Reporting on ‘Monas Incident’ in the Mass Media Construction

131

Reporting on ‘Monas Incident’
in the Mass Media Construction
Gatut Priyowidodo
Prodi Ilmu Komunikasi - Fikom Universitas Kristen Petra
Jalan Siwalankerto 121-131 Surabaya 60236, HP. 081363481533
email:gatutpriyowidodo@yahoo.com dan http://gatutpriyowidodo.blogspot.com

Abstract
The purposes of this research is 1) to know news construction to FPI versus AKKBB
(Aliansi Kerukunan untuk Kebebasan Beragama dan Berkeyakinan-Reconciliation Alliance for
Religion Freedom and Faith) conflict to enjoinment of Ahmadiyah teaching; 2) To know media
construction to implementation religion teaching purification movement in pluralism state;
3) To know media construction in placing relationship between state and religious organization
as a civil society strength in supporting of harmonious believers life. Research method is with
discourse analysis. It was focused on media news about FPI on Suara Pembaruan and Republika
at edition on June 2-12, 2008.
Based on the component observed, thematic, schematic, semantic, syntax, stylistic and
rectories, the research findings is firstly, news construction a media is very determined by media
ideology. Suara Pembaruan (Christian Values) emphasize that FPI performs harshness to people rights in implementing latitudinarian. Republika (Islamic Values) assess that FPI does not

make harshness but is implementing practice of Islam teaching purification. Second, practices
of religion teaching purification do not represent wrong action. Third, state is assessed very
irresolute in implementing of its function. State does not give enough protection to weak people.
Abstrak
Tujuan penelitian ini adalah: (1) untuk mengidentifikasi konstruksi berita tentang FPI versus
AKKBB (Aliansi Kebebasan untuk Kerukunan Beragama dan Berkeyakinan) - dalam kasus konflik
pelarangan ajaran Ahmadiyah, (2) untuk mengidentifikasi konstruksi media massa terhadap pelaksanaan
gerakan pemurnian ajaran agama di negara pluralisme, (3) untuk mengetahui konstruksi pemberitaan
media dalam menempatkan hubungan antara negara dan organisasi keagamaan sebagai kekuatan
masyarakat sipil untuk mendukung kehidupan yang harmonis orang beragama. Metode penelitian yang
digunakan adalah analisis wacana. Fokus pada berita media tentang FPI atau Insiden Monas di Suara
Pembaruan dan Republika dalam periode publikasi antara 02-12 Juni, 2008. Komponen yang diamati
mencakup, tematik, skematik, semantik, sintaksis, gaya dan rectories. Temuan penelitian menunjukkan
bahwa pertama, konstruksi berita dari media sangat ditentukan oleh ideologi media tersebut. Suara
Pembaruan (bernuansa nilai Kristiani) menekankan bahwa FPI melakukan kekerasan terhadap hakhak orang dalam melaksanakan kebebasan beragama. Republika (menekankan nilai Islami) menilai
bahwa FPI tidak membuat kekerasan tetapi menerapkan praktek pemurnian ajaran Islam. Kedua,
praktek pemurnian ajaran agama tidak merupakan tindakan yang salah. Ketiga, negara dinilai sangat
tidak tegas dalam melaksanakan fungsinya. Negara tidak memberikan perlindungan yang cukup kepada
mereka yang lemah.
Key words : organizational communication, media construction, purification


PDF created with pdfFactory Pro trial version www.pdffactory.com

132

Jurnal Ilmu Komunikasi, Volume 8, Nomor 2, Mei - Agustus 2010, halaman 131 - 142

Introduction
Purification movement occurs almost in all
religions. Their struggle is based one objective,
namely to purify religion practices currently executed. In the Catholic Church environment, some
of the people call themselves left-wing faction radical movement ACORN (Vadum, 2009:18), a
Catholic organization related to a Catholic community supporting Obama. In Iran, there was also
radicalism movement called itself Sunni Radicalism (Sivan, 1989:1). It means that each organization is directed to support revitalization of struggle
direction conducted by previous organizations at
that time or even having been implemented by the
State.
They assume that current religious or social practices do not meet their ideals. It is why
they must come forward to take the role. The state
is regarded as too permisive and more compromise so that the law of enforcement becomes so

loose. They have no other choices than take actions based on their own versions. Such actions
are then regarded as contradictory to positive laws
produced by the state, and later create another
problem.
In Indonesia, growth of social organizations bringing purification themes is active since
the collapse of Soeharto in 1998. Muhtadi
(2009:623) identify some organizations like MMI
(Majelis Mujahidin Indonesia), HT (Hisbut
Thahrir), and Front Pembela Islam (Islamic
Defenders’ Front – FPI) as those that rise in this
period.
Although their activities are often regarded
as close to violence dimension, however, those
activities are, in fact, regarded as interesting for
media. Unconsciously, the media also promotes
and introduces these organizations to public. In
relation to this research, the researcher only focused on actions taken by Front Pembela Islam
as a social organization obtaining very significant
media coverage. When Monas Incident occurred
on June 1, 2008, four news media then created

pollings to get public opinion on FPI and proposal
for its dissolution. However, some people still wish
to defend FPI. Following is the quote from the
polling made by four media on June 10, 2008:

Based on communication phenomena, in
fact, some value the existence of FPI although
some group of people think it harms them. Moreover, respondents of NU Online, as a media for
Nahdlatul Ulama, as moderate Islamic organization agree that FPI must be defended for more
than 50%.
However, at least other 10 Islamic public
organizations consisting of LAKPESDAM NU,
Pergerakan Mahasiswa Islam Indonesia
(PMII), Ikatan Pelajar Putra Nahdlatul Ulama,
Lembaga Studi Sosial dan Agama (ELSA),
Ikatan Putri Nahdlatul Ulama (IPPNU),
KSMU, JUSTICIA, LS3, ILHAM, and INSIDE
still declare to dissolve FPI. However, in fact, FPI
still exists for the next years (2010). It creates impression that although media states FPI as alternative power to conduct coercive efforts against
other groups of community, in which they think

members of FPI are regarded deviating.
The inquiry with topic of purification movement and media construction making at least using
two theories. Purification movement and media
construction theories are as a perspective to analysis. But the whole construction of the theories
which are used here is in interpretive paradigm.
Religious purification, in fact, can be studied from various dimensions. Moreover, if it is
correlated to radicalism movement. However,
purification is not equal to radicalism. Purification
in peaceful and elegant ways is conducted by
moderate religious groups. Radicalism forms can
be found in class-difference level (Stark, 1964),
music (Warnaby, 1995), ideology (Shepard,
1987), education (Smith, (1970), economy,
grassroot (Rubin, 1994), and religion (Berki,
1972; Sivan, 1989).
Purification is a partial terminology any effort to purify old methods both in the ways of thinking and acting. Artificially, according to Mutohharun
(2008:68), Islamic purification movement tries to
search for the purity of Islamic doctrines. There
are two main themes visible in the purification
movement: First, sources of Islamic doctrines (AlQur’an and Sunnah) become very important object to return as main reference in the religious life.

It means that religious life becomes closer to “established Islam” than “popular Islam.” Second,

PDF created with pdfFactory Pro trial version www.pdffactory.com

Priyowidodo, Reporting on ‘Monas Incident’ in the Mass Media Construction

133

Tabel 1. Respondents’ Responds
Respondents' Responds

Detik.Com
Do you agree to dissolve FPI?

(Yes/Agree)

(No/Reject)

21,221 (56.01%)


16,667 (43,99%)

37,888 Polling Participants

Total Respondents

Respondents’ Responds
Liputan 6Com
“Record on violence actions by Front Pembela Islam

(Yes/Agree)

(No/Reject)

41% or 62,093

59% or 89,126

(FPI) is sufficiently long. At last, its members were
involved in attacking members of Aliansi Kebangsaan

untuk Kebebasan Beragama dan Berkeyakinan
(AKKBB). Several parties requested to dissolve FPI”

Do you agree to dissolve FPI?
151,219 Polling Participants

Total Respondents

Notes: Remaining 272 (0%),

Respondents’ Responds
Republika Online
Do you agree to dissolve FPI?

(Yes/Agree)

(No/Reject)

12,8%,


85,3%

(Unidentified Polling Participants)

Total Respondents

Notes: 1.8 % stated to have no care

Respondents’ Responds
NU Online
“FPI’s existence is defended to remove sinful acts and

(Yes/Agree)

(No/Reject)

59%

21%


to fight against liberal group”.
(Unidentified Polling Participants)

Total Respondents

Notes: 1% stated to have no
knowledge

Source: www.hidayatullah.com, June 10 2008

individual freedom spirit to utilize rationalities along
with their consequences become higher. It is absolutely required for any efforts on Islamic doctrine dynamization. During its growh, this purification is not only aimed at removing superstition
(takhyul), bid’ah, and khurafat. Purification efforts in the development of contemporary Islam
are related to various global discourses like terrorism, moderatism, Islamic local knowledge, and
fundamentalism-radical movement.

Becausin of such comprehension, various
reactions arise related to such movement. Islamic
scholars of Islamic boarding school (pesantren),
according to Ghazali (2009) complained about

purification movement due to potentials to make
Indonesian local Islamic matters collapse. For
those scholars, there are no pure and non-pure
Islam. Islam is always local and indigenous. By
modifying statement of Junaid al-Baghdadi (w. 297
H), those scholars think that Islam is multicolored.

PDF created with pdfFactory Pro trial version www.pdffactory.com

134

Jurnal Ilmu Komunikasi, Volume 8, Nomor 2, Mei - Agustus 2010, halaman 131 - 142

Those cementing various Islamic expressions, according to the Islamic scholars, are basic values
of the religion (maqashid al-syari’at).
While the media construction perspective
is not something new anymore. This theory was
developed from the social construction theory of
Peter L. Berger and Luckmann (1966) and later
criticized because it does not contain the mass
media as an influential variable in the social construction of reality. According to Bungin (2008
:194-195) the social construction of mass media
has four stages namely (a) phase of construction
materials prepare, (b) phase of construction distribution, (c) phase of establishment construction
and (d) confirmation stage.
Three important factors in mass media construction theory is media impartiality to capitalism, quasi impartiality to people and alignments
to the public interest (Bungin, 2008: 196). Who is
the role player behind the media is influential. They
(individuals, institutions, social groups, religious
interests) are actors who determine media policy
and direction of the media. They have an important role to determine the objectivity of news according to their own version. Some research results below provide concrete evidence for the justification.
Researches on media construction for social realities have been conducted by previous
communication scholars. Political party constructions by media (Hamad, 2004), gender ideology
(Hanifah, 2004), violence construction among
young people by media (Hopf, 2008), policies on
education (Aliyah, 2006) are only examples to
mention some of them. However, that specifically
studies social-religious organization with purification mission has not yet conducted by many scholars. However, it does not mean there is no such
study. Research by Farida (2004) on Jaringan
Islam Liberal (Liberal Islamic Network) and reports by Gatra and Sabilli magazines are to answer opinions of the two magazines with different
ideologies against existence of Jaringan Islam
Liberal (JIL) established on 2001. It is also the
same as study conducted by Subandini (2001)
emphasizing on media construction, especially
Waspada and Kompas towards reports on the
organization claiming itself as Gerakan Aceh
Merdeka (Free Aceh Movement).

