglide varies, with some speakers completely omitting palatalization and others producing a very short palatal glide. Examples (14), (15) and (16) are verbs with optional prefix /kiL/, while (17) and (18) have the

obligatory locative prefix /ʔiL/.

(14) /ʔu/ [ʔu] ‘say’ /kiLʔu/ [kiʔu] ~ [kiʔʲu] ‘say’ (15) /hẽk/ [hẽk] ‘sit’

/kiLhẽk/ [kĩhẽk] ~ [kĩhʲẽk] ‘sit’ (16) /hau/ [hau̯] ‘bite’

/kiLhau/ [kihau̯] ~ [kihʲau̯] ‘bite’ (17) /ʔiLʔẽʔ/ [ʔĩʔẽʔ] ~ [ʔĩʔʲẽʔ] ‘here’ (18) /ʔiLʔõʔ/ [ʔĩʔõʔ] ~ [ʔĩʔʲõʔ] ‘there’

Presumably, glottal consonant palatization occurs morphemeLinternally as well. In this environment it would be difficult to distinguish from a [iʔj] sequence, as in /kiʔia/ [kiʔja] ‘mosquito’, which could potentially be analyzed as /kiʔa/ [kiʔʲa]. However, there are no words with the morphemeLinternal [iʔj] sequence that have an alternate form without the glide. Since the words in the data with this sequence do not appear to have the alternate form without the palatal glide, I tentatively analyze them as having the underlying postLglottal high vowel. Further research may reveal words where there

is optional palatization morphemeLinternally. There are words where palatization of the glottal consonant does not occur after /i/, as in /kiʔuɘi/ [kiʔwəi ̯] (a term of address).

Labialization of the glottal stop occurs morphemeLinternally in one word after a high back vowel: /kũʔĩ/ [kũʔĩ] ~ [kũʔʷĩ] ‘greatLgrandparent’.

3.1.6

[r] and [ɾ] allophones of rhotic consonant

The consonant /r/ is realized as either a trill [r] or a tap [ɾ]. In word initial and final positions it is realized as [r], as in /roro/ [roɾo] ‘pick up’ and /ʔadɘhɘr/ [ʔadɘhɘr] ‘grass’. In word medial position it is most often realized as a single tap [ɾ]. This is true in consonant sequences as in /iurpuʔ/ [juɾpuʔ] ‘knee’, as well as

intervocalically, as in /kare/ [kaɾe] ‘traditional dance’. But there is some variability in word medial /r/, as some instances of the consonant have two taps rather than just one. This variability is even present in different productions of the same words, as in

/ʔarop/ [ʔaɾop] ~ [ʔarop] ‘four’ and /roro/ [roɾo] ~ [roro] ‘pick up’. In summary, word initial and word final /r/ are realized with two or more taps, while word medial /r/ is realized with one or two taps. Since there is no straightforward way to transcribe ‘two or more taps’ as opposed to ‘one or two taps’ in phonetic transcriptions, I have chosen to simply use the trill symbol [r] for phonetic representation of the rhotic consonant in all word positions.

3.2

Vowels

Enggano has seven oral vowels and seven corresponding nasal vowels.16 _{Table 8}

shows the inventory of vowel phonemes. Examples of each vowel in prestress, final closed syllable, and absolute final positions are found in Appendix F.

16 _{As with consonants, previous authors do not agree on the number of vowel phonemes. Kähler’s} dictionary lists six oral and six corresponding nasal vowels, apparently not distinguishing

Table 8. Enggano vowel phonemes

Front Central Back

High i ĩ ɨ [ ̃ u ũ

Mid e ẽ ɘ ɘ̃ o õ

Low a ã

Diphthongs: /ai/, /aɨ/, /au/, /ei/, /ɘi/, /oi/

By far the most common vowel in the data is the low vowel /a/. The next most common vowel /i/ occurs about half as frequently as /a/. The rarest of the vowels is the high central nasal vowel /[ ̃/. It occurs only three times, in the words /pA ̃ʔ/ [pA ̃ʔ] ‘fireplace’,

/ĩũʔpA ̃ãʔ/ [jũʔə̆pA ̃.ãʔ] ‘fence’, and /ka ʔA ̃ʔ/ [kãʔ.A ̃ʔ] ‘strong’. The second rarest vowel /ɘ̃/ occurs eighteen times.

