Directory UMM :Data Elmu:jurnal:N:Nutrition And Food Science:Vol30.Issue2.2000:
Americans spend a vast proportion of their
waking hours watching television. For
instance, children aged 2-11 are estimated to
watch television for three hours, 17 minutes
daily, or over 22 hours weekly (Nielsen Media
Research, 1998). Adolescents (12-17 years
old) in the USA watch more than 20 hours of
television every week (Nielsen Media
Research, 1998). TV, a powerful and
persuasive teacher, socializes children and
teens and teaches them knowledge, attitudes,
and behaviors about a variety of subjects
including nutrition and health (Dan, 1992;
American Dietetic Association, 1997;
Bandura, 1977; Prabhu et al., 1996). These
lessons are not always consistent with
practices parents and educators teach and in
some cases these lessons can result in
dangerous and destructive behavior (Medved,
1998; Anonymous, 1993; 1994; 1996; Willis
and Strasburger, 1998). Children believe a
majority of the health messages
communicated via advertisements regardless
of the truthfulness of the messages (Lewis and
Lewis, 1975). Additionally, television
advertising creates misperceptions among
children about the behaviors needed to
maintain good health (Donohue, 1975) and
the nutritional value of advertised foods (e.g.
fast foods) versus foods available at home
(Donohue et al., 1978). Frequent television
watching also may influence youngsters'
eating behaviors in many ways including food
purchases, preferences, and intake (Gorn and
Goldberg, 1982; Galst and White, 1976;
Galst, 1980; Goldberg et al., 1978; Taras et
al., 1989; Scammon and Christopher, 1981;
Peterson et al., 1984; Jeffrey et al., 1982;
Clancy-Hepburn et al., 1974). Television
viewing not only appears to affect energy
intake, this sedentary activity affects output as
well. Researchers have reported a positive
correlation between body fatness and extent
of television watching (Dietz and Gortmaker,
1985; Gortmaker et al., 1990). A positive
correlation also has been noted between
children and teens' blood cholesterol levels
and hours spent viewing television
(Goldsmith, 1990).
If television programming can influence the
dietary, exercise, and other health behaviors
of children and teens thereby increasing
health risks, it is vital that nutrition educators
Trends in US prime-time
television food
advertising across
three decades
Carol Byrd-Bredbenner and
Darlene Grasso
The authors
Carol Byrd-Bredbenner is Professor of Nutrition at
Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey, NJ, USA.
Darlene Grasso is a Master's Candidate at Montclair
State University, NJ, USA.
Keywords
Television, Children, Nutrition, Diet
Abstract
The purpose of this study was to describe the content of
food advertisements broadcast during prime-time
network programs and determine what changes have
occurred over the last 30 years. The sample comprised
foods advertisements (N = 38, N = 31, N = 91, N = 105,
N = 108) from 1971, 1977, 1988, 1992 and 1998,
respectively. Of the commercials shown in 1977, 1988,
1992 and 1998, 31, 35, 20, and 15 per cent, respectively,
were for food advertisements (data were unavailable for
1971). Using simple linear regression, the hourly rate for
total commercials is increasing significantly (p = 0.04) by
1.4 commercials per hour each year. However, the hourly
rate for food advertisements is not changing over time in
a statistically significant fashion. There is very strong
evidence of an association between the type of food
advertised and year (chi-square = 62.691, p < 0.001). The
top four categories contributing to the chi-square are:
restaurants, low-nutrient beverages, protein-rich foods,
and breads and cereals which, together, account for 75
per cent of the chi-square value. For the past three
decades, the ``prime-time diet'' has comprised mostly low
nutrient density foods that are promoted by slender,
healthy actors.
Electronic access
The current issue and full text archive of this journal is
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Nutrition & Food Science
Volume 30 . Number 2 . 2000 . pp. 59±66
# MCB University Press . ISSN 0034-6659
The authors wish to acknowledge Janis E. White,
PhD, for her statistical assistance.
59
Trends in US prime-time television food advertising
Nutrition & Food Science
Volume 30 . Number 2 . 2000 . 59±66
Carol Byrd-Bredbenner and Darlene Grasso
know what messages related to nutrition and
health are presented on television. Several
previous studies have examined the nutrition
content in children's programs aired on
Saturday mornings (Gerbner et al., 1981) and
the commercials shown during those
programs (Gerbner et al., 1981; Gussow,
1972; Cotugna, 1988; Brown, 1976; Kotz
and Story, 1994). Children, however, do not
limit their television viewing to Saturday
mornings. In fact, in the USA, children and
teens alike spend a large portion of their
viewing time watching prime-time
programming (i.e. programming broadcast
from 8:00 p.m. to 11:00 p.m. Monday
through Saturday and 7:00 p.m. to 11:00
p.m. Sunday) (Nielsen Media Research,
1998). And prime time has the highest
advertising costs and viewing rates by all age
groups (Nielsen Media Research, 1998).
While some studies have investigated
nutrition messages embedded in prime-time
commercials (Gorn and Goldberg, 1982;
Scammon and Christopher, 1981; Jeffrey et
al., 1982; Clancy-Hepburn et al., 1974;
Kurman, 1977), none could be located that
reported data less than ten years old. In
addition, no studies comparing the nutrition
messages embedded in prime-time television
commercials broadcast over a span of years
could be located.
Given the near omnipresence of television
in American homes, it is important that we
continue to examine the nutrition information
provided via this medium. Thus, the purpose
of this study was to describe the food
advertisements broadcast in the USA during
prime-time network programs in 1992 and
1998 and to compare findings with data
collected in 1971 (Cuozzo, 1971), 1977
(Kurman, 1977), and 1988 (Story and
Faulkner, 1990) to determine the trends that
have occurred over the last three decades.
During each October, a total of 17.5 hours
of prime-time television programs were
videotaped. This included 29 30-minute
programs and three 60-minute programs in
1992, and 17 30-minute programs and nine
60-minute programs in 1998. The
videotaping during both sampling periods
occurred over a period of two weeks, rather
than a single week, because some programs
were pre-empted or not scheduled for the
selected sampling week.
Although all commercials were recorded,
only those advertisements for foods and
beverages (referred to as food advertisements)
intended for human consumption are
reported here. Data for each food
advertisement were recorded by one
researcher and, for the sake of comparison,
classified according to Story and Faulkner's
(1990) categories. The coding was checked
for inter-observer reliability by double coding
all the food advertisements by a second
researcher. Any discrepancies were resolved
to reach unanimous agreement. To establish
intra-observer reliability, the two researchers
independently viewed and coded the
commercials in 60 minutes of prime-time
programs that were not part of the sample
twice, two weeks apart. The intra-observer
agreement rate for all commercials was 0.93
and 0.92 for the two researchers, indicating a
high degree of consistency.
