Challenges in developing this Case Digest on evidential matters
civil law systems, evidence gathering can extend to the period during the trial process, as the judge is the main evidence gatherer; and whereas common law systems rely on a system
of precedents to maintain uniformity, civil law jurisdictions do not view precedents as conclusive.
12
This complexity is heightened by the existence of mixed systems, which espouse elements of common law and civil law, as, for example, those in Finland, Japan or
the Philippines. These differences may limit what one system can learn from another. Thus, if a victim is too
fearful to testify, a solution espoused by a civil law jurisdiction, whereby written statements are admissible instead of testimony, might be unacceptable in a common law system unless
it conforms to an accepted evidentiary exception.
13
By the same token, a solution adopted by a civil law system, whereby the judge may undertake the questioning of a fearful witness
himself in order to encourage him or her to be more cooperative—might be unacceptable in a common law system. On the other hand, the creative solution of a common law court in
order to admit hearsay evidence may be wholly unnecessary in a civil law court in which the judge may freely evaluate evidence.
Common law and civil law systems are not the only cohesive systems of law worldwide. Further examples can be found in countries which adopt religious laws or recognize certain
forms of customary law.
14
National systems may also differ in the adjudicative apparatus they choose, with some jurisdictions relegating this to a judge, whereas others rely upon a jury to
rule on facts while the judge gives the jury instructions on law. This too may impact upon evidential issues and especially in jurisdictions which require the jury verdict to be unanimous.
Juries may also be more reluctant to convict in cases where victims do not testify, even if the relevant law allows this.
National systems may also vary in their approaches towards international conventions, with “monistic systems” incorporating provisions of ratiied conventions directly without the need
for further national legislation and “dualistic systems” necessitating further national legislation even after ratiication.
15
Despite these obstacles, as mentioned before, the common normative framework provided by the Traficking i n P ersons P rotocol a ims t o a ssist S tates t o b ridge a t l east s ome o f t he
gaps among them by providing uniied t erminology a nd c oncepts. I n a ddition, a t l east i n regard to civil and common law systems, there seems to be a broad consensus that with
time, there has been a convergence between them, along with the development of mixed systems with elements of each.
16
Thus, a hermetically sealed distinction between the systems is not grounded in reality. For example, while civil law systems do not ascribe conclusive
force to precedent, judges and lawyers still use other cases in order to support their claims; while civil law systems do not exclude hearsay testimony, its weaknesses may be taken into
account by the judge in evaluating its weight. In addition, clearly, learning can take place
12
See Lundmark, Charting the Divide between Common and Civil Law Oxford University Press, 2012 and Capowski, “China’s Evidentiary and Procedural Reforms, the Federal Rules of Evidence and the Harmonization of
Civil and Common Law”, 47 Texas International Law Journal 2012, 455, 459-466.
13
Mixed systems like Kenya may allow admission of witness statements according to the Kenyan Criminal Procedure Code sections 154 and 156, in conjunction with section 34 of the Evidence Act.
14
An example is Nigeria, which in addition to common law, civil law and sharia law, includes as a source, customary law, which is derived from indigenous traditional norms and practice, including dispute resolution
meetings. See: http:elearning.trree.orgmodpageview.php?id=142.
15
This contrast is less clear than it appears to be, as even in monistic systems details may need to be illed in by legislation.
16
See Lundmark, ibid. p. 37.
regarding patterns found in certain kinds of evidence across jurisdictions. Finally, some of the solutions courts have found to address weaknesses in the evidentiary foundation of a
case can conform to different legal systems.
Another limitation sometimes found, is that in many court systems evidentiary issues and decisions are not part of the written decision of the court. Moreover, even when cases do
mention evidential matters, the analysis may be short, without an extensive discussion of evidential issues. In addition, in States with a jury system, there may be no recorded judg-
ments in courts of irst instance, so that only if the case is appealed, will there be a written and publicized judgment. In these cases, the appeal may be on a narrow issue, so that
while certain evidence may be mentioned, we do not always know how important it was in the irst instance’s original ruling. Nor do we always know the full array of evidence in
the case.
However, even in cases that do not have formal and direct evidential rulings, a description of the kinds of evidence submitted and the types of issues addressed may give valuable
information to practitioners.
Complete case decisions were not always available for the cases discussed in this Case Digest. Thus while analysis is based on full decisions when available, in some cases we relied on
entries in the UNODC Human Traficking Case Law Database and expert summaries and analysis provided for the purposes of this Case Digest, though an attempt was made to focus
on full cases.
In order to appraise practitioners of the nature of the source material, when it is not a full decision this is mentioned in a footnote. In addition, we are careful to mention how the
court used certain pieces of evidence and when there is a doubt, we note it.