Thus, where is position of research on
media construction towards social organization
claiming itself as FPI? Of course, this study was
intended to enrich media study on religious-based
organizations. Religious-social organization like
FPI is very interesting to study since in the last ten
years, FPI has been covered by media almost
monthly, especially for any actions with violence
dimension. The actions are interesting, especially
if they are closely related to sinful acts, night entertainment, transgender, difference of religious
ideologies, even those related to orders related to
worship house.
Starting from discourses on purification
movement as well as any actions conducted by mass
or members of FPI, this organization is very interesting to explore from empirical dimension. For example, based on phylosophically logical dimension in
conflicts (Hidayatullah, 2008) as well as symbolically
Islamic movements (Al-Zastrouw Ng, 2006), it is
proven that FPI is phenomenal. It is why medias,
disregarding their ideologies, always get sufficient
reportings either at negative or positive side.
This study is directed to study on purification movement or religious radicalism empirically.
However, it only emphasizes on media coverage
related to the movement in order to describe media construction on socio-political realities currently
developing.
Question of research and Research objectives
Question of research includes: 1) How
media performs news construction to FPI versus
AKKBB conflict to case of enjoinment of Ahmadiyah teaching? 2) How implementation religion
teaching purification movement in pluralism state?
3) How media places relationship between state
and religious organization as a civil society strength
to support of harmonious believers life?
Research objectives are 1) to know news
construction to FPI versus AKKBB conflict to
case of enjoinment of Ahmadiyah teaching. 2) To
know media construction to implementation religion teaching purification movement in pluralism
state. 3) To know media construction in placing
relationship between state and religious organization as a civil society strength in supporting of harmonious believers life.

PDF created with pdfFactory Pro trial version www.pdffactory.com

Priyowidodo, Reporting on ‘Monas Incident’ in the Mass Media Construction

Research Method
Research method is with Discourse Analysis (van Dijk, 1998; Fairclough and Wodak, 1997)
media news about FPI. Media elected is Suara
Pembaruan Daily and Republika Daily at edition
2-12 June 2008).
In this discourse analysis, problem level
defines analysis level and also applied research
method (Hamad, 2004). The problem level is sociocultural practice, its analysis level is macro, the
method is literature, assisted by depth interviews
with a number of social and political experts.
Whereas for discourse practice, its analysis level
is meso, its research method is depth interview
with media executives assisted by literature and
finally its problem level is text, analysis level is micro
and its research method is eclective text. Special
for this study, the researcher focuses on news text
on actions taken by FPI. The observed components include thematic (text), schematic (text),
semantic (background, paragraph), syntax
(sentence), stylistic (word) and rectories (metaphore, disclaimer). All news can be read in below
table:
Finding and Discussion
FPI as Organization Profile
Coinciding with 63rd anniversary of the Independence Day for the Republic of Indonesia, a
number of Habib, ulama (Islamic scholars), located in Pondok Pesantren Al Um, Kampung

135

Utan, Ciputat, Jakarta, declared the establishment
of organization named Front Pembela Islam.
According to Al-Zastrouw (2006, in Husnaini,
2006)), there are three matters motivating the establishment of FPI including, first, long sufferings
experienced by Indonesian Islamic community as
a consequence of violation to human rights conducted by the controllers. Second, obligation for
each muslim to keep and to defend Islamic grade
and status as well a Islamic community. Third,
obligation for each muslim to maintain goods and
to prevent sinful actions. Based on those three
matters, FPI made physical pressure to fight against
any sinful actions directly.
It is not surprising that they continuously
practice coercive actions to clean existing sinful
actions. Started from investigating actions related
to slaughtering of several ulamas, kyai, ustadz,
and Islamic teachers in Central Java and East Java,
they continued by appeal on Jihad to ninja troops
(October 1998), violence actions continue. Finally,
the submitted their aspirations directly to Special
Session of People’s Consultative Assembly
(MPR) on November 13, 1998 with seven demands as follows: (1). Annulment of Pancasila as
sole ideology, (2). Annullment of P4, (3). Annulment of Five Packages of Political Laws, (4). Annulment of Dual-Functions of ABRI from Legislative and Executive Bodies, (5). Human rights appreciation, (6). Responsibility of former President
of the Republic of Indonesia Soeharto, (7). Apology of Golkar as Responsible Party for the New
Order.

Table 2. News Title which be Analyzed
No.

Suara Pembaruan edition News Title

1.

2 June 2008

2.

3 June 2008

”Tumpas Premanisme”
”Habib Riziq Harus Bertanggungjawab”

3.

