29
2014
28
2014
tea. his trend occurs even while Badis are discriminated by other shop owners. During a general discussion with some shopkeepers in Jamune Bazaar, it was
found that Badis were discriminated and exploited when purchasing food and drinks. For example, one shopkeeper said that while others paid Rs. 10, Badis
paid only Rs. 5 for a glass of tea, so they were served very thin, watery tea while others were served special tea. Similarly, Badis were served stale food, such as
chowmein and gram.
It seems if a Badi runs a tea shop or a pub, the other Badis would not go there. his shows that the relationship amongst Badis is not good. When there was
a ight between some Badi and Damai youth regarding a simple issue and the Damai youth beat the Badi youth, the Badis could not unite. When the issue
was discussed at home, Badis said it was better to refrain from provoking other castes as they themselves belonged to a low caste. his shows that Badis are
oppressed but desire to live harmoniously with others.
Before there were public taps in the area, all villagers drank water from the Bheri river. But if a high-caste person was fetching water from the river, no one was
allowed to fetch water from the upper section of the river. Badis were not even allowed to touch the river. Nowadays, there are taps in every
tole, and Badis in the Badi tole use a public tap located there. When Badis need to fetch water
from taps located in other settlements, they have to wait until all others have inished. A Badi woman reported that once a Badi child was beaten for drinking
from a public tap. he villagers irst denied that the child was beaten, but when pressed on the reason for beating, they said it was not because the child had
touched the pot but because the child had made the pot dirty.
In temples, some people are allowed to enter and worship with dignity while others are kept outside and not allowed even to touch the bell. he Durga
Bhagwati temple in the village is open only during the Dashain festival, and
Badis are not allowed inside until now. In the past, Badis were not allowed inside the temple compound. One group of Badi replied that they were not
allowed inside because they were Badis, while another group replied that no one except the priest is allowed inside to worship. he priest said that he takes
the oferings of all people to the temple but no one is allowed inside. However, Badis insist that people from other communities go inside and that only they
are excluded. Badis do not yet have equal access to public places. hey remain as audience
in discussions in the chautara, but there is no discrimination when Badis are at
the chautara. However, discrimination has not been completely eliminated at
tea shops. When asked why they had not protested against discrimination and oppression, they replied that the site of discrimination was a village bazaar and
they needed each other, so there was no point in ighting.
3.5 Language
Khas Nepali language is the mother tongue of Badis and they speak Nepali at home with family members as well as in the community. Badis have developed
a special language called Khamsi or Palsi, which is spoken among them to cope
with various problems encountered when begging from house to house. But the new generation does not know the language, nor is it spoken inside the house.
When a person of another community comes to the house, Badis used to talk among family members in this language so that others would not understand
what they were saying. his language is still spoken in large Badi settlements, and Badi elders often use it.
Badis do not use honoriic or respectful language for elders. For example, a mother is addressed as “you.” Elder sisters, elder brothers, father, and uncles are
also addressed without special honor. Some Badi youths of Rakam and Dang expressed no knowledge about why there is no use of honoriic language in Badi.
Also, the accent of Badi is diferent from that of other groups. Badi feminize everything. here are some diferences in words between Badis from diferent
places. Badis are recognized from their accent and language use. When speaking, they tend to elongate a word. Despite the peculiarities of Badi’s speech, there
is no documentation of Badi language use. Commonly, they manipulate the Nepali language so that others do not understand them. One of the Badi activist
says, there can be no proper documentation. However, some others argue that the language can be documented and can be developed into a distinct Badi
language. From the information from key informants and from observation, it can be concluded that Badis speak a diferent variant of Nepali language, and
if it is documented and used and transmitted to the coming generations, it can develop as a new language. But since the new generation does not speak
Khamsi or
Palsi, the language is becoming extinct.
31
2014
30
2014
3.6 Culture
3.6.1 Kinship and Lineage
Badis have ainal, consanguineal, and ictive kinship relations similar to those of other ethnic and caste groups in Nepal. However, they have closer ainal
relationships compared to other relations. Badis say that they like the gunyu a
sarong-like garment relationship, or ainal relationships more. his is more so among Terai Badis because they give more importance to daughters compared
to sons. Hill Badis give more importance to consanguineal relations.
Badis consider son-in-law and nephewniece as special relations. hey respect son-in-laws as
Brahmins priests. he son-in-law or nephew is essential in marriage, death,
bratabandha, or birth rites, etc., to serve as a priest. Other relatives are not essential in any rituals or festivals. hey do not respect close
relatives. According to an experienced Badi man of Rakam, they did do not have family planning. As they marry at a young age, the age of nephew and
uncle is similar. hat is why they do not show any respect while addressing them. his seems to have developed as a tradition. A Badi activist says that when
children grow up they begin to use disrespectful words to address their parents, yet lovingly. However, there has been some change in use of such addresses.
Now they use honoriic language when conversing with parents and seniors.
3.6.2 Lineage and clan
Badis have no gotra, or clan. Most Badi were unaware of gotra. A local Pandit priest
of Rakam VDC also denied knowledge of it. He explained that Kashyap is the gotra
of grass, leaves, animals, and all those who do not have gotra. his may not be true.