Data for 1971 were derived by classifying
the 38 food advertisements that were reported
by Cuozzo (1971) according to the food
categories established by Story and Faulkner
(1990). These advertisements were aired
during seven hours of regularly scheduled,
prime-time network serial programs shown in
autumn 1971. Similarly, data for 1977 were
derived by categorizing the food
advertisements reported by Kurman (1977).
Kurman's study included 31 food
advertisements recorded during ten hours of
regularly scheduled, prime-time series
broadcast on network television in spring
1977. Data for 1988 were compiled by Story
and Faulkner (1990). Their study included
91 food advertisements that were collected
from 14 hours of regularly scheduled, primetime series shown on network television
during summer 1988. Procedures for
selecting, videotaping, and evaluating data
from 1971, 1977, and 1988 were similar to
those used for 1992 and 1998 and are
reported in more detail elsewhere (Kurman,
Methodology
Top-rated prime-time network programs for
October 1992 and October 1998, determined
using Nielsen Media Research season to date
rankings to mid-October of these two years,
were recorded. By limiting data collection to
regularly scheduled series aired on network
television, it was possible to compare this
study's findings with earlier studies (Kurman,
1977; Cuozzo, 1971; Story and Faulkner,
1990).
60
Trends in US prime-time television food advertising
Nutrition & Food Science
Volume 30 . Number 2 . 2000 . 59±66
Carol Byrd-Bredbenner and Darlene Grasso
1977; Cuozzo, 1971; Story and Faulkner,
1990).
A z-statistic (Snedecor and Cochran,
1989) was calculated to determine if
significant differences occurred in time
allocated to commercial time and proportion
of commercial time devoted to food
advertisements in 1992 and 1998. Linear
regression and a t-statistic (Neter et al., 1989)
were used to establish whether hourly rates
for commercial time and for food
advertisements have steadily changed. To
determine whether changes in food
advertisements had occurred, a chi-square
statistic (Fienberg, 1985) was used to
compare the distribution of categories of
foods advertised reported by Cuozzo (1971),
Kurman (1977), and Story and Faulkner
(1990) with current findings.
8.61 SD seconds) and 1998 (22.09
10.11SD seconds). In addition, the mean
length of food advertisements in 1992
compared to 1998 (i.e. 24.52 7.32 SD
seconds and 24.21 8.21 SD seconds,
respectively) was not significantly different.
Of the commercials shown in 1977, 1988,
1992 and 1998, 31, 35, 20 and 15 per cent,
respectively, were for food advertisements
(data were unavailable for 1971). Using
simple linear regression, the hourly rate for
total commercials is increasing significantly
(t-statistic = 4.889, p = 0.04) by 1.4
commercials per hour each year. However,
the hourly rate for food advertisements is not
changing over time in a statistically significant
fashion. Figure 1 shows how the percentage of
food advertisements shown has changed over
time. The proportion of commercials that
were food advertisements may have declined
in the past decade; however, rate per hour of
food advertisements has held steady at
approximately six for the last ten years. Thus,
viewers are seeing the same number of food
advertisements but are also seeing a larger
total number of advertisements for other
goods and services.
During the past 20 years, the total number
of commercials per hour has jumped from 11
per hour to 40 (see Table I). This trend can
be attributed to two factors. The first factor is
the elimination of the voluntary Code
Authority of the National Association of
Broadcasters (NAB), the US television
industry's self-regulatory body, which in the
mid-1970s permitted only nine-and-a-half
minutes of advertising per hour of prime-time
network television (Advisory Committee on
Results
Table I indicates the number of total
commercials and food advertisements
broadcast during each year data were
collected. The length of commercials was not
recorded in earlier studies. However, in 1992,
a total of 197 minutes (19 per cent of the 17.5
hour sample) was commercial time with food
advertisements accounting for 22 per cent (43
minutes) of the commercial time. In 1998,
total commercial time rose significantly
(z-statistic = |3.331|, p < 0.001) to 258
minutes, or one-quarter of the 17.5 hour
sample, but the time allocated to food
advertisements (44 minutes) remained
virtually unchanged (z-statistic = |1.285|,
p < 0.20). There was no significant difference
in mean commercial length in 1992 (22.06
Figure 1 Percentage over time of commercials that were food
advertisements
Table I Number and rate of commercials and food advertisements shown
during prime-time television
Year
Hours sampled
Total commercials
(rate per hour)
1971a
1977b
1988c
1992
1998
7
10
14
17.5
17.5
Not reported
108 (11)
261 (26)
535 (31)
700 (40)
Food
advertisements
(rate per hour)
38
31
91
105
106
(5.4)
(3)
(6.5)
(6)
(6)
Notes
a
Data were derived from Cuozzo (1971).
b
Data were derived from Kurman (1977).
c
Data are from Story and Faulkner (1990).
61
Trends in US prime-time television food advertising
Carol Byrd-Bredbenner and Darlene Grasso
Nutrition & Food Science
Volume 30 . Number 2 . 2000 . 59±66
Public Interest, 1998). The US Justice
Department successfully challenged a
provision of the NAB's voluntary code as a
violation of antitrust law thereby causing the
NAB to abandon the entire code in 1982
(Masover, 1975). As a result, each network
determines the total amount of commercial
time they will sell per hour of broadcast time.
In the 1992 and 1998 sample, an average of
11.25 and 14.75 minutes, respectively, was
devoted to commercial time every hour. The
second factor contributing to this trend is the
decreasing length of television commercials;
the mean length of commercials declined
from 30 seconds in the mid-1970s (Masover,
1975) to approximately 22 seconds in 1998 ±
so, instead of airing only two commercials per
minute, an average of nearly three are shown.
Table II presents a comparison of the types
of foods advertised as a percentage of total
food advertisements on network television in
1971, 1977, 1988, 1992 and 1998. There is
very strong evidence of an association
between the type of food advertised and year
(chi-square = 62.691, p < 0.001). The top
four categories contributing to the chi-square
are: restaurants, low-nutrient beverages,
protein-rich foods, and breads and cereals.
Together, these four categories account for 75
per cent of the chi-square value. The largest
contribution comes from the restaurants
category where advertising is much higher
than the last decade. During the 1970s,
advertisements for restaurants were virtually
nonexistent; yet for the past ten years,
restaurant advertisements have occurred
more frequently than any other food category.
Currently, advertisements for fast food and
family style restaurants, combined, represent
nearly four in every ten advertisements. In
general, the fast foods advertised in 1988 (i.e.
hamburgers, fried chicken, pizza) (Story and
Faulkner, 1990) tended to be the same as
those advertised in 1992 and 1998. However,
while fast food breakfast sandwiches were
advertised in 1988 (Story and Faulkner,
1990), they did not appear in the sampled
advertisements from either 1992 or 1998. In
addition, as in 1988, none of the fast food
restaurants advertised the availability of salads
or salad bars in 1992 or 1998 (Story and
Faulkner, 1990).