3 June 2008

”Pemerintah Harus Bubarkan FPI”

4.

5 June 2008

”Habib Rizieq Ditahan Munarwan Diminta
Menyerah”

5.

5 June 2008

“Kaum Muda Tolak Kekerasan Agama Mendagri
Tegur FPI dan AKKBB”

6.

6 June 2008

“Munarman "Dilindungi" Petinggi (Judul kecil
dikolom samping: Dekat dgn ormas Keagamaan)”

7.

7 June 2008

“Kekerasan Monas Tidak Terkait Ahmadiyah”

PDF created with pdfFactory Pro trial version www.pdffactory.com

136

Jurnal Ilmu Komunikasi, Volume 8, Nomor 2, Mei - Agustus 2010, halaman 131 - 142
Republika Daily
No.

Republika edition

News Title

1.

2 June 2008

“Masyarakat Diimbau tak Lakukan Provokasi”

2.

4 June 2008

“Akar Masalahnya Ahmadiyah: Pemerintah Dinilai
Tidak Tegas terhadap Ahmadiyah”

3.

5 June 2008

“Umat Islam Diminta Bersatu: Semua Pimpinan
Ormas Diharapkan Menahan Diri”

4.

6 June 2008

“14 OKP: Jangan Ada Diskriminasi, Pemerintah
Seharusnya mencermati Akar Masalah”

5.

7 June 2008

”Uztadz Jeffry:Sby harus Adil”

6.

10 June 2008

“Aktifitas Ahmadiyah Dilarang”

7.

11 June 2008

“Ajak Pengikut Ahmadiyah Kembali: SKB Perlu
Aturan Penjelas”

8.

12 June 2008

, “NU Siap Dakwahi Ahmadiyah, MUI akan
membentuk tim Pemantau Pelaksanaan SKB”

Souce : Suara Pembaruan Daily

In 2004, FPI gained praise when tsunami
disaster attacked Nanggroe Aceh Darussalam, in
which FPI immediately sent volunteers. FPI got
good name as volunteers staying for most time and
ready to be assigned in most serious areas including to keep the holiness of Great Mosque
Baiturrahman, Aceh. However, such good name
did not last for a long time. After social actions in
Aceh, they again took violence actions. Finally, it
occurred on June 1, 2008. FPI mass attacked
those of Aliansi Kebangsaan untuk Kebebasan
Beragama dan Berkeyakinan (AKK-BB) those
mostly consist of mothers and children around
Monas (National Monument). Mass of AKK-BB,
at that time, was at demonstration protest Joint
Decree on Ahmadiyah. Not only hitting people,
mass of FPI also damaged cars parked around
the location.
Although the leader of FPI Habib Muhammad Rizieq Shihab had once been arrested
and put on trial at Central Jakarta District Court
on April – May 2003, all those matters never
shifted or weakened militancy of its troops or
members to take violence actions. In fact, who
are members of this organization? According to
Al-Zastrouw, as quoted by Husaini (2006), its
membership is actually classified into four categories. First, habaib and alim ulama. They are elite

group in FPI being leaders as well as policy directors for other members of FPI. Second, intellectual and academician group consisting of university students, lecturers, and researchers from nonreligious people. Third, hoodlums and street boys.
Members of this group are recruited by leaders of
FPI through personal approach and then directed
to conduct sweeping, invasions, and demonstrations fighting against sinful acts. Fourth, common
people, namely any people usually active in islamic
forums held by FPI.
In fact, for the implementation of all field
actions in field, FPI strengthened itself by paramilitary troops called Laskar Pembela Islam (Islam Defender Soldiers). Its command structure is
equal to that applicable to soldiers. It is started
from the highest level to the lowest one.
IMAM BESAR (GREAT LEADER) and
His Vice = The Highest Leader of Troops from
the rank in LPI, IMAM (LEADER) = Commander
of troops for several provinces, WALI (GUARDIAN) =Commander of troops equal to level I/province, leader at this level is usually called specified
regional War Commander, QOID = Commander
of troops for either regency or municipality level,
AMIR = Commander of troops at sub-district
level, generally the head of several rois, ROIS =
Commander at Village level, each group consists

PDF created with pdfFactory Pro trial version www.pdffactory.com

Priyowidodo, Reporting on ‘Monas Incident’ in the Mass Media Construction

of minimum 22 people. In case of more, it will be
divided into other rois, JUNDI = New member
without rank.
Ironically, although they know the structure of LPI/FPI, security aparatus or soldiers took
no actions but paying close attention when FPI
acted. The question is, is it right that TNI (Indonesian Military Forces) backups all FPI’s activities? If yes, they do, it becomes clearer why security apparatus often control without concrete actions when members of FPI acted.
News construction to FPI versus AKKBB
conflict to case of enjoinment of Ahmadiyah
teaching
Post June 1, 2008 incident, Republika
and Suara Pembaruan created different news
frequencies. Republika (8 news) and Suara
Pembaruan (7 news). It means that such different numbers emphasize not only different level of
attention but also indicate what agenda played in
related to this issue. Monas incident on June 1,
2008 was actually a common demonstration. Just
like other demonstrations held in Indonesia. However, since AKKBB brought a theme related to
the freedom of religious life and it was interpreted
as pro-Ahmadiyah, a conflict was unavoidable.
What happened on June 1, 2008 morning
had added a series of violence conducted by some
members of FPI. Various reactions shown by
Suara Pembaruan created a stigma that the organization lead by Habib Rizieq should be responsible for this. From rethorical dimension, it was
close to what Governor of Lembaga Pertahanan
Nasional (Lemhanas) (National Defense Agency)
Muladi said:
“Habib Rizieq must be summoned and responsible the incident proportionally so that such
conflict will not happen in future. It is sufficiently
critical. Just summon Habib Rizieq within 3 x 24
hours for handing over the actor. In case such action was not taken, the Police should find the acter
itself for enforcement proportionally,” said Muladi
in Jakarta, Tuesday (6/3).
About 24 organizations joined in Gerakan
Masyarakat Pembubaran FPI (GMPF) (People Movement for FPI Dissolution) said if the gov-