Badis initially were caretakers in palaces of petty kings, and later Badi women were made concubines. Children of Badis were not given
gotra. Due to continuation of such occupation, Badis are not a progeny of a ixed ancestor or a clan. So, Badis
have the most mixed ancestry. Group discussion with Badis revealed that because a child gets his or her
gotra from the father, and because children were not accepted as their own lineage by men, they do not have any
gotra. Not a single gotra or lineage name was found among the Badis in the study areas. However, they use surnames.
Such surnames do not afect establishing marriage or other relations with other Badis. here is diference between surname and lineage. Some are descendents of
Sunar, Giri, Budhathoki, Rolpani Bahun, Salyani, Sankoti, Falabagi, Musikoti, and Jajarkoti, while Patar, Badi, Nepali, Rana, Bhand, Damai, Baigar, Singh, Kumal,
Das, Vadyakar, and Gaine are some of the surnames.
3.6.3 Fictive kinshipMiteri:
In the past, Badis were eager to make ictive relationships with elites, but because high castes would not readily accept such relations, they were compelled to have
it with other Badis who were not relatives. Panche Badi of Rakam VDC says that nowadays they build such relationships with other communities. hey regard
ictive friendship or
mit as one’s own brother, to the extent that the mit should observe the death pollution similar to that by family members. he
mit’s son can even perform the funeral rights of his
mit father. Bhagauti Badi thinks that such rites may have been sanctioned by the petty kings and the nobles because Badis
have close ties with them. According to her, the kings and nobles were respected by having such
mit, so Badis also imitated it. Such relationships are diferent among Badis in comparison to others in two ways. he irst is, such ictive relationship is
established by organizing a feast, where the two men would hold each end of a small stick together and vow that they are now
mit and one can perform the funeral rites of another’s parents in another’s absence, and that from now on they are family
members. Another informal friendship occurs between namesakes by declaring that they are now friends. However, such a friend is not seen as a member of the family.
3.6.4 Joking relationship
Joking relationships are mainly between sala-sali, solta-soltini, and phupa-
bhadai. Similarly, in some places there is joking relation between ego and brother’s wife. here is a saying: “No need to seduce your
sali.” During Holi, brother’s wife bhauju and husband’s brother dewar play
Holi by embracing each other. According to Horilal Badi, this is mainly so by Badis living near
haru settlements. First of all, bhauju and dewar smear color to one another. his tradition is found mainly among harus.
here is lirting between bhinaju-sali, soltina-solti, and Pusai father’s sister’s
husband. In the past, there was a tradition of marrying one’s brother’s wife after the brother’s death, but it is not practiced now. Horilal Badi says that a
man should not touch younger brother’s wife or mother-in-law’s sister. In other communities, a woman should cover her head on seeing husband’s brother,
but there is no such practice in Badi. here is a legend about this as told by Malgodami Badi. Badis in the past used to cover their head when they saw
husband’s elder brother. When they used to go to dance in the house of petty kings, it was seen that younger brother’s wife was dancing and husband’s elder
brother was playing the
maadal. While dancing, her headdress fell down, but the elder brother’s wife did not return it to her. From that time on, there was no
need to cover the head.
33
2014
32
2014
3.7 Religion
Historically, Badis are Hindus. It is said that Badis are descendents of Hindu gods. Because they live among Hindus and because the kings and nobles for
whom they work as caretakers or entertainers are Hindus, a Badi youth says it is obvious that they became Hindus. When Badi were migratory and when they
used to perform street music and dances, they used to perform Hindu texts such as
Gita, Mahabharat, and Ramayan. For the last few years, there has been a trend of religious conversion, and many have converted to Christianity.
3.7.1 Deities
Badis worship deities worshipped by other communities. hey worship mainly Krishna, Ram, Vishnu, and Shankar, and also local gods such as Bageswari,
Deuti Bajai, and Bijeswori. Goddesses include Durga, Laxmi, Saraswati, and Kali. Some evil spirits are Varma, Masta, Bhaiyar, and Rote,
Chokhalo, Jaldhanna who takes
sato, Varaha, Gailo, Hes, and Lato. Rote is the main devil. When a Badi woman delivers a baby, irst of all, the Rote devil should be propitiated.
here are diferent ways of worship for diferent gods and devils. Some are ofered fowl while others are ofered goat, sheep, or even pig.
