Malayicized Tamil? As the previous three sections have explored Malay varieties influenced by

7. Malayicized Tamil? As the previous three sections have explored Malay varieties influenced by

Tamil, this section discusses localized Tamil varieties of Maritime Southeast Asia. As has been discussed in Section 2, the historical practice among Indian merchants to marry into local, Malay-speaking families gave rise to a wealthy, influential generation of bilinguals. The linguistic competence of such hybrid communities, however, would typically decrease as they assimilated into the mainstream. In all likelihood, a stabilized, “Malayicized“ variety of Tamil could only develop in recent times, with substantial numbers of women to ensure intergenerational transmission. Whether we can indeed speak of such

a variety remains open for discussion. It may be pointed out that Tamil has been used as a medium of education and local literary works in Malaysia and Singapore since the independence of both nations (see Willford 2006: 45-52). While the phrase “Malaysian Tamil“ occasionally surfaces in the literature (compare Renganathan 2009), it is rarely qualified. In general, scholarship on any aspect of Malaysian Tamil remains limited and poorly distributed (see, for example, Fernandez 2008; Karunakaran and Krishnan 2013). A monograph- length description of colloquial Malaysian or Singaporean Tamil is still needed.

273 The available information is at times contradictory. For example,

Tom G. Hoogervorst , Tracing the linguistic crossroads

Venugopal (1996: 5) contends that Malaysian Tamil is relatively Anglicized. He points towards the English educated background of most Malaysian Tamils and gives some examples of lexical influence from English in Malaysian Tamil literature (Venugopal 1996: 285-286). Conversely, Ramasamy and Moses (2004: 58-59) hold that Indian Tamil contains a comparatively larger proportion of English, implying that Malaysian Tamil has remained closer to its roots. The authors further state that there is little dialectical difference in Malaysia, as opposed to India (and Sri Lanka). In addition, they call attention to a number of common Malay loanwords in Malaysian Tamil, as listed in Table 17. The fact that many Tamil-speakers learned Bazaar Malay would have accounted for this situation. 34

Malaysian Tamil Malay

Meaning a ːttaːppu

Standard Tamil

‘(thatched) roof’ campo ːru

atap

kūrai ( �ைர )

‘to mix’ kla ːmbare

campur

cēr ( ேசர ் )

k əlambu kosuvalai ( ெ கா � வைல ) ‘mosquito net’ pasa ːru

‘market’ saron

pasar

candai ( சந்ைத )

‘sarong’ vakulu

sarung

kaili ( ைகலி )

Table 17. Malay loans in Malaysian Tamil (Ramasamy and Moses 2004: 59). In his treatise on Malaysian literature in Tamil, Venugopal (1996: 299) lists a

number of words he considers to be characteristic of Tamil used in Malaysia. These include some Malay loanwords, such as itik ‘duck’, janji ‘promise’, k əpala ‘head’, lalang ‘tall grass’, lampu ‘light’, ringgit ‘dollar’, rokok ‘cigarette’, samsu ‘illicit liquor’, s ələsai ‘solved’, sənang ‘easy’, səpatu ‘shoe’ and tukang ‘carpenter’. The Tamil spelling and pronunciation of these words are not given, which makes the examples of limited use for linguistic purposes. The author also calls attention to a number of neologisms specific to Malaysian Tamil, such as āyākko ṭṭagai (ஆயாக்ெகாட்டைக) ‘child centre’, kākkā kaḍai (காக்கா கைட) ‘Indian Muslim shop’ and pira ṭṭukkaḷam ( பி ரட் � க்களம்) ‘the place where workers give their names for attendance’. More examples of Malaysian Tamil vocabulary are given in a pioneering lexical study of the Tamil dialects in lower Perak (Subbiah 1966). Some instances of Malay loanwords in Lower Perak Tamil are listed in Table 18.

