Impoverished Education Through Politicized Curricular Choices and Omissions
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we are to judge by the numbers of people who want to come to the U.S., we should have to consider it the most successful society on earth. It has the longest-standing form of democratic government in the
world and is the world’s leader in science and technology, as in medical care and innovation. Though dwarfed in population size by many other countries, it is the world’s leading economy. Its cultural
influence throughout the world is formidable: England recently instituted an American-style Supreme Court, and not long ago instituted our kind of bipartisan parliamentary committees. How did all this
happen? Why did the U.S. constitution last? How has it become so influential? Why is it a leader in so many fields? These are central questions, but the dominant faculty culture has no interest in them.
Faculty historians who teach these limiting courses will certainly argue that a more positive view of the country would be highly debatable. However, in a similar context our national parent organization the
National Association of Scholars gave this devastating reply: “But where is the debate?”
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An ongoing campus debate would certainly raise the intellectual level of this argument, for that is what the clash
of ideas does. But on campus there is little or none, and students are the losers. The source of their ignorance of key events in U.S. history is easy to see. There are no required courses, and those courses
that are on the books too often drive away students who are not already alienated radicals, since they are one-sided denunciations that neglect the extraordinary development of the U.S. to cultural, scientific,
and economic preeminence. Worse still is the fact that even students majoring in history can graduate knowing little or nothing about
the history of their own country. At UC Davis, a history major can avoid American history entirely, and the same is true of the Santa Cruz, Irvine, and San Diego campuses. Berkeley requires only one lower
division course but that is 7A or B, of which enough has been said above which means that a history major at the flagship campus could graduate knowing next to nothing about American history.
Where Is the Study of Western Civilization? If we take the nation’s history in a broader sense, that history is a part of the history of Western
civilization, the civilization that in large part made it what it is. Yet here too, not one of the UC campuses requires any coursework in the history of Western civilization. Even more disturbing is the fact that there
is not a single history department on any of the campuses that requires a survey course in Western civilization of its history majors. And most shocking of all, on almost all campuses the exceptions being
UCLA and UC Davis Western civilization courses are simply not offered at all. Until recently, a reasonable knowledge of the history of Western civilization was considered an
important attribute of a well-educated person. A powerful case can be made for the wisdom of that attitude. First, we are all children of the Western tradition – it has made us who we are. To
understand where we came from, students must certainly understand the political, scientific, and artistic
44 This was in an NAS report: “The Vanishing West, 1964-2010. The Disappearance of Western Civilization from the American Undergraduate Curriculum,” issued May 2011, http:www.nas.orgimagesdocumentsTheVanishingWest.pdf.
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achievements of ancient Greece, and how these have developed and changed over time until they resulted in the way we live now. The National Association of Scholars’ recent study puts the matter thus:
“In studying the rise of the West, students came to grips with how the arts and sciences encountered in other classes had been shaped.” Modernity – that is, the form of life that has spread and is still
spreading across the globe – has to a very large extent been shaped by the Western tradition. Again, the NAS study puts the point well:
Western Civilization has transformed the human condition. This remains invisible or at best gropingly understood by students who have had no chance
to study systematically the rise of the West, which brings into focus better than anything else the origins and development of a sophisticated worldwide
marketplace; an impersonal, rule-based bureaucracy; the scientific outlook; modern medicine, lengthened life-spans, democracy and constitutionalism, and
the massive increase in material abundance….Studying the history of the West brings a student to grips, as nothing else can, with the roots, the shaping events,
the underlying causes of the process and substance of globalization, indeed, of the creation of modernity itself.
This positive assessment of the Western tradition would also be found debatable by the radical political culture of the campuses, and once again the response must be: where is the debate? But if that debate
were to take place, the incoherence of this vehement opposition to the Western tradition would soon emerge. For the cherished ideas of campus radicals are all very Western ideas, and the thinkers who
developed them are all solidly part of the Western tradition. Radicals charge the West endlessly with racism, sexism, class oppression, and imperialism. Yet radical egalitarianism is based on the ideas of
Rousseau and Marx, the abolition of the world-wide practice of slavery was a European cause and achievement, equal rights for women was fought for and achieved in the West, and it was the European
Enlightenment that led to the end of empires. Properly understood, the place in the spectrum of political ideas that campus political radicalism occupies is that of a Western extremist, the exact opposite
of an anti-Westerner. Suppose that we ask the question: what is the history of the radical left? There is only one place to go to find its origins. It is part of the history of the Western tradition. A good course in
the Western tradition might be of great benefit to these confused Western extremists. They might then realize that they are not attacking the Western tradition from without, but on the contrary pressing for a
more extreme version of its ideas from within. We can recognize the need for debate on all of these issues, but one fact remains. Ignorance of the
salient events in the history of the great civilization that has made us who we are is, quite simply, ignorance.
Within particular disciplines there are still more bizarre curricular choices that stunt a student’s education, but most of these are only offshoots of the confused and misdirected campus hostility
to the Western tradition. On several campuses it is now possible to graduate with a major in English
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literature without having read a word of Shakespeare, Chaucer, or Milton. If this were simply the result of a trendy aversion to dictating to students what they must do, that would be bad enough; but it is
not. At UC San Diego, for example, while the literature major does not specifically require a course on Shakespeare, it certainly does require that all majors must have done a survey course in either Chicano
literature, African-American Literature, or Asian-American literature. This is political correctness taken to the point of caricature. Political choices come first, while great writers can be ignored. A major in English
literature should at the very least make sure that students are exposed to the greatest English-speaking writers, because with that they will gain a mastery of the subtleties of their native language as well as
an acquaintance with some of the greatest minds in history. But in the current campus culture these considerations are trumped by the familiar theme of ethnicity and victimhood.
Another example of a major program degraded by a bizarre curricular choice can be seen in the case of political science. One might assume that any student majoring in political science would of necessity
devote much time, thought, and coursework to the constitution and political history of this nation. First, because of its intrinsic importance as the longest-running essentially unchanged political system in
the world; second, because it is at the moment the most influential; third, because it represents the culmination of centuries of European political thought; and fourth, because that is the system that they
live with. But on several campuses, a student can graduate as a major in political science and never have taken a course in American politics. Only a quite extraordinary degree of alienation could have
produced this absurd result. If omissions are bizarre and educationally damaging, inclusions can be just as bewildering. Take,
for example, the proliferation of courses on Karl Marx at UC Santa Cruz. The politics department has an introductory class on Marx, but so does the sociology department, the community studies
department, the legal studies department, and the history of consciousness department. Several of these departments have a number of other courses on Marxism too. No other political thinker has a
course devoted exclusively to his thought. It is as if the news that Marxism is now an obsolete system of thought after disastrous results in so many countries had not reached the campus.
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Adolescent Marxist nostalgia still evidently reigns on campus and impedes a return to reality – but where are the adults
who might be pointing out that it is time to grow up and move on to thinkers who have been able to withstand the test of time and to remain more relevant to modern life? There is little doubt that these
bizarre curricular choices and omissions result from a lack of political diversity among the faculty.