If someone is bedeviled with a chokhalo, the following items are required to
propitiate it: goat, and lags of green, yellow, white, black, and red colors. he priest worships an area smeared with cow dung by marking with turmeric
powder. Pregnant or menstruating women should not go near the site of worship and should not take the
prasad because they are polluted by chokhalo. Only after propitiating
chokhalo is the jagge worshipped by sacriicing a fowl. his
puja can be done by anyone. In the past, people sufered much from evil beings. If a person throws his sweat
in the Raira of Salyan, he would be bedeviled by the arma devil. he devil would
not kill a person immediately, but would kill him by torture. he possessed would show many types of diseases, and inally he would die. According to
Ravi Badi, a shamandhami of Badi, baby goat, lags, kayo, etc., are needed to propitiate the devil. When worshiping
chokhalo, a clean area is needed, usually far from home in a jungle or riverbank. he worshipped items should not be
carried home. After worshipping they eat there and they give the remaining food to passing pedestrians. If anything remains, they should dig a hole and
bury the leftovers in it. When Badis migrated, they adopted the deity of their place of destination and
worshipped them rather than deities of their place of initial settlement. Lilbhan Badi of Rakam reports that he did not know his ancestral deity when he lived in
Jajarkot, but after he migrated to Rukum his family began to worship Kaljaishi Varma as their ancestral deity. When they moved to Salyan, they began to
worship another deity, Khukure Varma. Finally, when they came to Rakam, they began to worship Kalika Devi. According to a study of some Badi families,
they worshipped their forefathers as deities. Badis worship the main pillar
mainkhamo of the house as their ancestral deity. If the ancestral deity is far away and they cannot go to worship even once a year,
then they worship the pillar as the deity. Badis erect the pillar when building the house. When someone leaves home, he or she informs his or her elder. If
there is no elder in the house, he or she greets dhog the pillar as it is considered
auspicious. here are not many objects for worshipping. For ancestor worship, they need
fruits, ash gourd, papaya, one mana of rice, lags, and saku. All family members
should be present for this workship.
3.8 Life Circle and Rituals
3.8.1 Birth rituals
When a woman inds herself pregnant, she informs her husband. In other communities, when a woman gets pregnant, she and others wish that it be a
son. But it is diferent among Badis. hey wish and pray that it be a daughter rather than a son because daughter is the breadwinner in Badi families. But not
all Badis think like this. Baburam Badi thinks that such wishes began only after they involved their daughters in the dancing and prostitution occupation. An
old Badi man says: “Oh
Saili, your house has four daughters; now your days have come.” Like in other communities, pregnant women are given nutritious
foods and rest. Badi perform name-giving ceremony on the ifth, seventh, ninth, or eleventh
day of birth, but mostly on the ninth day. here is no discrimination when christening. he day is chosen by when it is convenient for all relatives to gather.
35
2014
34
2014
When all arrive, the ceremony begins. Usually, children are delivered at home. If a woman gives birth at her natal home, she needs to be puriied. On the day
of removing the pollution, the natal home also should be puriied. It is believed that blood should be shown on that day, so they sacriice a fowl or goat. he
Bahun puriies the house by sprinkling water dipped in gold
sunpani, sesame, barley, and an earthen lamp. hen he puts turmeric powder and lour and makes
a yellow line on the jagge altar. he animal is sacriiced and it is rotated around
the jagge. On the ire of the jagge, the newborn is lifted according to the number
of days of the child’s age. After the Bahun shouts that the pollution went away, it is considered gone. After the ceremony, the mother is sprinkled with sunpani
and she is allowed in. Until the baby is christened, the mother and the child are kept in a room, and she should not touch anything in the house. Villagers
also do not allow the mother to touch any sacred things. he naming ceremony is a little diferent from other communities. Nowadays the name is chosen by
the family when they organize a feast and jagge. But in the past, the baby was named according to the month, day, and place of birth. For example, a child
born on Sunday may have the name
Aaite aitabar=Sunday, born at karasa is called
Karasi, born in the month of Ashad is Asare. According to Lilbhan Badi, there was no tradition of
Chhaithi. hey copied this tradition from the house of the king or nobles when they went to entertain
at Chhathi. Badis dance the whole night and entertain to please the Bhabi
fate goddess so that she may write good destiny for them during Chhathi.
Nowadays there is a ritual of keeping a book under the mattress of the baby, wishing that the baby becomes a learned person.
In the past, because they needed to beg food from one village to another, they did not celebrate the rice feeding ceremony of the baby. But they have now
begun to adopt this ritual. hey fed the baby jaulo at six months for a baby
boy and at ive months for a baby girl. However nowadays, some have begun organizing a small feast.
here are ixed rules for the baby’s shaving ceremony. When a baby reaches nine months, the maternal uncle shaves the baby’s head. he uncle has an important
role during this ceremony. He is fed good food and is given a set of clothes, and the uncle also gives the baby a new set of clothes. he hair is collected in a leaf-
plate
tapari so that it does not fall on the ground. Along with a lamp, the hair in the leaf-plate is carried away in the river. It is believed that if the hair reaches
the sea, the child will live a long life.
3.8.2 Bratabandha
Badis do not have the ritual of bratabandha and chaurasi. It is said this is so
because all rituals of bratabandha ceremony are done by the Brahmin, and
because Brahmins do not come to Badi’s house due to untouchability, they do
not observe such rituals. Badis also do not wear the sacred thread janai.
