A ndeAn s PAnish dAtA . In the lower contact area of Quito, we do not

5.2. A ndeAn s PAnish dAtA . In the lower contact area of Quito, we do not

ind cases of the ya+[constituent]+ya structure in the 103 tokens of ya in the da- vies corpus. In order to supplement our corpus, we also analyzed the PrESEEA corpus (Project for the Sociolinguistic Study of Spanish from Spain and America), speciically the oral data of the Spanish variety spoken in Lima (since cases of the double construction have also been attested in Peru). We located only 3 cases of the construction out of 467 cases (0.67%). Conversely, in the higher-contact area of Cotopaxi, we found 21 instances out of the total 128 cases documented (16%). Table 7 shows the cases by constituent.

Type of constituent Percentage (Token)

Verb Phrase 19% (4) Adverb

5% (1) Whole Clause

71% (15) Noun Phrase

Total 100% (21)

t Able 7. Type of constituent in ya+[constituent]+ya in high-contact Andean Spanish

(Salcedo).

The majority of the cases occurred in whole clauses (71%), followed by verb phrases (19%), one case of an adverb (5%), and one noun phrase token (5%). In terms of its pragmatic meaning, the duplication of ya has the effect of intensifying and focalizing the information in the middle of the double construction. The irst ya anchors the event with a temporal reference, and the second serves to focalize the perfectivity of the event, that is, the fact that the event is inished. In (35) the speaker, the president of the town’s asamblea, is having a heated conversation

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with the town members about the fact that a much needed tractor which was sup- posed to be delivered from Quito has not arrived to town yet.

(35) Él dice que ↑ya está depositado en el banco ya↓. Sobre sí en verdad está depositado o no, el comisionado dijo, ‘Que sí está depositado ya.’ ‘He says that ya it’s deposited in the bank ya . Now whether it’s

actuall deposited or not, the commissioner said, “Yes, it’s deposited ya ”.’

The community members repeatedly ask about the money that was set aside for the collective use of a tractor to plow the ields. They want to know whether it still appears in their bank account since they fear it has been stolen or misused. In response to this continued questioning, the president of the asamblea reassures everyone that the commissioner veriied the safeguarding of the money. It is at this point that the president uses the double ya construction to reafirm to the audi- ence that the money was secured. The duplication of ya in ya está depositado ya

(‘ya it is deposited in the bank ya ’) has a modal function which intersubjectively serves to assert to the audience that the money had already been deposited. The utterance adopts a particular prosodic contour: rising pitch in the irst ya which is maintained until the second ya (indicated in the above example with arrows).

Estudio técnico yo tenía hace tres semanas. ↑Ya lo tenía yo ya

compañeros↓. Ahora nos lo están pidiendo de nuevo. ‘I had the technical study three weeks ago. Ya I had it ya, folks. Now they are asking us for it again.’

In (36), the speaker explains to the audience that he had already had the tech- nical study carried out three weeks prior, then reiterates this information with the second ya which emphasizes the fact that ‘he had it’.

(37) Sí, comunicaron pero ↑ya ha sido tarde ya↓ entonces no traen el

tractor han dicho. ‘yes, they communicated it (to us), but ya it was too late ya. So

then they didn’t bring the tractor, they said.’ In (37) the president of the asamblea is telling the community that the com-

missioner from Quito is not going to arrive, and therefore, he won’t be bringing the tractor that he had promised. The use of the double construction serves to

emphasize that it was already too late when they received the information.

MOdAL YA IN BASQUE SPANISH, ANdEAN SPANISH, ANd JUdEO-SPANISH

No trabajo, ↑ya no trabajo yo ya↓ no puedo trabajar / de aquicito una hija por acá siembra otra hija al otro lado vive … ‘No, I don’t work. Ya I don’t work anymore ya. I can’t work. One of my daughters plants the crops here, and my other daughter lives over there … ’

The double construction is also used to emphasize a whole predicate as in (38) where the interviewer asks the informant whether she still works in the ha- cienda. Her irst utterance simply negates the proposition that she works. Then she reiterates the information with the double-ya construction Ya no trabajo yo ya (‘Ya

I don’t work anymore ya’) which places greater emphasis on the predicate. (39)

No entiendo por qué se queja usted. ↑Ya no es culpa de nadie ya↓. ya así habían dado la tierra y no es culpa [de nadie]. ‘I don’t understand why you complain. Ya it’s not anybody’s fault ya. Ya they had given the land and it’s not [anybody’s] fault.’

reinforcement of perfectivity occurs especially in the past tense, concretely with events in the preterit and present perfect; however, this reinforcement also occurs with other elements such as adverbs, as in (40).

(40) Mi padre murió ↑ya mayor ya↓ con 74 años. ‘My father died ya at an old age ya at 74.’

In this case we can see how the focus is still on the perfectivity of the event, that is, the fact that the speaker’s father has already died. However, it is the adjec- tive that is placed in the foreground with the double-ya construction.

A PPlying M ougeon et Al .’ s (2005) Methodology to A ndeAn s PAnish ya . The position taken by Lee (1997) and Feke (2004), who considered the use of duplicated ya a calque from Quechua is in need of a slight revision. First, similar to Cerrón-Palomino (1996), we argue that preverbal and postverbal ya have different functions: preverbally, ya anchors temporal meaning whereas postverbal ya is imbued with a modal meaning to emphasize the perfectivity of the event. However, can the double construction be considered an innovation that only exists in Andean Spanish? Interestingly, in an examination of the davies corpus we have found that the construction occurs in other varieties and there- fore we cannot consider it a completely new innovation, overtly and solely inlu- enced by Andean Spanish contact with Quechua. On the other hand, the fact that ya+[constituent]+ya is a highly infrequent structure in other varieties of Spanish (occurring in only 0.09% of the data examined), whereas in Salcedo it is used

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16% of the time, points to the fact that the double construction in Andean Spanish is a case of a covert-induced innovation. Moreover, if we consider that the type of constituent in which the double construction tends to occur, that is whole clauses, it is even less frequent, occurring only 0.001% of the time in the davies Corpus (2002-), in comparison with 11% in the Salcedo corpus.

In terms of step 4, the relatively high frequency of duplicated ya in Salcedo as well as other high contact areas in other studies (c.f. Lee 1997, Feke 2004), versus the lower frequencies in low contact areas (Quito and Lima), supports the argument that the feature has not reached monolingual areas and still forms part of the speech of bilinguals in high contact areas. To conclude, a more frequent use of the double construction in Andean Spanish with different constituents has been triggered by (a) the functional similarity between Quechua -ña and Spanish ya, and (b) the fact that the double construction already exists in Spanish.