There are numerous surface diphthongs in Enggano. The vowel in the syllable nucleus is always low or mid, followed by a mid or high offglide. There is no contrast between mid and high offglides. Mid offglides only occur in closed syllables, while high offglides only occur in open syllables. Diphthongs in open syllables are shown in (19), while diphthongs in closed syllables are shown in (20).

(19) Diphthongs in open syllables /ai/ [ai ̯]

/aɨ/ [aɨ ̯] /au/ [au̯] /ei/ [ei ̯] /əi/ [əi ̯] /oi/ [oi ̯]

(20) Diphthongs in closed syllables /ai/ [aɪ ̯]

/au/ [aʊ̯] /oi/ [oɪ ̯]

between the two central vowels [ɨ] and [ɘ]. Nothofer’s (1992) list is identical to mine, with seven oral and seven nasal vowels.

3.2.1

Vowel nasality

Oral and nasal vowels contrast in words containing only oral consonants. In words with nasal consonants all the vowels in the word are nasalized, as in /ʔaken/ [ʔãkẽn]

‘shark’. Nasalization spreads across morpheme boundaries as well, as in /kaʔ kĩh/ [kãʔə̆kF ̃h] ‘dry’. Vowels can be divided into three groups based on nasality: 1) underlyingly oral vowels that remain oral (nonLnasalized) in their surface form, 2) underlyingly nasal vowels that retain nasality in their surface form, and 3) vowels that are predictably nasalized from nasal consonants in the same word. The first two groups of vowels only occur in words without nasal consonants. They are not influenced by surrounding context and are unambiguously either oral or nasal. The third group of vowels occurs in words with nasal consonants. The oral/nasal contrast is neutralized in this environment. Vowels following the nasal consonant are heavily nasalized, while vowels preceding the nasal consonant are more lightly nasalized. Examples (21), (22), and (23) are of oral vowels, nasal vowels, and vowels whose nasalization is predictable from context, respectively.

(21) Words with oral vowels

/pap/ [pap] ‘cheek’ /ʔɨaʔ/ [ʔɨ.aʔ] ‘tie’ /kit/ [kit] ‘try’ /kudiʔ/ [kudiʔ] ‘belt’ (22) Words with nasal vowels

/pĩh/ [pĩh] ‘squeeze’ /kaLʔ[ ̃ʔ/ [kãʔ.[ ̃ʔ] ‘strong’ /kãp/ [kãp] ‘tribal head’ /kũkũ/ [kũkũ] ‘follow’ (23) Words with predictable vowels

/mɘk/ [mɘ̃k] ‘many’ /noʔoe/ [nõʔ.õ̯ẽ] ‘spilled’ /kin/ [kĩn] ‘tall’ /kumu/ [kũmũ] ‘well (n.)’

As these examples show, oral and nasal vowels occur in words with only oral consonants. Nasality spreads from nasal consonants to all vowels in the word.

I analyze vowels in words with nasal consonants as underlyingly oral, based on two pieces of evidence. First is the morphophonemic spreading of nasality. The nasality of stem segments spreads leftwards across morpheme boundaries to the prefix vowel, as in

/kaʔ kĩh/ [kãʔə̆kF ̃h] ‘dry’ and /kaʔ man/ [kãʔə̆mãn] ‘fragrant’. The vowel of this adjectival prefix is oral otherwise, as seen in /kaʔ pix/ [kaʔə̆piç] ‘sudsy’. Underlyingly oral vowels are nasalized through nasal spreading. As nasal spreading is already present in Enggano as a morphophonemic process, it may well apply as a phonological process morpheme internally as well. Secondly, vowels preceding nasal consonants sound less nasalized than those in words with no nasal consonants. This difference in surface form could point to an underlying difference in the nasality of the two types of vowels. Vowels in words with no nasal consonants are [+nasal] in underlying form and retain this specification in surface form. Underlyingly oral vowels in words with nasal

consonants lose their [Lnasal] specification and take on the [+nasal] specification of the nasal consonant. Nasalization spread leftward is articulated less clearly than than rightL spreading nasalization and underlying nasality.

Underlyingly oral vowels could also be analyzed as underlyingly unspecified for nasality, depending on the theoretical framework. In this case, all oral and predictably nasalized vowels would have no specification for nasality in the underlying form. They would receive the default specification of [Lnasal] except when the [+nasal] feature spreads from nasal consonants. Nasal vowels would be specified as [+nasal] in the underlying form. The question of whether the oral vowels are underlyingly unspecified or oral does not have direct relevance for the points pursued in this thesis. It will not be pursued further here.