3.8.3 Marriage
When a girl is born to a brother, there is a ritual where the sister ties a thread symbolizing the baby as the future daughter-in-law. But this ritual is gradually
disappearing. For arranged marriages, Badis send their close relatives to the girl’s house to disclose the intention of marriage. If the girl’s parents are positive
about the marriage, the boy’s parents and the boy go to the girl’s house and see her. To solidify the deal, they do
pahelo tika rato achano, which means to give yellow
tika and to sacriice an animal. Whereas in the past a wedding took only a few days to occur, nowadays the girl’s parents set 1-12 years as the deadline
for wedding. After 1-12 years,
mangni betrothal is performed. In the betrothal, according to the wishes of the girl’s side, the boy’s side needs to take a bufalo,
khasi castrated he-goat, pig, and
kasar ball made of sugar and rice lour to the girl’s house. According to the demand from the girl’s side, a decision is made
on the amount of char money paid by the boy’s side to the girl’s side and the number of members in the wedding procession
janti. A relative serves as the priest for the wedding. hen a procession
janta from the boy’s side goes to the girl’s house. When they reach near the girl’s house, two
bhatkawa run ahead carrying
dudhelo to inform how many are coming in the procession and what they would eat. Only when the girl’s side invites them would the procession
go inside the girl’s house. Nowadays Damai musicians from the girl’s side
welcome the procession, but in the past Badis were not allowed to play music at their weddings. he girl’s father and some girls welcome the procession. he
members of the procession should give them money as gift. hen they begin to eat and drink.
he next day is the wedding day. On the girl’s side, the relative serving as the priest gives
tika and all family members wash the feet of the couple. Hair is collected in a
saal leaf and thrown away, the couple departs by giving dakshina, which is called bidai chad. In bidai chad, the boy’s side should provide the girl’s side with a bufalo,
he-goat, pig, laddu, etc. he couple then goes to the groom’s house. he groom’s
parents welcome the new couple to the house by giving them tika.
37
2014
36
2014
Typically, the groom’s sister or someone younger than the couple will obstruct the main door. he couple is allowed to go inside only when the bride gives
some money. his ritual is called dhoka chhekai blocking the entrance. heir
own relative serving as the priest fulills the inal wedding ceremonies on a Wednesday or hursday. On the inal day of the wedding, the groom puts the
sindoor, carried in a banana leaf, on the bride’s hair. In this way the wedding ceremonies conclude.
3.8.4 Death
here is a tradition of employing a dhami-jhankri shaman for treatment when
a person falls ill,. If there is no shaman, the ill person is taken to the hospital. When the person has diiculty breathing and is near the end of life
ghiro manero, they are fed yogurt, milk, or water. his feeding is called hiran. It is
believed that the death would be peaceful because the dying is remembering their relatives. he dying person is said to be having
hiran with the person who feeds them last before death. hen the dead body is taken outside of the
house and into the yard. If the dead had his knees lexed, then knife, dagger, or
khukuri is placed on the top and bottom of the body so that the dead body would not elongate. Two ingers are bound with a thread, and two toes are also
bound. On the chest, a green leaf-plate is placed with one mana of rice in it as
saamal daily food. A pitambar yellow religious cloth covers the body. At least two meters of
wat is used according to the economic condition. he bier should be carried only by the sons. If the deceased has no sons, then close relatives carry
the bier. here is a tradition of throwing parched paddy along the way to the cemetery. his is done by the
Bahun or the son-in-law. In the past, Badis were not allowed to play
shankha conch-shell or music in funerals. According to Pustak Badi, this was because the kings and nobles said that they would have
no place in heaven if they played music and the music instruments themselves would be polluted.
Similarly, he reports that once Badis were beaten in Jakarkot when they played music during a funeral. Nowadays they play
shankha and music. he dead body is carried to the ghat. In the ghat, half of the leg is submerged in water. In the
ritual of matti dine giving of soil, the eldest son ofers soil to the dead, and then
others do the same. hen a funeral pyre is made, and the sons carrying the dead on their shoulders should go around the pyre three times instead of the usual
seven times. All ties on the body are opened, and the eldest or the youngest son lights the pyre
dagbatti. Other sons are not considered appropriate to perform this task.
When it was discussed why other sons are not eligible for lighting the pyre of
their parents, many explanations were ofered. Among them, two folk stories are important. According to the irst story, once upon a time a country came under
attack by its enemies and there was a great battle. Most of the young people either led or died in the battle. Afterward there was a decrease in the number
of soldiers, and the king decreed that every family should send a young man to join the army. he king went to a house and asked the old man in the house to
send one of his three sons to join the army. he old man could not reject the king’s request. He thought that the eldest son was needed for his funeral rites
and the youngest was still very young, so he decided to send the second eldest son. he father then approached the son and sent him to join the army, saying:
“You may die before I do, and you may not see my dead body. So, from now on, for me it is as if you were dead, and you don’t have to perform my funeral
rights.” From that time onwards the second son is not required to perform the funeral rights of his parents.
According to the second story, once there was a famine for a long time. When the king consulted learned men about the solution for the absence of rainfall,
they suggested the king should sacriice a human. he king traveled around his kingdom in search of a father who would give him his son to be sacriiced. One
day he came to a house where an old man lived with his wife and their three sons. he king requested the old couple to give one of their sons for sacriice.
A Badi man doing saraddha.
39
2014
38
2014
After the couple discussed between themselves, they decided to send the second eldest son. hus, this middle son is called one who has been sacriiced. hat is
why the second eldest son should not perform funeral rites of his parents.