The next largest contribution to the chisquare value is from low-nutrient beverages.
The larger than expected number of
advertisements for regular soft drinks in 1971
and 1977 is the basis for this. The third
largest contribution to the chi-square value is
from protein-rich foods. Evidence of this
association comes primarily from the absence
of such advertisements in 1988.
Finally, breads and cereals contribute
almost 10 per cent of the overall chi-square
value. This is due to the large number of
advertisements for unsweetened cereals in
1988. The increase in advertisements for
unsweetened cereals in 1988 may be due to
the popularity of, and at that time largely
unregulated, marketing strategies that
included claims linking high-fiber diets and
reduced risk of certain types of cancer
(Kurtzweil, 1993; Geiger, 1998; Federal
Trade Commission, 1994). The 1990
Nutrition Labeling Education Act (NLEA)
which regulated health claims coupled with
the subsequent food advertising policy
paralleling the NLEA enacted by the Federal
Trade Commission in 1994 may have
contributed to the decline in unsweetened
cereal advertisements in the 1990s. It is also
interesting to note that the rate at which
breads and cereals were advertised was fairly
constant from 1971 to 1992, ranging from 20
to 26 per cent. However, in 1998, breads and
cereals were advertised half as frequently as in
early years.
Highly sweetened foods (i.e. regular soft
drinks, sugared breakfast cereals, and sweets/
desserts) were the most heavily advertised
foods in 1971 and 1977, representing 32 and
48 per cent, respectively, of all food
advertisements. The prevalence of
advertisements for highly sweetened foods
declined sharply in 1988 to 22 per cent, rose
slightly in 1992 to 28 per cent, and dropped
to 16 per cent in 1998. In the 1970s, soft
drinks dominated while in the 1980s and
1990s, sweets/desserts predominate. The
decline in advertisements for regular soft
drinks over the past two decades has not been
offset by an increase in diet soft drinks.
However, currently, low-nutrient beverages
do represent one of every six foods advertised.
Across the five data collection periods, there
was little fluctuation in the percentage of
advertisements focusing on convenience
entreÂes. For every year examined,
advertisements for dairy products, fruits and
vegetables, and protein-rich foods seldom
occurred. In fact, none of these three
categories ever represented more than 5 per
cent of the advertisements in a sampled year.
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Trends in US prime-time television food advertising
Nutrition & Food Science
Volume 30 . Number 2 . 2000 . 59±66
Carol Byrd-Bredbenner and Darlene Grasso
Table II Food advertisements shown during prime-time television by category
Type of food advertised
Restaurants
Fast food
Family style
Low-nutrient beverages
Soft drinks, regular
Soft drinks, diet
Coffee/tea
Beer/wine
Breads and cereals
Sugared breakfast cereals
Unsugared breakfast cereals
Unsweetened grain products
(e.g. breads)
Sweets/desserts
Ice-cream, frozen treats
Cake, candy, cookies, etc.
EntreÂes
Convenience entreÂes
Dairy products
Cheese
Yogurt
Milk
Fruits and vegetables
Fruits and fruit juice
Vegetables and vegetable juice
Salty snacks
Miscellaneous
Butter, margarine, oil, fats
Condiments, seasonings, ingredients
Protein-rich foods
Peanut butter
Meat, fish
Dietary supplements
1977b
1988c
1992
1998d
1971a
(n = 105,
(n = 38,
(n = 31,
(n = 91,
(n = 108,
hours = 7) hours = 10) hours = 14) hours = 17.5) hours = 17.5)
# (%)*
# (%)*
# (%)*
# (%)*
# (%)*
1 (3)
0 (0)
1 (3)
0 (0)
5
1
1
2
8
0
0
1
(13)
(3)
(3)
(5)
(24)
(0)
(0)
(3)
23 (25)
1 (1)
7
4
3
5
(8)
(4)
(3)
(5)
23 (22)
9 (9)
4
0
1
1
(4)
(0)
(1)
(1)
31 (27)
11 (10)
2
6
6
4
(2)
(5)
(5)
(4)
1 (3)
3 (8)
4 (11)
2 (6)
4 (12)
1 (3)
1 (1)
17 (19)
0 (0)
6 (6)
11 (10)
10 (10)
2 (2)
6 (5)
5 (4)
0 (0)
6 (16)
0 (0)
6 (18)
5 (5)
7 (8)
0 (0)
15 (14)
0 (0)
12 (11)
4 (11)
2 (6)
5 (5)
4 (4)
7 (6)
0 (0)
0 (0)
0 (0)
0 (0)
0 (0)
0 (0)
1 (1)
3 (3)
0 (0)
3 (3)
0 (0)
0 (0)
0 (0)
1 (1)
1 (1)
0 (0)
2 (5)
1 (3)
1 (3)
1 (3)
2 (6)
3 (3)
0 (0)
2 (2)
1 (1)
7 (7)
1 (1)
2 (2)
2 (2)
4 (4)
2 (5)
2 (5)
0 (0)
2 (6)
2 (2)
2 (2)
2 (2)
4 (4)
0 (0)
4 (4)
2 (5)
0 (0)
1 (3)
0 (0)
1 (3)
1 (3)
0 (0)
0 (0)
0 (0)
1 (1)
2 (2)
0 (0)
0 (0)
0 (0)
8 (7)
Notes
Data were derived from Cuozzo (1971).
b
Data were derived from Kurman (1977). Note: column total exceeds 31 because the source of these data reported
only 31 food advertisements; however, 33 brand name items were listed. Although it is impossible to determine
exactly why this discrepancy occurred, it is probable that two breakfast cereals were promoted in each of two
advertisements.
c
Data are from Story and Faulkner (1990).
d
Note: column total exceeds 108 because two advertisements each promoted four different foods.
* Percents do not equal 100 due to rounding.
a
Herbs, and Rite-Aid vitamin and mineral
supplements (shown thrice).
Consumer-related promotional claims,
particularly those focusing on flavor, quality,
and economy were used to promote the vast
majority of advertised foods and beverages
(99 per cent, 94 per cent and 89 per cent in
1971, 1992, and 1998, respectively). In
contrast, nutrition-related claims (e.g.
Dietary supplements are a relatively new
advertising phenomenon. Although one such
advertisement (i.e. Geritol and Carnation
Instant Breakfast) was broadcast in 1971 and
in 1977, respectively, none was noted in the
intervening years until 1998. The dietary
supplements advertised in 1998 were
Pediasure, meal substitutes (two brands),
Creatine Fuel, One-A-Day Vitamins &
63
Trends in US prime-time television food advertising
Nutrition & Food Science
Volume 30 . Number 2 . 2000 . 59±66
Carol Byrd-Bredbenner and Darlene Grasso
contains specific nutrients or ingredients,
minimizes or eliminates specific nutrients or
substances, promotes good health or
nutrition) were used much less often (35 per
cent, 43 per cent and 39 per cent of food
advertisements in 1971, 1992, and 1998,
respectively). These findings are similar to
data collected in 1988 in that the promotional
claims made in food advertisements tended to
be consumer-related with few advertisements
making nutrition-related promotional claims
(Story and Faulkner, 1990) (more specific
data were not reported). Similar data were not
available for 1977.