137

ernment had sufficient evidences to dissolve FPI.
“If the government is assertive, coercive actions
to dissolve it can be taken,” confirmed GMPF that
was signed by 38 names. The GMPF coalition
consists of, among others, GP Ansor, Baitul
Muslimin Indonesia, PBNU, YLBHI, Garda
Bangsa, PMII, PMKRI, PPA, GMNI, Barisan
Merah Putih, National Leadership Institute,
Gema Budhi, PSIK Paramadina and Setara
Institute, (Suara Pembaruan, June 3).
It must be acknowledged that stimulant
factor why FPI coercively dispersed the demonstration in Monas was related to the State’s uncertainty on Ahmadiyah. Ahmadiyah is considered
as non-Islamic ideology since its practices deviate
from Islamic teaching. At that time, the government was in process to issue a regulation at level
of Joing Decree between Minister of Religious
Affairs having authorities on religious affairs and
Minister of Domestic Affairs having authorities on
social order. Both must be synchronized for easy
implementation.
In fact, FPI found the momentum on June
1, 2008 when AKKBB held such action where it
included elements of Ahmadiyah. It was regarded
as a form of protection to Ahmadiyah. While waiting for the governmental decree related to this issue, the government, in fact, was very slow. It is
why, in line with militancy of the FPI’s struggle,
this problem was solved by itself by coercively
dispersing the demonstration.
Republika contains at least 115 pragraph
news (3 June 2008-12 June 2008). But all the
headlines directed to adjust the Ahmadiyah in a
weak position or blame. Monas incident occurred
because the Ahmadiyah is a stimulant factornya.
Certainly this is very different, with emphasis given
by the Suara Pembaruan.
Of course, by semantic, the incident did
not come in accident. There is a background, detil
of event being basis why the incident happened.
However, once more, 90 paragraphs of the news
created by Suara Pembaruan explored no reasons of the incident. FPI attacked AKKBB due
to element of Ahmadiyah in AKKBB. Why should
Ahmadiyah be the reason? Suara Pembaruan
also did not disclose it clearly. However, by stylistic, the demand is clarified. Munawarwan who was

PDF created with pdfFactory Pro trial version www.pdffactory.com

138

Jurnal Ilmu Komunikasi, Volume 8, Nomor 2, Mei - Agustus 2010, halaman 131 - 142

the Commander of Islamic Troops for Front
Pembela Islam component would surrender if the
government dissolve Ahmadiyah (Suara
Pembaruan, June 7, 2008). Sure is different from
the Republika, that the root problem of this conflict is the Ahmadiyah (Republika, June 4, 2008).
Why be a factor stimulant Ahmadiyah conflict?
According Rosadi (2008) that the FPI considered
infidels if someone is committing an offense in beliefs, deeds and words. One of the violations it is
believed the apostles after Muhammad. Relevance
here, why FPI is not very tolerant of Ahmadiyah.
Because, acknowledges the existence of the
prophet after Muhammad (ie Mirzha Ghulam
Ahmad of India). The comparation of news and
paragraph both newspapers as below table :
At this level, these two medias had different touching points. Republika emphasized that
Monas incident was not an independent problem.
As if it wished to get justification, it confirmed that
Monas incident is a reflection of liberal movement
and dogmatic movement manifesting their fights
(Republika, June 3, 2008).
Table 3 : Amount of News
8.5

News

8
7.5

Media construction to implementation religion
teaching purification movement in pluralism
state.

7
6.5
Suara Pembaruan

Republika

Newspaper

Table 4: Amount of Paragraph

Paragraph

The root is the government did not take
clear position towards Ahmadiyah. Moreover,
rethorically, Republika stated:
“The Government of Indonesia is in a tremble after interventions of four countries so that it
does not brave enough to take a stance towards
Ahmadiyah. A member of Wantimpres (President
Consideration Board) could humiliate an ulama
before public with such vulgar words: opportunist, insolent, etc. We applauded in respect. Moreover, by the power of money, they could advertise
anywhere by accusing others as threats for Indonesia. Islamic people were crashed to the state:
obsolete voice of Soeharto’s regime. Paranoid and
evil” (Republika, June 3, 2008). Overcoming such
situations, Muslims must unite (Republika, June 5
2008).
Ahmadiyah is a stream of Islam from Lahore (India) and came to Indonesia in 1925. In
fact, Rabithah Alam al Islami of Pakistan declared Ahmadiyah as non-Islam in 1974, therefore, Indonesian Islamic scholars (ulama) struggle to do the same. It is why several hardline Islamic gorups by their purification spirits are very
intollerant to Ahmadiyah that is regarded as nonIslam. It is the reason why FPI intensely requested
the government to dissolve Ahmadiyah. If we study
the thematic and semantic dimensions, Monas incident will be clear.