In the past Badis were not allowed to cremate. he kings and nobles imposed such restrictions because cremation was done by Bahuns. So Badis were not
allowed to do what Bahuns did. But nowadays Badi cremate the dead.
here is a belief that the pyre should be purchased. he chief mourner ofers two to three hundred rupees for the purchase of the pyre. After the body has
been completely burned or even if some small portions are not burnt some pieces of the body are tied with the
wat and placed in the river, which means that it reaches
Kashi. Alternatively, the pieces are cooled in a religious site. hen the mourners bathe. he children of the dead have their heads shaved by the
relative serving as the priest Bahun. All ofspring of the dead should wear
white clothes. All mourners bathe or sprinkle water on their bodies. In other communities, it is decided at the ghat the duration of death pollution. But in
the case of Badis when the mourners return home they build a ire near the house, adding thorns and pressing both under a stone. he mourners next step
on the stone, and then they are sprinkled with barley, sesame, and gold water and decide the duration of pollution, usually three, ive, seven, nine, eleven, or
thirteen days. According to the elders, it is decided on the basis of the economic condition of the household. But usually it is seven days at the maximum.
On the day of puriication, the role of Bahun is paramount. he day before the puriication is the day of eating the katto
katto khane, when they go the river bank at three or four in the morning and the family members and the chief
mourners eat chicken, yogurt, and milk, and the chief mourner also takes salt. On the day of puriication, because relatives and other people do not eat at the
deceased’s house, they are given fruits. hey organize a feast by sacriicing a pig or a goat. he Bahun gives dana to the daughters and sisters by putting
tika of yogurt, and puriies the house by sprinkling gold water. he
Bahun is also discharged after they receive
dakshina, as much as the household can give. It is believed that the deceased would reincarnate in the animal whose
ingerprints are found near the house during the night. A winnowing tray with ashes in it is placed in the rafter of the roof.
hado kriya is the rite performed the day after death, after noon of the next day. After death, no one in the household is allowed inside other people’s house and
vice versa. Badiss would not observe death pollution for a long time because they need to beg at other’s house for their daily food. Even if the deceased is not
a close relative, they perform the thado kriya.
3.8.5 Festivals
As Badi are Hindus, they observe many Hindu festivals. here are some festivals which are observed diferently by the Badis, and they have diferent beliefs
about such festivals.
he irst day of Asar month is celebrated by eating good and sweet food. In the rainy season, after Asar, Badis need to move through many hills and cross rivers
when going from one village to another. As there is always the risk of falling or drowning in the rivers, they eat good food because of the danger and insecurity
of their life in the month of Asar.
Ghiya Sankranti is the irst day of Bhandra month. he day is also called luto
falne, or removing scabies. his festival is observed by taking a sigh of relief that they will survive for a year because the rainy season is over. Many dishes are
made of ghee. hat night they discard the scabies. Because they needed to step in mud as they traveled from village to village in the rainy season, they would
contract scabies and they observe this festival for discarding it. It is believed that by observing it, they would not be infected with scabies for the next year. In this
ceremony, a lamp is lighted of
salli and coal is made. he coal is ground with a big hammer. his is called
budhi patkaune. hen the coal is thrown outside the house, they are asking to take away their scabies.
On Dume Aunshi, Badi and other Dalits perform shradda, a funeral rite. Badi
and other Dalits are usually not able to do the shraddha once a year after the
death of their parents. God had ordered all Dalits to do their shradda on a ixed
day, so they do it on Dume Aunshi, according to Tile Badi. Dalits are often
called Dum, because all Dalits do shradda on this day, the new moon day is
called Dume Aunshi.
Badis also worship ancestral deities. he household head performs the puja after
consulting with the eldest member of the family. One mana of rice, some coins,
turmeric, goat, and red lags are put in a green leaf-plate and given to the head of the house. he shrine of the ancestral deity resides at the main house. All
consanguineal families gather at the main house and the ancestors are revered.
40
2014
Kulpuja is generally done on Jestha Purnima, or full moon day of Jestha. Badis do not have their own festivals, but they observe many fairs:
subhaghat mela, ghat
mela, rihar mela, etc. Badis do not have any religious institutions or guthis.
3.8.6 Costumes and ornaments
i. Costume Men’s traditional dress
chot baule bhoto, dhoti, lungi pradhani¸and dharo of sprigged muslin, and women wear
gunyu masurasit and chhitiya and blouses panalo, kalo masi, thetwako dharo. In the past, most of the dresses would come
from India. Nowadays women wear maxi-kurta-dhoti indoors and blouse and
sari or kurta suruwal outdoors. Children wear bhoti kachha and half-pants. In
the past, widows wore yellow dress, but nowadays they wear white. Even now, old
Badi men wear lungi. Married women wear bangles, pote, sari, blouse, dhoti patuka, and white kawale as headdress, red sindoor on their head and mangal
sutra. Basant Badi says their costume is similar to that of Indians.
ii. Ornaments Badi women have worn ornaments since ancient times. In the past, women
wore tilari, fuli, bulaki, naugeri, jaugeri, pate sun, marwari, tukki, pote mala,
pwalako mala, ring of coins, and garland of coins. hese are similar in Dang also. Now women wear chain,
jul¸laskari, mangal sutra, kanwala, tukki, tikuli, clip, anklet, and top.
Badi men have always worn caps, whether made of dhaka or simple cloth. hey
also wear watch and ring. Boys wear mundri in the ears, chain on their wrists,
and rings on their ingers. Girls wear kilim, pauju, jhala, laskari, juli, chain,
garland, and ring. Widows are not allowed to wear them. hey only wear white bangles of
silebhar aluminum.