34 Venugopal (1996: 301) provides examples of code-mixing and code-switching between Tamil and colloquial Malay in Malaysian Tamil literature, but does not present any first-hand data.

Wacana Vol. 16 No. 2 (2015)

Lower Perak Tamil

Meaning attāppu ( அத்தாப் � )

‘irrigated paddy fields’ ( ெவண்டான ்)

be ṇḍāṉ ( ெபண்டான ் ) ~ veṇḍāṉ

b əndang

īttai ( ஈத்ைத )

‘a duck’ kampam ( கம்பம ்)

itik

‘a Malay settlement’ kīlā ( �லா )

kampung

‘mad’ kirās ( கிராஸ ்)

gila

‘tight, stiff’ kōsam (ேகா சம ்)

k əras

‘empty’ kurisu ( � ரி � )

kosong

‘lean’ lombam ( ெ லாம்பம் )

kurus

‘a tin mine’ pārā ṅ( பாராங ் )

lombong

‘goods, things’ piñjam ( பிஞ்சம் )

barang

‘a loan’ sālā ( சாலா )

pinjam

‘fault’ sīlāppu ( �லாப் � )

salah

‘a fault’ tā ṅgā ( தாங்கா )

silap

‘house steps’ to ṅkāṉ (ெ தாங்கான் )

tangga

‘a large boat’ vakku ḷ( வக் � ள் )

tongkang

bakul

‘a basket’

Table 18. Malay loans in Lower Perak Tamil (Subbiah 1996).

Balasubramaniam (1994) offers another isolated contribution to the study of Malaysian Tamil. In his exploration of the language used by tea pluckers and factory workers in the tea estates of the Cameron Highlands, he calls attention to a number of loanwords and hybrid constructions (Table 19).

Cameron Highlands

Malay Meaning Tamil

Meaning

element

bo ṅkusu kāmarā bungkus ‘packet’

‘section where packing is

done’

campalac-cūra

surat ‘letter’ jāmā ṅkoṭṭāy

‘wage slip, salary slip’

‘latrine’

jamban ‘toilet’

kāmarā ‘chamber,

‘room type structure;

kam əra cabin’

section of factory’

kappalā ‘attendant in the estate

k əpala ‘head’

dispensary’

275 Cameron Highlands

Tom G. Hoogervorst , Tracing the linguistic crossroads

Malay Meaning Tamil

Meaning

element

‘light money (money

lampuk-kāsu

deducted from the

lampu ‘lamp, light’

workers’ pay)’

‘leave of ti ṭṭi

absence’ tōmpuko ‘shed for heating water in ṭṭāy tong

‘a day off’

cuti

‘drum’

large drums for bathing’

Table 19. Loanwords and hybrid constructions in Cameron Highlands Tamil (Balasubramaniam 1994).

Unsurprisingly in the light of the strong connections of Southeast Asian Tamils to their ancestral land, some of these Malay loanwords gained currency back in India. Contemporary examples include kittā ( கித்தா ) ‘rubber’ (Malay: g ətah) and

sēvā (ேசவா) ‘to rent’ (Malay: sewa). 35 Elsewhere, I have called attention to other examples of Malay loanwords in Tamil (Hoogervorst 2013). The lexical

items highlighted in the latter study were presumably transmitted before interethnic commerce in the Indian Ocean World had become a European- dominated enterprise. A selection is given in Table 20.

‘sea-going ship’ kaiyāppu ḍai ( ைகயாப் � ைட )

jō ṅgu (ே சாங ் � )

jung

kayu putih

‘cajuput tree’ ‘mat protection against the

kaja ṅgu ( கசங � ் )

kajang

rain’

kākkattuvā ṉ( காக்கத ் � வான ்) kakaktua

‘cockatoo’ kambīr ( கம்பீர ் )

‘a plant used for betel chewing’ ki ṟisu ( கிறி� )

gambir

‘a kind of dagger’ sagu ( ச� )

k əris

sagu

‘sago’

sāmbal ( சம்பால ) ்

‘chili-based spicy sauce’ sambā ṉ( சம்பான் )

sambal

‘a type of boat’ sappa ṅgi ( சப்பங்கி )

sampan

‘a type of fragrant wood’ ta ṅgāṉ ( தங்கான ) ்

s əpang

t əngahan

‘half’

Table 20. Malay loans in Tamil (Hoogervorst 2013).