In 1977, 1992, and 1998, the overwhelming
majority of actors in food advertisements were
slender. Overweight persons were almost
never shown in food advertisements. (Similar
data are not available for 1971 or 1988.)
Although the actual and prime-time diets
are similar, the paucity of overweight
individuals in food advertisements is not at all
reflective of the current situation in the USA
where an estimated 97 million adults are
overweight or obese (National Institutes of
Health, 1998). This contrast raises issues
concerning the inherent, yet erroneous,
message that it is possible to consume the
calorie-laden television fare and remain
healthy and svelte. The impact of advertising
on body image and self-esteem warrants
greater study (Verri et al., 1997).
``Advertising's critics have generally held
that advertising shapes our way of life, while
advertising's defenders have argued that
advertising merely echoes existing patterns''
(Belk and Pollay, 1985, p. 888). Whether
food advertising shapes or echoes consumer
lifestyles cannot be determined from this
study; however, even if food advertisements
are only echoing lifestyles, for the past three
decades they have been reinforcing and
strengthening less than optimal eating
patterns. Alternatively, if food advertisements
are shaping lifestyles, they are advocating
dietary patterns that are not recommended by
health professionals.
The growing body of evidence that
behaviors observed on television may be
imitated or modeled by viewers underscores
the concern for the quality of health
information conveyed via television. Social
learning theory asserts that many behaviors
are acquired through observing others in the
environment (Bandura, 1977). While there is
no doubt that direct observation of significant
people in a child's immediate environment
shapes his or her behavior (e.g. regional
linguistic accents, body language), there exists
some skepticism as to whether media can
shape behavior in a manner similar to ``real
live'' people in the child's environment.
However, as Kurman (1977) so aptly points
out, many of our educational systems are
based on the premise that observational
models presented via media (e.g. The Bible,
biographies, self-help guides) can shape
behavior. Thus, because ``the visual
representations of human behavior on
television bear a greater correspondence to
`real life' persons and situations than print can
achieve, it seems logical to conclude that their
impact on behavior would be even stronger
than that of models offered in such a highly
abstract medium as print'' (Kurman, 1977,
Discussion
For the past 30 years, food advertising has
been frequently broadcast during prime-time
hours. The so-called ``prime-time diet'' has
largely comprised low-nutrient density foods,
namely fast foods, low-nutrient beverages,
sweets/desserts, and convenience entreÂes.
Advertisements for dairy products, fruits,
vegetables, and protein-rich foods were
practically nil. The ``prime-time diet'' is
strikingly similar to the actual diet of the
American population; that is, a diet high in
sugar, sodium, and fat and low in fruits,
vegetables, and whole grains (US Department
of Health and Human Services, 1988; Tippett
and Cleveland, 1999; Putnam and Allshouse,
1999). The ``prime-time diet'' also mirrors
food purchasing in that in 1998 37 per cent of
all food advertisements were for restaurants
and in 1997 Americans spent 45 per cent of
their food dollar on foods prepared outside
the home (Putnam and Allshouse, 1999). The
impact of eating away from home on
nutritional status is of concern. Between 1977
and 1995, the nutrient density of foods
prepared at home increased ± much more so
than foods prepared away from home which
tend to contain more fat and saturated fat and
less calcium, iron, and fiber (Lin et al., 1999).
Also of concern is evidence that increases in
fast food availability along with television
viewing may contribute to increasing obesity
rates in the USA (Jeffrey and French, 1998).
64
Trends in US prime-time television food advertising
Nutrition & Food Science
Volume 30 . Number 2 . 2000 . 59±66
Carol Byrd-Bredbenner and Darlene Grasso
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Donohue, T.R., Meyer, T.P. and Henke, L.L. (1978), ``Black
and white children: perceptions of television
commercials'', Journal of Marketing, Vol. 42 No. 4,
pp. 34-40.
Federal Trade Commission (1994), Enforcement Policy
Statement on Food Advertising, Federal Trade
Commission, Washington, DC.
Fienberg, S.E. (1985), The Analysis of Cross-classified
Categorical Data, 2nd ed., The MIT Press,
Cambridge, MA.
Galst, J.P. (1980), ``Television food commercials and
pro-nutritional public service announcements as
determinants of young children's snack choices'',
Child Development, Vol. 51 No. 4, pp. 935-8.
Galst, J. and White, M. (1976), ``The unhealthy persuader:
the reinforcing value of television and children's
purchase-influence attempts at the supermarket'',
Child Development, Vol. 47 No. 4, pp. 1089-94.
Geiger, C.J. (1998), ``Health claims: history, current
regulatory status, and consumer research'', Journal
of the American Dietetic Association, Vol. 98
No. 11, pp. 1312-22.
pp. 142-3). The impact of the frequent, nonrecommended health behaviors is magnified
by the hours American children and teens
spend observing televised behavior models.
A myriad researchers have called for
widespread public education programs
designed to help Americans choose a diet that
will promote health and diminish chronic
disease risk (Tippett and Cleveland, 1999;
Putnam and Allshouse, 1999; Crawford,
1988). The prevalence of health messages in
television advertising that run counter to
current recommendations coupled with the
potential impact advertisements may have on
dietary behavior suggests that this public
education should include a media literacy
component (Crawford, 1988). This
component could teach viewers to become
more cognizant of the messages they receive
via television and to critically evaluate them.
Media literacy programs are particularly
important for children because they are very
impressionable and tend to have difficulty in
both interpreting information provided via
television and distinguishing reality from
fantasy (Derksen and Strasburger, 1994;
Ambrosino, 1972; Centerwall, 1992; Condry
and Freund, 1989; Van Evra, 1998; Singer et
al., 1980). Moreover, such programs can
enable children to become critical thinkers
rather than information consumers.
Considering the ubiquity of television in
American society, the near-obsessiveness with
which it is viewed, its potential to be
``hazardous to one's health'', and the relative
absence of accurate nutrition information
from other sources, these media literacy
programs likely could be considered ``vital to
one's health''.
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65
Trends in US prime-time television food advertising
Carol Byrd-Bredbenner and Darlene Grasso
Nutrition & Food Science
Volume 30 . Number 2 . 2000 . 59±66
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negative contribution to nutrition education'',
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Medved, M. (1998), ``How TV lost children's hearts'', USA
Today, August 11, p. 11A.
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and Blood Institute, Clinical Guidelines on the
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Linear Regression Models, 2nd ed., Richard D. Irwin,
Homewood, IL.