3.8.7 Domestic ToolsTechnologies
Badis do not make any tools or utensils, but in the past they used to make ladles and some earthen pots. hey have abandoned such practices. Badis traditionally
make the following items: Maadal: Materials required are dagger, saw,
arwanna, warta, skin of goat or ox,
tari, gothi, knife, lori, kith, sirouli, papchu, etc. hey make such materials themselves.
Sulpa: earth,
muri for grinding earth, die, garali, wank, chhiya, polish, rope, and wooden nails.
Fishing net:
punu, pati, thread, iron balls, tarso.
41
2014
Fishhook: iron, ile, hammer, tyango of bamboo, etc.
Tariya: silbhat, khori, ile, hammer.
Some Badi women used to make tariya that was used by haru women in their
hands and feet. It has special importance in haru weddings and festivals. It had many designs and carvings. A Badi man recalls that by selling
tariya and by begging, Badis used to earn a living. With changing times, now haru and
Badi women have abandoned the skill. Badi elders did not know any symbolic meaning of
tariya. here are no weaving, sewing, or other skills in Badi. hey make
maadal, sarangi, and other instruments and play them, and are continuing with this occupation.
When they began to make such instruments for singing and dancing, they began to get some grains, and it developed into a form of
balighare jajmani in some areas.
Madal , a main entertainment instrument of Badi
CHAPTER IV
State of Human Development
45
2014
CHAPTER IV
State of Human Development
4.1 State of Human Development
4.1.1 Prostitution
Badis agree that they were brought from India, either by Lichhavis or by the Bhure hakure kings for entertaining. hey were also skilled at horse riding.
hey used to call Badis to perform on diferent occasions. At that time, singing and dancing was respectable and welcome. Badis had their own songs,
gajals, and
kathaks, and their performance was of a special type. Obviously, singers and performers would need to be and were neat and clean. Later, the kings and the
rich began to eye Badi women and began to provide enough food for the family for a year in return for their sexual service.
Initially, the kings and the nobles employed them as caretakers of queens and wives of nobles. hen they began to sexually exploit them. When Badi women
began to give birth, the kings and nobles expelled them from their homes, and they began to live on the streets. When on the streets, they earned their living
by entertaining and went from village to village begging. At that time, they had not forced their women and daughters into prostitution.
However, their occupation of begging by entertaining was not suicient to make a living. he rich and powerful lured the Badi women for sexual services.
Seeing an improved economic lifestyle with prostitution, other Badi women began to practice it. While migrating, they descended to Terai from hills where
they began to keep a
rais. he rais would provide food for the whole family for
47
2014
46
2014
six months, and the jamindar landlord in the hills would provide food for
the remaining six months. hus, the Badis made their living. Women used to sing and dance in the streets and men used to ish and make
maadal and tariya and earthen pots. Badi women would be invited by all, ranging from the petty
kings through jamindar, mukhiya, and ghadbudha, and began to be sexually
exploited. After being involving in prostitution in the Terai, they ceased to go to the hills and began to live permanently in the Terai. Prostitution spread to
such an extent that the family members such as husband, father, and brothers began to ind clients for their wives, daughters, and sisters. Men began to drink
alcohol and got involved in gambling.
In some places, women also began to decorate themselves to attract new clients. hey started calling men who they met on the streets, and began to
commercialize their occupation. hus, history shows that Badis were compelled to adopt prostitution due to poverty and exploitation from the kings and the
rich and powerful. With change in time, there has been some awareness among Badis and they are somewhat motivated to ind alternate occupations. However,
women who are already involved in prostitution do not seem to abandon it. A Badi activist of Dang doubts that the new generation would discontinue this
occupation.
4.1.2 Nathuni kholne
When a girl reaches puberty, at 12 or 13, her parents, especially the mother, arranges for
nathuni kholne ritual. hat day the girl is dressed in beautiful clothes and is made up. She wears a big nose ornament
bulaki that reaches from the nose to the ear. hen bargaining begins as to who will delower her. here is a
big presence of the rich and powerful of the village in this ceremony. Whoever pays the highest amount would unlock the
bulaki nathuni and would have sex with her. his is called
nathuni kholne. He could keep her for the next six months and would provide food and clothing for the girl’s family also. After six
months the girl would separate from the man. In the past, the amount used to be Rs. 500 to Rs. 700. However, it has increased now. In the past, the ceremony
used to be conducted against the will of the girl and the decision would be in the hands of the mother and the family. However, nowadays there is no such
bargaining and no beautiication. Today, the girl herself is in control and is involved in the bargaining. Also, no formal ceremony is done; rather the girl
would secretly bargain and agree to lose her virginity.