35 The form sēvā (ேசவா) is only in use among the Nā ṭṭukkōṭṭai Chetties, a mercantile caste who often migrated to Southeast Asia (Subbiah 1966: 151).

Wacana Vol. 16 No. 2 (2015)

8. Conclusions In his treatise on Malaysian Tamil literature, Venugopal (1996: 285) contends that “[p]urity of language is not found in the writings of these

novelists”. Diglossia and the existence of high-status literary languages have made expressions of the above type almost commonplace in both South and Southeast Asia. Yet notions of language purity obstruct, rather than stimulate, in-depth linguistic research. Academic attention to the colloquial and dialectical registers of Malay and Tamil remains remarkably sparse, although the situation is gradually improving for Malay. The traditional focus on “high language” has left the vernacular dimensions of language contact across the Bay of Bengal largely underexplored, leading to an imbalanced understanding of the cultural history of this part of the world. Indeed, while artists, scholars and scribes feature prominently in South and Southeast Asian historiographies, merchants, middlemen and labourers remain poorly documented. That the latter groups were vital to the introduction of products and ideas across geographical and ethno-linguistic boundaries becomes clear – among many other things – from the lexical and grammatical influence of Tamil and Hokkien dialects on Malay contact varieties, including Sri Lanka Malay. The role of Indian communities in these networks deserves closer academic attention in the future.

If we are to understand the wide range of activities underpinning cultural and linguistic contact in the Bay of Bengal and elsewhere, we need to focus on non-standardized languages. I have mentioned in passing the influence of Malayalam on the Peninsular Malay varieties. This topic merits a more thorough analysis than has been possible here. The same holds true for specific Tamil dialects or sociolects, especially those belonging to mercantile groups (both Hindu and Muslim). Fieldwork-based grammatical descriptions of Shonam, Malaysian Tamil and Malay spoken by Tamils, too, are lacking to this day. Local scholarship in this area is often of great interest, but poor distribution leaves much of it neglected in wider academic circles. Meanwhile, there is no reason to believe that similar mixed languages did not exist before colonial times. Varieties spoken by the hybrid communities highlighted in this paper must have been common historically. The present overview has only been able to scratch the surface of the linguistic processes and phenomena emerging at the crossroads of Malay and Tamil.

Two major problems remain in advancing this area of study. Foremost, much of the scattered scholarship on language contact at the interface of Malay and Tamil is done in a linguistically haphazard way. For phonologically complex languages such as Tamil, either an IPA representation or consistent transliteration with diacritics are prerequisites for up-to-standard data presentation. If the phonology of the languages under research is disregarded, painstakingly collected data will lose much of their value to serious linguistic research. The second problem has to do with post-colonial paradigms in academia. With some notable exceptions, humanities scholars based in South and Southeast Asia tend to treat Indonesian, Malaysian, Indian and Sri Lankan (language) history as teleological narratives, without considering events taking

277 place outside the present-day borders of the countries under research. Yet at

Tom G. Hoogervorst , Tracing the linguistic crossroads

the same time, a series of pivotal, transnational events left a deep impact on all regions involved. One prominent example is the emergence of the Malay printing press in Colombo and later in Singapore, which was spearheaded in both cities by culturally hybrid groups. More comparative work in the fields

of historical linguistics, literature, manuscript studies, religion, and other disciplines is required to explore broader perspectives of language contact and etymology in some of the world’s most diverse and exciting language ecologies.

Abbreviations used

1 : first person 2 : second person 3 : third person

: singular SOV : subject-object-verb

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