Nielsen Media Research (1998), 1998 Report on
Television, Nielsen Media Research, New York, NY.
Peterson, P.E., Jeffrey, D.B., Bridgwater, C.A. and Dawson,
B. (1984), ``How pronutrition television
programming affects children's dietary habits'',
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pp. 55-63.
Prabhu, N.P., Duffy, L.C. and Stapleton, F.B. (1996),
``Content analysis of prime-time television medical
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and Adolescent Medicine, Vol. 150 No. 1, pp. 46-9.
Putnam, J.J. and Allshouse, J.E. (1999), Food
Consumption, Prices, and Expenditures, 1970-97,
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education with children via television: a review'',
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TV'', Journal of Communications, Vol. 30 No. 3,
pp. 84-93.
Snedecor, G.W. and Cochran, W.G. (1989), Statistical
Methods, 8th ed., Iowa State University Press,
Ames, IA.
Story, M. and Faulkner, P. (1990), ``The prime time diet: a
content analysis of eating behavior and food
messages on television program content and
commercials'', American Journal of Public Health,
Vol. 80 No. 6, pp. 738-40.
Taras, H.L., Sallis, J.F., Patterson, T.L., Nader, P.R. and
Nelson, J.A. (1989), ``Television's influence on
children's diet and physical activity'', Journal of
Developmental and Behavioral Pediatrics, Vol. 10
No. 4, pp. 176-80.
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diets stack up: comparison with dietary guidelines'',
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and Consequences, Agricultural Information Bulletin
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66
waking hours watching television. For
instance, children aged 2-11 are estimated to
watch television for three hours, 17 minutes
daily, or over 22 hours weekly (Nielsen Media
Research, 1998). Adolescents (12-17 years
old) in the USA watch more than 20 hours of
television every week (Nielsen Media
Research, 1998). TV, a powerful and
persuasive teacher, socializes children and
teens and teaches them knowledge, attitudes,
and behaviors about a variety of subjects
including nutrition and health (Dan, 1992;
American Dietetic Association, 1997;
Bandura, 1977; Prabhu et al., 1996). These
lessons are not always consistent with
practices parents and educators teach and in
some cases these lessons can result in
dangerous and destructive behavior (Medved,
1998; Anonymous, 1993; 1994; 1996; Willis
and Strasburger, 1998). Children believe a
majority of the health messages
communicated via advertisements regardless
of the truthfulness of the messages (Lewis and
Lewis, 1975). Additionally, television
advertising creates misperceptions among
children about the behaviors needed to
maintain good health (Donohue, 1975) and
the nutritional value of advertised foods (e.g.
fast foods) versus foods available at home
(Donohue et al., 1978). Frequent television
watching also may influence youngsters'
eating behaviors in many ways including food
purchases, preferences, and intake (Gorn and
Goldberg, 1982; Galst and White, 1976;
Galst, 1980; Goldberg et al., 1978; Taras et
al., 1989; Scammon and Christopher, 1981;
Peterson et al., 1984; Jeffrey et al., 1982;
Clancy-Hepburn et al., 1974). Television
viewing not only appears to affect energy
intake, this sedentary activity affects output as
well. Researchers have reported a positive
correlation between body fatness and extent
of television watching (Dietz and Gortmaker,
1985; Gortmaker et al., 1990). A positive
correlation also has been noted between
children and teens' blood cholesterol levels
and hours spent viewing television
(Goldsmith, 1990).
If television programming can influence the
dietary, exercise, and other health behaviors
of children and teens thereby increasing
health risks, it is vital that nutrition educators
Trends in US prime-time
television food
advertising across
three decades
Carol Byrd-Bredbenner and
Darlene Grasso
The authors
Carol Byrd-Bredbenner is Professor of Nutrition at
Rutgers, The State University of New Jersey, NJ, USA.
Darlene Grasso is a Master's Candidate at Montclair
State University, NJ, USA.
Keywords
Television, Children, Nutrition, Diet
Abstract
The purpose of this study was to describe the content of
food advertisements broadcast during prime-time
network programs and determine what changes have
occurred over the last 30 years. The sample comprised
foods advertisements (N = 38, N = 31, N = 91, N = 105,
N = 108) from 1971, 1977, 1988, 1992 and 1998,
respectively. Of the commercials shown in 1977, 1988,
1992 and 1998, 31, 35, 20, and 15 per cent, respectively,
were for food advertisements (data were unavailable for
1971). Using simple linear regression, the hourly rate for
total commercials is increasing significantly (p = 0.04) by
1.4 commercials per hour each year. However, the hourly
rate for food advertisements is not changing over time in
a statistically significant fashion. There is very strong
evidence of an association between the type of food
advertised and year (chi-square = 62.691, p < 0.001). The
top four categories contributing to the chi-square are:
restaurants, low-nutrient beverages, protein-rich foods,
and breads and cereals which, together, account for 75
per cent of the chi-square value. For the past three
decades, the ``prime-time diet'' has comprised mostly low
nutrient density foods that are promoted by slender,
healthy actors.
Electronic access
The current issue and full text archive of this journal is
available at
http://www.emerald-library.com
Nutrition & Food Science
Volume 30 . Number 2 . 2000 . pp. 59±66
# MCB University Press . ISSN 0034-6659
The authors wish to acknowledge Janis E. White,
PhD, for her statistical assistance.
59
Trends in US prime-time television food advertising
Nutrition & Food Science
Volume 30 . Number 2 . 2000 . 59±66
Carol Byrd-Bredbenner and Darlene Grasso
know what messages related to nutrition and
health are presented on television. Several
previous studies have examined the nutrition
content in children's programs aired on
Saturday mornings (Gerbner et al., 1981) and
the commercials shown during those
programs (Gerbner et al., 1981; Gussow,
1972; Cotugna, 1988; Brown, 1976; Kotz
and Story, 1994). Children, however, do not
limit their television viewing to Saturday
mornings. In fact, in the USA, children and
teens alike spend a large portion of their
viewing time watching prime-time
programming (i.e. programming broadcast
from 8:00 p.m. to 11:00 p.m. Monday
through Saturday and 7:00 p.m. to 11:00
p.m. Sunday) (Nielsen Media Research,
1998). And prime time has the highest
advertising costs and viewing rates by all age
groups (Nielsen Media Research, 1998).
While some studies have investigated
nutrition messages embedded in prime-time
commercials (Gorn and Goldberg, 1982;
Scammon and Christopher, 1981; Jeffrey et
al., 1982; Clancy-Hepburn et al., 1974;
Kurman, 1977), none could be located that
reported data less than ten years old. In
addition, no studies comparing the nutrition
messages embedded in prime-time television
commercials broadcast over a span of years
could be located.