140
120
100
80
60
40
20
0
Suara Pembaruan
Newspaper

Republika

Regretting statements related to Monas
incident on June 1, 2008 came from all domestic
community’s elements. Nahdlatul Ulama, GP
Ansor, DPR, Umat Bergama, Mahkamah
Konstitusi (Supreme Court on Constitution), to
common people. They assumed the state was
weak to face FPI. Such illustration is clearly given
by Suara Pembaruan and Republika (June 3,
2008) stating that that action is gansterism and the
state let it (June 5, 2008). But, Republika only
mentions that people are suggested not to provoke.
Managing pluralistic state is not easy. The
government is impossible to pay close attention to

PDF created with pdfFactory Pro trial version www.pdffactory.com

Priyowidodo, Reporting on ‘Monas Incident’ in the Mass Media Construction

Figure 1
Exp: example of any actions conducted by mass
or members of FPI,

one faction or one group only. It is why purification movement must be placed in such diversity
corridor. The State’s task is to protect all religion
followers. By syntax, it was what Sri Sultan said
that commitment of this nation founders was establishing this country not on behalf of ethnic
groups, religion, race, and group. Indonesia is
based on awareness and availability to multicultural/
plurality conditions. “Bhinneka Tunggal Ika (Diversity in Unity) is not only a slogan but must be
implemented as a guide of national and state lives,”
(Suara Pembaruan, June 3, 2008).
Any organization bringing purification
themes may be in and not rude (Republika June
6, 2010). International world was also sympathetic
to the said incident on June 1, 2008. Rethorically,
US Embassy of Jakarta stated that “Such bad
action will seriously impact on the freedom on religious life and gathering in Indonesia, as well as
increase any worries on security.”
However, such rethorical dimension was
closed by syntax that US Embassy welcomed the
statement of President Susilo Bambang
Yudhoyono requesting to take legal actions agains
them who should be responsible to the violence.
“We insisted the Government of Indonesia to uphold the freedom of religious lives for all its citizens as mandated by the constitution,” stated the
US Embassy (Suara Pembaruan, June 3, 2008).
Figure 1, 2 and 3 show some violence actions in
Monas Tragedy on June 1st 2008.
Media construction in placing relationship
between state and religious organization as a civil

139

society strength in supporting of harmonious believers life.
In Indonesia, religion and state have special relationship. Although Indonesia is the biggest
muslim country on the world but Islam is not the
State religion. Indonesia acknowledges six religions
including Islam, Christian, Catholic, Hindu, Buddha and Konghucu. The State protects all religion
followers. It is why Pancasila is a principle for all.
By syntax dimension, Suara Pembaruan (June
3, 2008) clearly emphasized that:
“Pancasila upholds pluralism in the frame
of Unity State of the Republic of Indonesia, diversity in unity. The first principle of Pancasila
clearly states Ketuhanan Yang Maha Esa (the
Great Unity of God). Meaning that each person
may select them own belief and each person must
respect other’s belief. Forcing one religion to other
is contradictory to Pancasila”.
Religious organization may grow well in
Indonesia. Formally, Islam has MUI (Majelis
Ulama Indonesia) (the Council of Indonesian Islamic Scholars), Christian has PGI (Persekutuan
Gereja-Gereja di Indonesia) (the Alliance of Indonesian Churches), Catholic has KWI
(Konferensi Waligereja Indonesia) (the Conference of Indonesian Church Guardians), Hindu has
PHDI (Parisada Hindu Darma Indonesia), Buddha has Walubi and Konghucu has MAKIN.
Outside those organizations, there are many other
religious organizations. All may express their respective roles and functions.
Religion is a power of civil society to provide awareness and enlightenment for all citizens.
Therefore, the state must open sufficiently conducive public room for them. The state is no more
relevant to create repressive condition that only
reduces creativity spirit of its people’s organization. If the State has arranged and provided freedom, and then certain group deviates, it will be
the State’s duty to take clear action. The State
stands on all groups. Suara Pembaruan and
Republika quoted opinion of Haris Ashar, an activist of Kontras (Komisi Orang Hilang dan
Tindak Kekerasan) (Commission for Missing
Person and Violence):
“Currently, the government is impressed to
let people joining organization always haunting free-