3.2.2

Restrictions on distribution

All vowels occur in medial and final positions, both after consonants and after other vowels. Only /i/, /ĩ/ and /u/ occur initially, and always as surface approximants.

Sequences of two vocoids can be analyzed as disyllabic sequences of vowels (e.g.

/kiak/ [ki.ak] ‘blood’), diphthongs (e.g. /ka karai/ [ka.ka.rai ̯] ‘chase’), or sequences of approximant and vowel (e.g. /kõʔĩã/ [kõʔ.jã] ‘tree sp.’). Chapter 4 discusses vocoid sequences from the perspective of phonology while chapter 6 presents an acoustic analysis of vocoid sequences. The remainder of this chapter is a discussion of restrictions on the distribution of individual vowels.

There is no contrast between high vowels /i/, /u/ and mid vowels /e/, /o/ when they are the second part of a diphthong in a word’s final syllable. These vowels in closed syllables are realized as [ɪ ̯] and [ʊ̯] as in /pãĩk/ [pãɪ ̯̃k] ‘river shrimp’ and

/bahauʔ/ [bah.aʊ̯ʔ] ‘heart’. In open syllables they are realized as [i ̯] and [u̯] as in

/ka karai/ [kakarai ̯] ‘chase’ and /baʔau/ [baʔ.au̯] ‘guava’.

Examples of high vowel glide lowering are shown in (24), while the absence of the process in plain vowels and diphthongs in open syllables is shown in (25).

(24) High vowel glide lowering in closedLsyllable diphthongs /paiʔ/ [paɪ ̯ʔ] ‘throw’

/iaiʔ/ [jaɪ ̯ʔ] ‘sew’ /iaʔkaʔaiʔ/ [jaʔkaʔ.aɪ ̯ʔ] ‘war’ /pãĩk/ [pãɪ ̯̃k] ‘shrimp’ /ʔaup/ [ʔaʊ̯p] ‘four’ /bahauʔ/ [bah.aʊ̯ʔ] ‘heart’ /kĩpãʔãũp/ [kĩpãʔ.ãʊ̯̃p] ‘ten’

(25) No lowering in plain vowels or open syllables /kopiʔ/ [kopiʔ] ‘suck’

/iiʔ/ [jiʔ] ‘buttocks’ /nahai/ [nãh.ãF ̯̃] ‘allow’ /ʔeai/ [ʔe.ai ̯] ‘fish’ /kaLpuʔ/ [kapuʔ] ‘collapsed’ /baʔau/ [baʔ.au̯] ‘guava’ /kiLhau/ [kihjau̯] ‘bite’

3.3

Syllable structure

There are four main syllable types in Enggano: CV, CVC, CVV, and CVVC. Three additional, vowelLinitial syllable types (V, VC, and VV) occur after vowels. All

underlying vocoidLinitial words have an initial approximant in surface form. There are no surface vowelLinitial words. Table 9 shows all seven types, along with examples of each and an explanation of restrictions on syllable positions within words. The notation LH refers to height specification of vocoids in sequences, where the first vocoid is lower than the second.

Table 9. Syllable types in Enggano

Syllable type

Underlying Surface Gloss Environments

/be/ [be] ‘dog’ CV

/kapa/ [kapa] ‘child’

All environments /kũk/ [kũk] ‘back’

CVC

/porpiʔ/ [porpiʔ] ‘cigarette paper’

All environments /pau/ [pau̯] ‘horizon’

CVV

/painɘn/ [pãj ̯̃nɘ̃n] ‘feelings’

All environments /paiʔ/ [paɪ ̯ʔ] ‘throw’

CVVC

/pɘix/ [pɘi ̯s] ‘machete’

Only occurs in monosyllabic words; vocoid sequence LH /mea/ [mẽ.ã] ‘cat’

V

/ʔeaka/ [ʔe.aka] ‘crab sp.’