Given the near omnipresence of television
in American homes, it is important that we
continue to examine the nutrition information
provided via this medium. Thus, the purpose
of this study was to describe the food
advertisements broadcast in the USA during
prime-time network programs in 1992 and
1998 and to compare findings with data
collected in 1971 (Cuozzo, 1971), 1977
(Kurman, 1977), and 1988 (Story and
Faulkner, 1990) to determine the trends that
have occurred over the last three decades.
During each October, a total of 17.5 hours
of prime-time television programs were
videotaped. This included 29 30-minute
programs and three 60-minute programs in
1992, and 17 30-minute programs and nine
60-minute programs in 1998. The
videotaping during both sampling periods
occurred over a period of two weeks, rather
than a single week, because some programs
were pre-empted or not scheduled for the
selected sampling week.
Although all commercials were recorded,
only those advertisements for foods and
beverages (referred to as food advertisements)
intended for human consumption are
reported here. Data for each food
advertisement were recorded by one
researcher and, for the sake of comparison,
classified according to Story and Faulkner's
(1990) categories. The coding was checked
for inter-observer reliability by double coding
all the food advertisements by a second
researcher. Any discrepancies were resolved
to reach unanimous agreement. To establish
intra-observer reliability, the two researchers
independently viewed and coded the
commercials in 60 minutes of prime-time
programs that were not part of the sample
twice, two weeks apart. The intra-observer
agreement rate for all commercials was 0.93
and 0.92 for the two researchers, indicating a
high degree of consistency.
Data for 1971 were derived by classifying
the 38 food advertisements that were reported
by Cuozzo (1971) according to the food
categories established by Story and Faulkner
(1990). These advertisements were aired
during seven hours of regularly scheduled,
prime-time network serial programs shown in
autumn 1971. Similarly, data for 1977 were
derived by categorizing the food
advertisements reported by Kurman (1977).
Kurman's study included 31 food
advertisements recorded during ten hours of
regularly scheduled, prime-time series
broadcast on network television in spring
1977. Data for 1988 were compiled by Story
and Faulkner (1990). Their study included
91 food advertisements that were collected
from 14 hours of regularly scheduled, primetime series shown on network television
during summer 1988. Procedures for
selecting, videotaping, and evaluating data
from 1971, 1977, and 1988 were similar to
those used for 1992 and 1998 and are
reported in more detail elsewhere (Kurman,
Methodology
Top-rated prime-time network programs for
October 1992 and October 1998, determined
using Nielsen Media Research season to date
rankings to mid-October of these two years,
were recorded. By limiting data collection to
regularly scheduled series aired on network
television, it was possible to compare this
study's findings with earlier studies (Kurman,
1977; Cuozzo, 1971; Story and Faulkner,
1990).
60
Trends in US prime-time television food advertising
Nutrition & Food Science
Volume 30 . Number 2 . 2000 . 59±66
Carol Byrd-Bredbenner and Darlene Grasso
1977; Cuozzo, 1971; Story and Faulkner,
1990).
A z-statistic (Snedecor and Cochran,
1989) was calculated to determine if
significant differences occurred in time
allocated to commercial time and proportion
of commercial time devoted to food
advertisements in 1992 and 1998. Linear
regression and a t-statistic (Neter et al., 1989)
were used to establish whether hourly rates
for commercial time and for food
advertisements have steadily changed. To
determine whether changes in food
advertisements had occurred, a chi-square
statistic (Fienberg, 1985) was used to
compare the distribution of categories of
foods advertised reported by Cuozzo (1971),
Kurman (1977), and Story and Faulkner
(1990) with current findings.
8.61 SD seconds) and 1998 (22.09
10.11SD seconds). In addition, the mean
length of food advertisements in 1992
compared to 1998 (i.e. 24.52 7.32 SD
seconds and 24.21 8.21 SD seconds,
respectively) was not significantly different.
Of the commercials shown in 1977, 1988,
1992 and 1998, 31, 35, 20 and 15 per cent,
respectively, were for food advertisements
(data were unavailable for 1971). Using
simple linear regression, the hourly rate for
total commercials is increasing significantly
(t-statistic = 4.889, p = 0.04) by 1.4
commercials per hour each year. However,
the hourly rate for food advertisements is not
changing over time in a statistically significant
fashion. Figure 1 shows how the percentage of
food advertisements shown has changed over
time. The proportion of commercials that
were food advertisements may have declined
in the past decade; however, rate per hour of
food advertisements has held steady at
approximately six for the last ten years. Thus,
viewers are seeing the same number of food
advertisements but are also seeing a larger
total number of advertisements for other
goods and services.
During the past 20 years, the total number
of commercials per hour has jumped from 11
per hour to 40 (see Table I). This trend can
be attributed to two factors. The first factor is
the elimination of the voluntary Code
Authority of the National Association of
Broadcasters (NAB), the US television
industry's self-regulatory body, which in the
mid-1970s permitted only nine-and-a-half
minutes of advertising per hour of prime-time
network television (Advisory Committee on
Results
Table I indicates the number of total
commercials and food advertisements
broadcast during each year data were
collected. The length of commercials was not
recorded in earlier studies. However, in 1992,
a total of 197 minutes (19 per cent of the 17.5
hour sample) was commercial time with food
advertisements accounting for 22 per cent (43
minutes) of the commercial time. In 1998,
total commercial time rose significantly
(z-statistic = |3.331|, p < 0.001) to 258
minutes, or one-quarter of the 17.5 hour
sample, but the time allocated to food
advertisements (44 minutes) remained
virtually unchanged (z-statistic = |1.285|,
p < 0.20). There was no significant difference
in mean commercial length in 1992 (22.06
Figure 1 Percentage over time of commercials that were food
advertisements
Table I Number and rate of commercials and food advertisements shown
during prime-time television
Year
Hours sampled
Total commercials
(rate per hour)
1971a
1977b
1988c
1992
1998
7
10
14
17.5
17.5
Not reported
108 (11)
261 (26)
535 (31)
700 (40)
Food
advertisements
(rate per hour)
38
31
91
105
106
(5.4)
(3)
(6.5)
(6)
(6)
Notes
a
Data were derived from Cuozzo (1971).
b
Data were derived from Kurman (1977).
c
Data are from Story and Faulkner (1990).
61
Trends in US prime-time television food advertising
Carol Byrd-Bredbenner and Darlene Grasso
Nutrition & Food Science
Volume 30 . Number 2 . 2000 . 59±66
Public Interest, 1998). The US Justice
Department successfully challenged a
provision of the NAB's voluntary code as a
violation of antitrust law thereby causing the
NAB to abandon the entire code in 1982
(Masover, 1975). As a result, each network
determines the total amount of commercial
time they will sell per hour of broadcast time.
