Can(’t) Polar Question Markers Descend from Negations? Positive and Negative Core Propositions under Question

3.8 Turkish Interrogative mi with Positive and Negative Core Proposition under Question

The interaction of negation-based polar question markers with the expectancy or counterexpectancy of the core proposition under question is also found in non-Indo-European languages. An example is Turkish, for which an etymo- logical relationship of the negation me and the polar question marker mi has been claimed, see Heine and Kuteva in section 1 above. Following the model of the Indo-European languages surveyed above, Turkish mi, when scoping over

a positively rated core proposition, makes an affirmative bias question. (28) a. onpq: Positive core proposition >> affirmative answer bias. Positive p = go to the movies.

Sinemaya gidecek

miy-di-niz?

cinema:dat go:fut.ptcp q-pst-2pl ‘Didn’t you want to go to the movies?’ (Wendt 1972:303)

But when scoping over a negatively rated core proposition, a negative bias question results.

(28) b. onpq: Negative core proposition >> negative answer bias. Negative p = drink this water (with derogatory this).

Bu su içilir

mi?

this water drinkable q ‘Can you (really) drink this water?’ ‘This water can’t be drunk, can it?’ (Wendt 1972:303)