Only occurs in twoLvocoid sequences (not LH)

/kããh/ [kã.ãh]17 _‘afraid’

VC

/kiɘhɘr/ [ki.ɘh.ɘr] ‘shore crab’

Only occurs in twoLvocoid sequences (not LH)

/buai/ [bu.ai ̯] ‘crocodile’ VV

/ʔeai/ [ʔe.ai ̯] ‘fish’

only occurs finally in threeL vocoid sequences

Only CV, CVC and CVV syllables occur in all environments. CVVC syllables occur only finally, with the exception of /ko koiʔea/ [ko.koɪ ̯ʔ.e̯a] ‘lazy’ (see chapter 4 for a discussion of syllabification of glottal consonants). The only environment where VV

17 _{This word contains the only homorganic vocoid sequence in the data. Phonetically the} sequence is a very long vowel with a sharp increase in pitch midway through the vowel. Intensity dips briefly at the halfway point, then rises to a point higher than the previous steady state.

syllables occur is in threeLvocoid sequences of the shape HighLLowLHigh, which always occur finally.

3.4

Stress pattern

Stress in Enggano

falls on the final syllable of the word.18 _{Several of the most}

common word shapes are shown in (26), with primary stress marked. (26) /bibi/ [bi.ˈbi] ‘residence’

/hapɨʔ/ [ha.ˈpɨʔ] ‘day’ /pahpɨ/ [pah.ˈpɨ] ‘see’

/porpiʔ/ [por.ˈpiʔ] ‘cigarette paper’ /kiak/ [ki.ˈak] ‘blood’

/ʔɨdiaʔ/ [ʔɨ.di.ˈaʔ] ‘sell’ /paido/ [pai ̯.ˈdo] ‘cry’

/ʔanɨkɘ/ [ʔã.n[ ̃.ˈkɘ̃] ‘caterpillar sp.’ /kabakeʔ/ [ka.ba.ˈkeʔ] ‘immediate family’ /karaʔai/ [ka.raʔ.ˈai ̯] ‘tree sp.’

Secondary stress falls on alternating syllables from right to left. Therefore, in threeL and fourLsyllable words, secondary stress falls on the antepenultimate syllable, as in

/iaʔkeʔei/ [ˌjaʔ.keʔ.ˈei ̯] ‘boil (n.)’ and /ʔakiʔakin/ [ʔã.ˌkĩʔ.ã.ˈkĩn] ‘six’.

Stress is also final in loanwords, both assimilated and otherwise unassimilated words. This is seen in the assimilated loanword /tepaʔ/ [teˈpaʔ] ‘kick’ (probably from Malay /sepak/ [ˈsepak] ~ [sepaʔ] ‘kick’) and in the otherwise unassimilated

loanword /tikus/ [tiˈkus] ‘rat’ (from Malay/Indonesian /tikus/ [ˈtikus] ‘rat’). In my tentative analysis, the [s] in [tikus] should be [x], but it remains unassimilated. Strress, however, has shifted from penultimate to final.

To measure the acoustic correlates of stress, thirteen disyllabic words of the shape CVCV and CVCVC were selected with identical vowels in the first and second syllables.

18 _{In the introduction to his grammar, Kähler claims that Enggano stress is penultimate. He says,} “In Enggano stress in principle occurs on the penultimate syllable. If a word is lengthened through suffixes, the stress is often laid on the vowel of the penultimate syllable, but sometimes may be placed on the original syllable” (1940, 84). It appears that the stress pattern has changed in the past eighty years since modern Enggano stress is clearly final.

Table 19. Phoneme /a/

Position Phonemic Phonetic Gloss

/kano/ [kãnõ] ‘smoke’

/haʔau/ [haʔ.au̯] ‘ocean’

/ʔeaka/ [ʔe.aka] ‘close (v.)’

Prestress

/paido/ [pai ̯do] ‘cry’

/pan/ [pãn] ‘nose’

/kɨʔkah/ [kɨʔə̆kah] ‘laugh’

/ʔabuaʔ/ [ʔabu.aʔ] ‘wear’

Final (closed)

/kaix/ [kai ̯s] ‘sound’

/ba/ [ba] ‘come’

/mama/ [mãmã] ‘chew’

/dɨa/ [dɨ.a] ‘emerge’

Final (open)

/iukua/ [juku.a] ‘pole’

Table 20. Phoneme /ĩ/

Position Phonemic Phonetic Gloss

/kĩkẽʔ/ [kĩkẽʔ] ‘sea snail’

/ĩĩʔĩ/ [jĩʔ.ĩ] ‘type of tool’

/hĩũk/ [hĩ.ũk] ‘louse’

Prestress

/kĩʔĩɘ̃kĩʔĩɘ̃/ [kĩʔjɘ̃kĩʔjɘ̃] ‘type of sea creature’

/kĩʔ/ [kĩʔ] ‘chin’