PDF created with pdfFactory Pro trial version www.pdffactory.com

140

Jurnal Ilmu Komunikasi, Volume 8, Nomor 2, Mei - Agustus 2010, halaman 131 - 142

dom of religious life and bliefe, even in democracy. “The government may not only arrest people conducting violence but also analyze ideology
of their organization. If ideology of the organization is anti-democracy and –pluralism, it must be
annulled,” he said while requesting the government
firmly protects pluralism.
In case of such civil society strengthening,
Suara Pembaruan explicitly has opinion that any
organization contradictory to justice spirit with
hoodlum style must be destroyed (June 2, 2008).
On the contrary, Republika emphasizes to not
easy judge organization. By semantic, this media
has opinion:
“It is the easies way to voice and to act
‘disolve, imprison, arrest, capital punishment’ Islam-labelled people. Moreover, it is easier to say
‘harming plurality and not suitable to democratic
and humanity values’. Even in Indonesia. The ruling parties, military generals, mass media, business world, and NGO activists are controlled more
by any people far from Islamic voices. They could
be Muslims. However, they live in different atmosphere or are tempted by financial flow and scholar
facilities or travels to various countries in international forums”.
Confirmations of the two medias clearly
show their interests or ideologies. Suara
Pembaruan (Christian) clearly shows anxiety to
inequity. Whereas Republika (Islam) as majority
also enjoyed no specialities. Both of them are running their respective agendas to conduct ideological investigation to find their common enemy. If
national elements live in distrust, all of us will suffer damages.
Conclusion
The conclusion of this research is : Firstly,
news construction a media is very determined by
media ideology. Suara Pembaruan (Christian
Values) emphasize that FPI performs harshness
to people rights in implementing latitudinarian.
Republika (Islamic Values) assess that FPI does
not make harshness but is implementing practice
of Islam teaching purification. Second, practices
of religion teaching purification do not represent
wrong action. But its mechanism, according to

both medias must still at adhering law. Third, state
is assessed very irresolute in implementing of its
function. State does not give enough protection to
weak people. State, ought to have pattern of wellequilibrium relationship with civil society organizations, as manifestation of democratic state. And
finally, researcher awares that this research has a
limitation. This study is only focused on two medias which have different ideology. For the next
research must be aimed to combination of neutral
media and also different method.
Acknowledgements
I would like to give acknowledge the support provided by Hassan Abubakar, Ph.D and Prof
Che Su bt Mustaffa, Ph.D. as inspiring persons
to research. I want to thank Prayudi, Ph.D for his
useful comment of earlier version of this paper and
also for Henny SPW, MA as proofreader. R. Alexander Mallian for assistance with the research
reported in this article, and also to all collegians
in Communication Depart. Petra Christian University, Surabaya.
Bibliography
Al-Zastrouw Ng., 2006, Gerakan Islam Simbolik:
politik kepentingan FPI, Yogyakarta:LKiS
dalam Husnaini M., 2006, “Gerakan Islam Simbolik: politik kepentingan FPI”
resensi buku http://www.nu.or.id/
page.php?lang=id&
Aran, G., Nurit S.& Eyal A., 2008, ‘Fundamentalism and the masculine body: The case
of Jewish Ultra-Orthodox men in Israel’
Religion, Volume 38, Issue 1, March, pp
25-53
Berki, R.N., 1972, ‘Marcuse and the Crisis of
the New Radicalism: From Politics to Religion?’ The Journal of Politics, Vol. 34,
No. 1 Feb., pp. 56-92
Bungin, B., 2008., Konstruksi Sosial Media
Massa, Kekuatan Pengaruh Media
Massa, Iklan Televisi dan Keputusan
Konsumen serta Kritik terhadap Peter
L.Berger & Thomas Luckmann,
Prenada, Jakarta.

PDF created with pdfFactory Pro trial version www.pdffactory.com

Priyowidodo, Reporting on ‘Monas Incident’ in the Mass Media Construction

Calhoun, C., 1988, ‘Populist Politics, Communications Media and Large Scale Societal
Integration’ Sociological Theory, Vol. 6,
No. 2 (Autumn), pp. 219-241
Dijk, T.A.V., 1998, “Opinion and Ideologies in
the Press” in Allan Bell and Peter Garrett
Approaches to Media Discourse, Oxford, Blackwell.
Edgell, S. V. D., 1986, ‘Radicalism, Radicalization
and Recession: Britain in the 1980s’ The
British Journal of Sociology, Vol. 37, No.
4 (Dec), pp. 479-512
Farida, A.R., 2004, Konstruksi realitas Islam
Liberal dalam media cetak : Analisis
Framing Majalah Gatra dan Sabili thesis Jakarta:UI
Ghazali, A.M., 2009, ‘Menyambut Ultah NU
ke 83 NU dan Passing Over Pemikiran’
http://islamlib.com/id/artikel/nu-dan-passing-over-pemikiran/ 26/01/2009
Hamad,I., 2004, Konstruksi realitas politik
dalam media massa: studi pesan politik
dalam media cetak pada masa pemilu
1999 thesis, UI, Jakarta.
Hanifah, U., 2004, Konstruksi Ideologi Gender
Pada Majalah Wanita (Studi Analisis
Wacana Kritis Pada Majalah UMMI)
thesis (unpublished) UI, Jakarta.
Hanks, R.R., 2007, ‘Dynamics of Islam, identity,
and institutional rule in Uzbekistan: Constructing a paradigm for conflict resolution’
Communist and Post-Communist Studies, Volume 40, Issue 2, June, pp 209221
Hidayatullah, S., 2008, ‘Agama dan kekerasan
(Nalar Filosofis dalam Konflik Front
Pembela Islam (FPI) dan Ahmadiyah di Indonesia)’ Lap Penelitian Fak Filsafat
UGM, Yogyakarta.
Himmatul, A., 2006, ’Konstruksi realitas kebijakan
pendidikan nasional di media massa: Analisis framing terhadap wacana kebijakan
Ujian Nasional di surat kabar Kompas
http://www.digilib.ui.ac.id/opac/themes/
libri2/detail.jsp?id= 108870
Ho, Christina, 2007, ‘Muslim women’s new defenders: Women’s rights, nationalism and
Islamophobia in contemporary Australia’