4.1.3 Entertainment
Badis are rich in the art of singing and dancing because this is their traditional occupation. Due to lack of chances their skills are being undermined. here
are many good musicians and composers, but they lack opportunities. Deepak Badi of Tulsipur complains that he has not been able to show his skills due to
lack of opportunity. Because they used to sing and dance at the palaces, they have a rich heritage of music and dance such as
kathak, kajari, kawali, thumri, mujara, dwarichar, gath, and ras lila. Badis have their own music such as kathak
melodytune and a sweet voice that can cheer up and amuse the heart. he kardan used in the past when entertaining elites is regarded as a symbol of Badi
history. here are ten diferent songs sung in Dashain that make the festival
entertaining, and the Badis play these songs. King Mahendra had given a medal to Saguni
Patar for showing her skills by dancing on a plate. here are Badis who can still sing
kathak, kajari, kawai, thumri. But as they have no opportunity in Nepal, they go to diferent places in India to entertain
and make their living. Even nowadays we can see people becoming exhilarated when Badi women dance wearing
kardan at weddings or festivals. Badis readily accept invitations to perform in diferent places in India; this is called
bira baneko. When they are in such preparation and rehearsal, they are not involved
in other activities. According to such contractual performances, they need to fully provide entertainment for whole night even if a performer is pregnant.
A woman from Srigaon had given birth to a child during such a performance.
Badis perform diferent songs for diferent occasions. For example, there are diferent songs for weddings, such as those sung during the wedding procession,
when putting sindoor, when departing, etc. Similarly, they sing diferent songs
on diferent months, such as kajeri in Shrawan, mangshire song in Dashain,
songs when going for begging, mukura, etc. For example, a stanza of Kathak
is as follows: “Why make me weep at midnight, I don’t see my love near me, I don’t see my love near me.” he following is a part of song informing the bride’s
father that the wedding procession has arrived: “he folk came, and so did we. We came with the procession.” It is notable that Badi musicians and singers
have no teachers; their ancestors are their teachers. It is believed that Durga Goddess becomes happy when Badis play the maadal and
tyamko. Horilal Badi reports that they need to play
damaha and tyamko at the Durga temple.
49
2014
48
2014
4.2 Economy and Resources
he economic condition of Badis is vulnerable in general. Badis hold on average 0.1481 hector of land see table 3 per family. Concerning labor migration, 24
percent of Badi family members migrate for work whereas around eight percent of 5-17 years old children are working in the labor market. he source of cash
income for Badis is mostly from non-agriculture wage labor 53.95 inside and outside 8.55 the country. Badi families spend their income more on
food Rs. 63526 than education Rs. 7523 or other expenses. Interestingly, only 25.66 percent of Badi families have an income that is adequate for annual
food supply.
Table 3: Economy and Resource
4.2.1 Agriculture
Badis have never been involved in agriculture. hey inherit the whole village rather than the land. Badis lived in the house or cow shed of Bistas of the village,
and made maadal and sulpa. In exchange for the maadal and sulpa, Badis would
have to be content with whatever grains the Bista would give them. hey never cultivated and so never made agricultural tools. An aged Badi man remarks,
“why till the land when the plate is full by begging?”
here are legends relating to Badis and agriculture. Once some Badi thought as they were fed up with begging they should try cultivating land and live happily
just like other communities. hey consulted their village leader on every matter of importance, as is their tradition. So, they went to the leader and expressed
their plan. Initially, the leader rejected and told them that they could not cultivate and whatever they planted would not grow. After much insistence,
he agreed but instructed them that they should choose the sandy land near the river and should sow the seed only after parching it. he Badis did as instructed,
and the grain did not grow. hen, the leader showed them the ield of others and told them not to cultivate because whatever they sow would not grow.
From that day on, they did not consider agriculture. his story was told by Panche Badi. He thinks that because of misinformation Badis were not able to
cultivate.
Nowadays Badis are interested in agriculture, but they have no land. hey live near the river bank and beg from one house to another for living. Some Badi
youth have become bus conductors and tractor drivers, and many have gone to India for labor work. Very few have gone for work outside of India or Nepal.
4.2.2 Land
Badis have always been landless. Some Badis earn money by making maadal,
sulpa, ishing net, ishing hook, or rearing horses, but most remain landless. In the past, Badis were allowed inside the jungle for irewood and to ind wood for
making maadal. But after all jungles turned into private or community forests,
they were restricted from getting wood ghara for maadal. hey also are not
allowed to fetch irewood. So, they cook using cow dung cake and twigs that are loating in the river. hey are not included in the forest user’s committee.
According to a Badi activist of Dang, because Badis are always wandering, they did not give importance and had no access to jungle, land, and water, and
Land ownership Mean land area in ha. 0.1481
Value of land Rs. 511841 Labor migration
Family member 24.34 Mean duration 9.00 Are children 7.89 migrated for work
month 5-17 years
working for cash or kind?
Source of Cash Agriculture 5.26 Industry 1.97 Trade 12.50 Regular job 3.29
income Agriculture wage labor 10.53 Non-Agriculture wage labor 53.95
Foreign employment 8.55 Average annual
Food 63526 Education 7523 Medicine 14621
expenditure ClothOrnaments 12197
Festivals 11628 Tax 88
TelephoneElectricity 3995 HH goods 3699 Is your income adequate for annual food supply? 25.66
Source: NSIS, 2012. A land of Badi
51
2014
50
2014
they have not given priority to land. here was no acquiring or buying of land from the past. hey inherited the right to beg and work in the whole village.
However, they now cultivate some public land in which they settle. Because it is not enough, they work at other’s houses
bhus. Nowadays some Badis are involved in daily agricultural wage labor like planting rice.