Final

(closed) /kãhĩp/ [kãh.ĩp] ‘small wound’

Final (open)

/kãʔĩ/ [kãʔ.ĩ] ‘fast’

Table 21. Phoneme /[ ̃/

Position Phonemic Phonetic Gloss

Prestress /ĩũʔp[ ̃ãʔ/ [jũʔə̆p[ ̃.ãʔ] ‘fence’ Final

(closed)

Table 22. Phoneme /ũ/

Position Phonemic Phonetic Gloss

/kũʔĩ/ [kũʔ.ĩ] ‘great

grandparent’

/ʔãʔkũhũãʔ/ [ʔãʔə̆kũh.wãʔ] ‘dry (v.)’

Prestress

/kũãhãʔ/ [kũ.ãh.ãʔ] ‘count’

/kũk/ [kũk] ‘back’

/ʔãpũʔ/ [ʔãpũʔ] ‘snake’

/hĩũk/ [hĩ.ũk] ‘louse’

Final (closed)

/kũʔũãh/ [kũʔ.wãh] ‘vehicle’

/kũkũ/ [kũkũ] ‘follow’

/hĩũ/ [hĩ.ũ] ‘fruit’

Final (open)

/kãʔãũ/ [kãʔ.ãũ̯] ‘fat (adj.)’

Table 23. Phoneme /ẽ/

Position Phonemic Phonetic Gloss

Prestress /kẽʔẽh/ [kẽʔ.ẽh] ‘cough’

/hẽõk/ [hẽ.õk] ‘cockroach’

/pẽʔẽ/ [pẽʔ.ẽ] ‘land crab’

/kẽp/ [kẽp] ‘island’

Final

(closed) /kiʔLkẽʔ/ [kĩʔə̆kẽʔ] ‘chop’

/kãhẽ/ [kãh.ẽ] ‘sea creature’

/ʔũẽ/ [ʔũ.ẽ] ‘cry’

Final (open)

/kũhũẽ/ [kũh.wẽ] ‘usefulness’

Table 24. Phoneme /ɘ̃/

Position Phonemic Phonetic Gloss

/kaLpɘ̃pɘ̃/ [kãpɘ̃pɘ̃] ‘foggy’

Prestress

/kĩʔĩɘ̃kĩʔĩɘ̃/ [kĩʔjɘ̃kj ̃ʔjɘ̃] ‘kind of sea creature’

/kaʔLkɘ̃h/ [kãʔə̆kɘ̃h] ‘black’

/pɘ̃ʔ/ [pɘ̃ʔ] ‘shoot’

Final (closed)

/ʔẽj ̃ɘ̃p/ [ʔẽjɘ̃p] ‘grass’

/kɘ̃/ [kɘ̃] ‘try’

Final

(open) /kĩʔĩɘ̃kĩʔĩɘ̃/ [kĩʔjɘ̃kj ̃ʔjɘ̃] ‘kind of sea creature’

Table 25. Phoneme /õ/

Position Phonemic Phonetic Gloss

/kõʔĩã/ [kõʔjã] ‘goiter’

Prestress

/kõʔkõʔ/ [kõʔə̆kõʔ] ‘sago palm’

/kõp/ [kõp] ‘grave’

/kãLhõk/ [kãh.õk] ‘dry over fire’

/paLʔĩõp/ [pãʔjõp] ‘hug (v.)’

Final (closed)

/kõʔõĩʔ/ [kõʔ.õɪ ̯̃ʔ] ‘gray hair’

/pãʔõ/ [pãʔ.õ] ‘silent’

Final

(open) /ʔẽõ/ [ʔẽ.õ] ‘mud’

Table 26. Phoneme /ã/

Position Phonemic Phonetic Gloss

/kĩpãʔãũp/ [kĩpãʔ.ãʊ̯̃p] ‘ten’

/kãpẽp/ [kãpẽp] ‘shallow’

/kũãhãʔ/ [kũ.ãh.ãʔ] ‘count’

Prestress

/kããh/ [kã.ãh] ‘afraid’

/pãĩx/ [pãç] ‘pestle’

/kãp/ [kãp] ‘tribal head’

/ʔẽãp/ [ʔẽ.ãp] ‘thick’

Final (closed)

/pãĩk/ [pãɪ ̯̃k] ‘river shrimp’

/pãLʔõpã/ [pãʔ.õpã] ‘lined up’

/kõʔĩã/ [kõʔjã] ‘goiter’

Final (open)

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