In the 1992 and 1998 sample, an average of
11.25 and 14.75 minutes, respectively, was
devoted to commercial time every hour. The
second factor contributing to this trend is the
decreasing length of television commercials;
the mean length of commercials declined
from 30 seconds in the mid-1970s (Masover,
1975) to approximately 22 seconds in 1998 ±
so, instead of airing only two commercials per
minute, an average of nearly three are shown.
Table II presents a comparison of the types
of foods advertised as a percentage of total
food advertisements on network television in
1971, 1977, 1988, 1992 and 1998. There is
very strong evidence of an association
between the type of food advertised and year
(chi-square = 62.691, p < 0.001). The top
four categories contributing to the chi-square
are: restaurants, low-nutrient beverages,
protein-rich foods, and breads and cereals.
Together, these four categories account for 75
per cent of the chi-square value. The largest
contribution comes from the restaurants
category where advertising is much higher
than the last decade. During the 1970s,
advertisements for restaurants were virtually
nonexistent; yet for the past ten years,
restaurant advertisements have occurred
more frequently than any other food category.
Currently, advertisements for fast food and
family style restaurants, combined, represent
nearly four in every ten advertisements. In
general, the fast foods advertised in 1988 (i.e.
hamburgers, fried chicken, pizza) (Story and
Faulkner, 1990) tended to be the same as
those advertised in 1992 and 1998. However,
while fast food breakfast sandwiches were
advertised in 1988 (Story and Faulkner,
1990), they did not appear in the sampled
advertisements from either 1992 or 1998. In
addition, as in 1988, none of the fast food
restaurants advertised the availability of salads
or salad bars in 1992 or 1998 (Story and
Faulkner, 1990).
The next largest contribution to the chisquare value is from low-nutrient beverages.
The larger than expected number of
advertisements for regular soft drinks in 1971
and 1977 is the basis for this. The third
largest contribution to the chi-square value is
from protein-rich foods. Evidence of this
association comes primarily from the absence
of such advertisements in 1988.
Finally, breads and cereals contribute
almost 10 per cent of the overall chi-square
value. This is due to the large number of
advertisements for unsweetened cereals in
1988. The increase in advertisements for
unsweetened cereals in 1988 may be due to
the popularity of, and at that time largely
unregulated, marketing strategies that
included claims linking high-fiber diets and
reduced risk of certain types of cancer
(Kurtzweil, 1993; Geiger, 1998; Federal
Trade Commission, 1994). The 1990
Nutrition Labeling Education Act (NLEA)
which regulated health claims coupled with
the subsequent food advertising policy
paralleling the NLEA enacted by the Federal
Trade Commission in 1994 may have
contributed to the decline in unsweetened
cereal advertisements in the 1990s. It is also
interesting to note that the rate at which
breads and cereals were advertised was fairly
constant from 1971 to 1992, ranging from 20
to 26 per cent. However, in 1998, breads and
cereals were advertised half as frequently as in
early years.
Highly sweetened foods (i.e. regular soft
drinks, sugared breakfast cereals, and sweets/
desserts) were the most heavily advertised
foods in 1971 and 1977, representing 32 and
48 per cent, respectively, of all food
advertisements. The prevalence of
advertisements for highly sweetened foods
declined sharply in 1988 to 22 per cent, rose
slightly in 1992 to 28 per cent, and dropped
to 16 per cent in 1998. In the 1970s, soft
drinks dominated while in the 1980s and
1990s, sweets/desserts predominate. The
decline in advertisements for regular soft
drinks over the past two decades has not been
offset by an increase in diet soft drinks.
However, currently, low-nutrient beverages
do represent one of every six foods advertised.
Across the five data collection periods, there
was little fluctuation in the percentage of
advertisements focusing on convenience
entreÂes. For every year examined,
advertisements for dairy products, fruits and
vegetables, and protein-rich foods seldom
occurred. In fact, none of these three
categories ever represented more than 5 per
cent of the advertisements in a sampled year.
62
Trends in US prime-time television food advertising
Nutrition & Food Science
Volume 30 . Number 2 . 2000 . 59±66
Carol Byrd-Bredbenner and Darlene Grasso
Table II Food advertisements shown during prime-time television by category
Type of food advertised
Restaurants
Fast food
Family style
Low-nutrient beverages
Soft drinks, regular
Soft drinks, diet
Coffee/tea
Beer/wine
Breads and cereals
Sugared breakfast cereals
Unsugared breakfast cereals
Unsweetened grain products
(e.g. breads)
Sweets/desserts
Ice-cream, frozen treats
Cake, candy, cookies, etc.
EntreÂes
Convenience entreÂes
Dairy products
Cheese
Yogurt
Milk
Fruits and vegetables
Fruits and fruit juice
Vegetables and vegetable juice
Salty snacks
Miscellaneous
Butter, margarine, oil, fats
Condiments, seasonings, ingredients
Protein-rich foods
Peanut butter
Meat, fish
Dietary supplements
1977b
1988c
1992
1998d
1971a
(n = 105,
(n = 38,
(n = 31,
(n = 91,
(n = 108,
hours = 7) hours = 10) hours = 14) hours = 17.5) hours = 17.5)
# (%)*
# (%)*
# (%)*
# (%)*
# (%)*
1 (3)
0 (0)
1 (3)
0 (0)
5
1
1
2
8
0
0
1
(13)
(3)
(3)
(5)
(24)
(0)
(0)
(3)
23 (25)
1 (1)
7
4
3
5
(8)
(4)
(3)
(5)
23 (22)
9 (9)
4
0
1
1
(4)
(0)
(1)
(1)
31 (27)
11 (10)
2
6
6
4
(2)
(5)
(5)
(4)
1 (3)
3 (8)
4 (11)
2 (6)
4 (12)
1 (3)
1 (1)
17 (19)
0 (0)
6 (6)
11 (10)
10 (10)
2 (2)
6 (5)
5 (4)
0 (0)
6 (16)
0 (0)
6 (18)
5 (5)
7 (8)
0 (0)
15 (14)
0 (0)
12 (11)
4 (11)
2 (6)
5 (5)
4 (4)
7 (6)
0 (0)
0 (0)
0 (0)
0 (0)
0 (0)
0 (0)
1 (1)
3 (3)
0 (0)
3 (3)
0 (0)
0 (0)
0 (0)
1 (1)
1 (1)
0 (0)
2 (5)
1 (3)
1 (3)
1 (3)
2 (6)
3 (3)
0 (0)
2 (2)
1 (1)
7 (7)
1 (1)
2 (2)
2 (2)
4 (4)
2 (5)
2 (5)
0 (0)
2 (6)
2 (2)
2 (2)
2 (2)
4 (4)
0 (0)
4 (4)
2 (5)
0 (0)
1 (3)
0 (0)
1 (3)
1 (3)
0 (0)
0 (0)
0 (0)
1 (1)
2 (2)
0 (0)
0 (0)
0 (0)
8 (7)
Notes
Data were derived from Cuozzo (1971).
b
Data were derived from Kurman (1977). Note: column total exceeds 31 because the source of these data reported
only 31 food advertisements; however, 33 brand name items were listed. Although it is impossible to determine
exactly why this discrepancy occurred, it is probable that two breakfast cereals were promoted in each of two
advertisements.
c
Data are from Story and Faulkner (1990).
d
Note: column total exceeds 108 because two advertisements each promoted four different foods.