4.2.3 Occupational skills
Badis earn their living by using their skills and art. hey not only play musical instruments but also make them, such as
maadal, dhole, tabala, and damaha nagara. hey have invented and developed many musical instruments.
he older generation had no knowledge of copyright, so people other than Badis are claiming copyright and intellectual property rights of instruments.
According to Nirmal Badi, a teacher in Dang, the young generation should be mobilized for such rights, but it would be late when such actions take
place. Similarly, Basan Badi says it is necessary to put social, political, and moral pressure on the government. All skills, crafts, and arts of Badis should
be preserved, and for that the younger generation should come to the front. here is a story about the origin of
maadal, which every Badi knows. It is an ancient story. Once Indra,
the king of heaven, organized a feast for the gods and provided
them with every amenity. However, one god said that he felt something
was missing. When Indra asked what it was, the god told him that
they needed entertainment. hen, Indra ordered the angels to sing
and dance. But without music the dance was not good, so Indra asked humans to make musical instruments. he
humans worked hard to make instruments using diferent woods but did not succeed. Finally, a man made a maadal, and as it did not produce any sound,
frustrated, he threw the drum from the clif. When the drum was rolling, he heard the drum making a sound like chamal-challi. He brought the drum back
and made a paste of rice chaamal and chicken challa and pasted it on both sides of the drum, and the drum began to make sound. In this way, maadal was
invented, and in its tune, the angels of heaven began to sing.
Most of the Badis believe this story because, according to them, even now when they make the
maadal they worship it by sacriicing a fowl and ofering one mana of rice. It shows that fowl and rice are essential for sounding the maadal.
Badis are the inventors of maadal. hey also invented pakwaj, which is similar
to maadal but with both sides equal in size and shape. Pakwaj is used when
angels dance in heaven. here is also a story of the origin of
sulpa. At a time when there was no sulpa, people used to wrap tobacco in a
saal leaf and smoke it. Such type of smoking went on for years. One day a Badi man, while making earthen pots, made a die
in the shape of sulpa and thought that it would be strong when ired in heat. He
then heated it and it was hard. In this way, sulpa was invented, and it became
popular for many years until the invention of cigarette. In some villages, the sulpa remains important.
Sulpa, a profession of Badi
53
2014
52
2014
4.2.4 Inheritance
Badis have no property to inherit from their ancestors, but they inherit the villages in which they do their traditional work. According to Birkhe Badi, he
inherited not even a chimta tong from his father, but he inherited the tools
used to make maadal, sulpa, ishing net, and ishing hook. Prem Badi says he
considers the skills handed down by his father as inheritance. he village in which the father worked would receive his sons hospitably and people treat the
Badis well when they go around begging. Tase Badi says he is a good horse rider because Badis from the past used to rear and ride horses, so he has no property
but a horse.
Sometimes the sons would compete and ight against each other to inherit the best village, which may lead to bad relations between brothers.
Pewa: Pewa is the property given to a bride by her parents during wedding.
Without consent of the wife, the husband cannot use pewa. In Badis, the pewa
tradition was present from the olden days. Mostly, fowls are reared by the woman’s parents at their house, and when the daughter comes she is welcomed
by killing the fowl, and given the money from the sale of the fowls.
4.3 Representation
Representation in various activities and user’s groups is essential for overall development of Badis. Regarding this issue, the representation of Badis is
comparatively high in school management committee 86.84, women’s groups 85.53, community forestry 62.50 and mothers groups 44.74
than in construction works, agriculture, health, youth clubs and micro inance. he representation of Badis in savingcredit groups seems satisfactory. By gender
perspective, representation of Badi males is higher than females in community forestry, school management committee, while that of females is higher in the
health committee. However, males are more involved as general members in organizations while females are higher in executive committee, which is quite
interesting. he representation of Badis in employment, in either state or non- state sectors, is extremely poor. Badis are more dependent on inancial assistance
from their relatives than from inancial institutions. his shows the lack of access of Badis to inancial institutions in general see Table 4.
Table 4: Representation in development activities and user’s groups
Source: NSIS, 2012.
Representaion in Construcion works 18.42 Agriculture 17.11 Health 22.37
development
Community forestry 62.50 SavingCreditCooperaive 40.79
aciviies Micro inance 17.11 School Management Commitee 86.84
and user’s groups
Women’s groups 85.53 Mothers groups 44.74 Youth clubs 11.84
Paricipaion in Male 50.00
Female 46.43 Execuive commitee 6.67
Commitees of General member 93.33
community forestry Paricipaion in
Male 33.33 Female 66.67 Execuive commitee 100.00
Commitees of General member 0.00
Health Commitee Paricipaion in
Male 75.00 Female 25.00 Execuive commitee 50.00
Commitees of General member 50.00
School Management Commitee
Do your family Civil Service 4.61 NGOINGO 2.63 Private enterprises 7.24
members work in the following
employment?
Where do you
tradiional insituions 1.32
Relaives 42.11
get assistance
Neighbors or friends 30.26 Cooperaive 16.45
during crisis?
BankFinance 7.89 Moneylenders 1.97
4.4 Traditional Institution