141

Women’s Studies International Forum,
Volume 30, Issue 4, July-August, pp 290298
Hopf, W.H., Günter L. H., Rudolf H. W., 2008,
‘Media Violence and Youth Violence: A 2Year Longitudinal Study’ Journal of Media Psychology, Volume 20, Issue 3, pp
79-96
Mallian, R.A., 2009.. ‘Obyektifitas Pemberitaan
Kasus Konflik Ahmadiyah dengn FPI di
Suratkabar Nasional’, thesis (unpublished)
Fikom-UK Petra, Surabaya.
Muhtadi, B., 2009, ‘The Quest for Hizbut Tahrir
in Indonesia’ Asian Journal of Social Science 37 pp 623–645
Mutohharun, J., 2008, ‘Dilema Gerakan
Pemurnian Islam’ Ishraqi, Jurnal
Penelitian Keislaman, 4 (1). pp. 68-87
Rosadi, A., 2008, Hitam Putih FPI, Nun Publisher, Jakarta.
Rubin, J.W., 1994, ‘COCEI in Juchitan: Grassroots Radicalism and Regional History’
Journal of Latin American Studies, Vol.
26, No. 1 (Feb., ), pp. 109-136
“Sejarah 75 Tahun Jemaat Ahmadiyah Indonesia”
Sumber: Situs Ahmadiyah www.alislam.
org.
Shepard, W., 1987, ‘Fundamentalism’ Christian
and Islamic’, Religion, Volume 17, Issue
4, October pp 355-378
Sivan, E., 1989, ‘Sunni Radicalism In The Middle
East And The Iranian Revolution’ Int. J.
Middle East Studies. 2, pp 1-30
Smith, H.D.W., 1970, ‘The Origins of Student
Radicalism in Japan’ Journal of Contemporary History, Vol. 5, No. 1, Generations in Conflict, pp. 87-103
Stark, R., 1964, ‘Class, Radicalism, and Religious Involvement in Great Britain’ American Sociological Review, Vol. 29, No. 5
(Oct.), pp 698-706
Subandini, N.S., 2001, Pemberitaan surat kabar
terhadap masalah Aceh (analisa isi terhadap
masalah gerakan Aceh merdeka pada
harian umum Waspada dan harian umum
Kompas) Thesis, UI, Jakarta.
Vadum, M., 2009, ‘Left-Wing Radicalism in the
Church: Catholic Campaign for Human

PDF created with pdfFactory Pro trial version www.pdffactory.com

142

Jurnal Ilmu Komunikasi, Volume 8, Nomor 2, Mei - Agustus 2010, halaman 131 - 142

Development’. Human Events, The Week
of October 19.
Warnaby, J., 1995, ‘A New Left-Wing Radicalism in Contemporary German Music?’
Tempo, New Series, No. 193, German
Issue (Jul., ), pp. 18-26.
Media
Detiknews, 2008. June 1
ht t p://jurnal.pdii.lipi.go.id/inSdex.php/
Search.html?act=tampil&id=7353.
http://www.digilib.ui.ac.id/opac/themes/libri2/
detail.jsp?id=71919
http://www.digilib.ui.ac.id/opac/themes/libri2/
detail.jsp?id=75063
Republika, 2008, “14 OKP: Jangan Ada
Diskriminasi, Pemerintah Seharusnya
mencermati Akar Masalah” June 6
Republika, 2008, “Umat Islam Diminta Bersatu:
Semua Pimpinan Ormas Diharapkan
Menahan Diri” June 5.
Republika, 2008, “Ajak Pengikut Ahmadiyah
Kembali: SKB Perlu Aturan Penjelas”
June 11.
Republika, 2008, “Akar Masalahnya Ahmadiyah:
Pemerintah Dinilai Tidak Tegas terhadap
Ahmadiyah” June 4.

Republika, 2008, “Aktifitas Ahmadiyah Dilarang”
June 10.
Republika, 2008, “Masyarakat Diimbau tak
Lakukan Provokasi” June 2,
Republika, 2008, “NU Siap Dakwahi Ahmadiyah,
MUI akan membentuk tim Pemantau
Pelaksanaan SKB” June 12.
Republika, 2008, “Uztadz Jeffry:Sby harus Adil”
June 7.
Suara Pembaruan, 2008, “Habib Rizieq Ditahan
Munarwan Diminta Menyerah” June 5
Suara Pembaruan, 2008, “Kaum Muda Tolak
Kekerasan Agama Mendagri Tegur FPI
dan AKKBB” June 5.
Suara Pembaruan, 2008, “Munarman “Dilindungi”
Petinggi (Judul kecil dikolom samping:
Dekat dgn ormas Keagamaan)” June 6
Suara Pembaruan, 2008, “Tumpas Premanisme”
June 2
Suara Pembaruan, 2008, “Habib Riziq Harus
Bertanggungjawab” June 3
Suara Pembaruan, 2008, “Kekerasan Monas
Tidak Terkait Ahmadiyah” June 7
Suara Pembaruan, 2008, “Pemerintah Harus
Bubarkan FPI” June 3
TEMPO Interaktif, 2008, “10 Organisasi Unjuk
Rasa Tuntut Pembubaran FPI” Selasa,
June 3
www.hidayatullah.com, 2008, June 10

PDF created with pdfFactory Pro trial version www.pdffactory.com