* Percents do not equal 100 due to rounding.
a
Herbs, and Rite-Aid vitamin and mineral
supplements (shown thrice).
Consumer-related promotional claims,
particularly those focusing on flavor, quality,
and economy were used to promote the vast
majority of advertised foods and beverages
(99 per cent, 94 per cent and 89 per cent in
1971, 1992, and 1998, respectively). In
contrast, nutrition-related claims (e.g.
Dietary supplements are a relatively new
advertising phenomenon. Although one such
advertisement (i.e. Geritol and Carnation
Instant Breakfast) was broadcast in 1971 and
in 1977, respectively, none was noted in the
intervening years until 1998. The dietary
supplements advertised in 1998 were
Pediasure, meal substitutes (two brands),
Creatine Fuel, One-A-Day Vitamins &
63
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Nutrition & Food Science
Volume 30 . Number 2 . 2000 . 59±66
Carol Byrd-Bredbenner and Darlene Grasso
contains specific nutrients or ingredients,
minimizes or eliminates specific nutrients or
substances, promotes good health or
nutrition) were used much less often (35 per
cent, 43 per cent and 39 per cent of food
advertisements in 1971, 1992, and 1998,
respectively). These findings are similar to
data collected in 1988 in that the promotional
claims made in food advertisements tended to
be consumer-related with few advertisements
making nutrition-related promotional claims
(Story and Faulkner, 1990) (more specific
data were not reported). Similar data were not
available for 1977.
In 1977, 1992, and 1998, the overwhelming
majority of actors in food advertisements were
slender. Overweight persons were almost
never shown in food advertisements. (Similar
data are not available for 1971 or 1988.)
Although the actual and prime-time diets
are similar, the paucity of overweight
individuals in food advertisements is not at all
reflective of the current situation in the USA
where an estimated 97 million adults are
overweight or obese (National Institutes of
Health, 1998). This contrast raises issues
concerning the inherent, yet erroneous,
message that it is possible to consume the
calorie-laden television fare and remain
healthy and svelte. The impact of advertising
on body image and self-esteem warrants
greater study (Verri et al., 1997).
``Advertising's critics have generally held
that advertising shapes our way of life, while
advertising's defenders have argued that
advertising merely echoes existing patterns''
(Belk and Pollay, 1985, p. 888). Whether
food advertising shapes or echoes consumer
lifestyles cannot be determined from this
study; however, even if food advertisements
are only echoing lifestyles, for the past three
decades they have been reinforcing and
strengthening less than optimal eating
patterns. Alternatively, if food advertisements
are shaping lifestyles, they are advocating
dietary patterns that are not recommended by
health professionals.
The growing body of evidence that
behaviors observed on television may be
imitated or modeled by viewers underscores
the concern for the quality of health
information conveyed via television. Social
learning theory asserts that many behaviors
are acquired through observing others in the
environment (Bandura, 1977). While there is
no doubt that direct observation of significant
people in a child's immediate environment
shapes his or her behavior (e.g. regional
linguistic accents, body language), there exists
some skepticism as to whether media can
shape behavior in a manner similar to ``real
live'' people in the child's environment.
However, as Kurman (1977) so aptly points
out, many of our educational systems are
based on the premise that observational
models presented via media (e.g. The Bible,
biographies, self-help guides) can shape
behavior. Thus, because ``the visual
representations of human behavior on
television bear a greater correspondence to
`real life' persons and situations than print can
achieve, it seems logical to conclude that their
impact on behavior would be even stronger
than that of models offered in such a highly
abstract medium as print'' (Kurman, 1977,
Discussion
For the past 30 years, food advertising has
been frequently broadcast during prime-time
hours. The so-called ``prime-time diet'' has
largely comprised low-nutrient density foods,
namely fast foods, low-nutrient beverages,
sweets/desserts, and convenience entreÂes.
Advertisements for dairy products, fruits,
vegetables, and protein-rich foods were
practically nil. The ``prime-time diet'' is
strikingly similar to the actual diet of the
American population; that is, a diet high in
sugar, sodium, and fat and low in fruits,
vegetables, and whole grains (US Department
of Health and Human Services, 1988; Tippett
and Cleveland, 1999; Putnam and Allshouse,
1999). The ``prime-time diet'' also mirrors
food purchasing in that in 1998 37 per cent of
all food advertisements were for restaurants
and in 1997 Americans spent 45 per cent of
their food dollar on foods prepared outside
the home (Putnam and Allshouse, 1999). The
impact of eating away from home on
nutritional status is of concern. Between 1977
and 1995, the nutrient density of foods
prepared at home increased ± much more so
than foods prepared away from home which
tend to contain more fat and saturated fat and
less calcium, iron, and fiber (Lin et al., 1999).
Also of concern is evidence that increases in
fast food availability along with television
viewing may contribute to increasing obesity
rates in the USA (Jeffrey and French, 1998).
64
Trends in US prime-time television food advertising
Nutrition & Food Science
Volume 30 . Number 2 . 2000 . 59±66
Carol Byrd-Bredbenner and Darlene Grasso
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Clancy-Hepburn, K., Hickey, A. and Nevill, G. (1974),
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pp. 142-3). The impact of the frequent, nonrecommended health behaviors is magnified
by the hours American children and teens
spend observing televised behavior models.
A myriad researchers have called for
widespread public education programs
designed to help Americans choose a diet that
will promote health and diminish chronic
disease risk (Tippett and Cleveland, 1999;
Putnam and Allshouse, 1999; Crawford,
1988). The prevalence of health messages in
television advertising that run counter to
current recommendations coupled with the
potential impact advertisements may have on
dietary behavior suggests that this public
education should include a media literacy
component (Crawford, 1988). This
component could teach viewers to become
more cognizant of the messages they receive
via television and to critically evaluate them.
Media literacy programs are particularly
important for children because they are very
impressionable and tend to have difficulty in
both interpreting information provided via
television and distinguishing reality from
fantasy (Derksen and Strasburger, 1994;
Ambrosino, 1972; Centerwall, 1992; Condry
and Freund, 1989; Van Evra, 1998; Singer et
al., 1980). Moreover, such programs can
enable children to become critical thinkers
rather than information consumers.
Considering the ubiquity of television in
American society, the near-obsessiveness with
which it is viewed, its potential to be
``hazardous to one's health'', and the relative
absence of accurate nutrition information
from other sources, these media literacy
programs likely could be considered ``vital to
one's health''.
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