A Sociolinguistic Survey of the Tchumbuli Language Area | SIL International

DigitalResources

Electronic Survey Report 2017-010

A Sociolinguistic Survey of the
Tchumbuli Language Area

Gabriele Schoch and Katharina Wolf

A Sociolinguistic Survey of the Tchumbuli
Language Area
Gabriele Schoch and Katharina Wolf

SIL International®
2017

SIL Electronic Survey Report 2017-010, July 2017
© 2017 SIL International®
All rights reserved

Abstract

This paper presents a sociolinguistic survey conducted in the Tchumbuli [bqa] speech community of
Benin. Given the relatively small size of the group and a reportedly high level of bilingualism in the
neighboring languages, Cabe or Maxi, our main focus was on the question of language vitality. Through
interviews with government officials, community leaders, and groups of the village population, we
gathered information on dialect comprehension, language use patterns in various domains and age
groups, as well as on language transmission between parents and children, intergenerational shift, and
language attitudes. We also gathered general information concerning population, literacy, education, and
community structures in the Tchumbuli language area. Another area of interest was the relationship
between Tchumbuli and the Chumburung language of Ghana and whether there are contacts between
these two speech communities.
In this paper we give the results for each of the above mentioned categories and explain how they
affect our conclusions. The interviews revealed indications for language shift, the extent of which differs
from village to village. Generally, Cabe or Maxi is replacing Tchumbuli in a growing number of domains.
This includes first language (L1) acquisition and communication between parents and children. Thus,
Tchumbuli proficiency in the younger generations is declining. Only in the older generation (over 60
years) is Tchumbuli generally used among peers. So, in general, Tchumbuli in Benin is “endangered.”
However, there is a strong sense of ethnic identity and indications of the desire to reverse or at least slow
down the replacement process. Furthermore, the Tchumbuli language variety in Benin is closely related
to the Chumburung language in Ghana, and Tchumbuli speakers in Ghana are reportedly able to use
Chumburung written materials.

(This survey report written some time ago deserves to be made available even at this late date. Conditions
were such that it was not published when originally written. The reader is cautioned that more recent research
may be available. Historical data is quite valuable as it provides a basis for a longitudinal analysis and helps us
understand both the trajectory and pace of change as compared with more recent studies—Editor.)

Contents
1

Introduction
1.1 Language name and name of the people group
1.2 Language classification
1.2.1 Tchumbuli and Chumburung
1.2.2 Nchumbulu
1.3 Previous sociolinguistic research
1.4 Language area
1.5 Population
1.6 History

2

Research questions

3

Methodology
3.1 Techniques
3.1.1 Correspondence
3.1.2 Preliminary interviews
3.1.3 Community questionnaires
3.1.4 Interviews with community leaders
3.1.5 Wordlists
3.1.6 Presentation of Chumburung written materials
3.1.7 Observation
3.2 Implementation
3.2.1 Community questionnaires
3.2.2 Interviews with community leaders
3.2.3 Wordlists
3.2.4 Presentation of Chumburung written materials
3.2.5 Observation

4

Results
4.1 Language name(s)
4.2 Lexical similarity
4.3 Dialect comprehension
4.4 Comprehension of Foodo
4.5 Language vitality
4.5.1 Bilingualism
4.5.2 Language use in domains
4.5.3 Language transmission from parents to children
4.5.4 Intergenerational shift
4.5.5 Language attitudes
4.5.6 Ethnic identity
4.5.7 The number of speakers in relation to the size of the ethnic group
4.5.8 Large-scale socioeconomic conditions that favor shift
4.5.9 Other factors related to language vitality
4.6 Religious situation
4.6.1 General information
4.6.2 Language use

4.6.3 Attitude of church leaders to use of Tchumbuli in the churches
4.7 Literacy
4.8 Attitudes towards development

iii

iv
Summary and conclusion 
5.1  General information 
5.2  Language vitality 
5.2.1  Factors relating to language maintenance or shift 
5.2.2  Conclusions as to the stage of endangerment 
5.3  Literacy and attitudes towards development 
5.4  Religious situation 
6  Recommendations 
6.1  Literacy in Chumburung 
6.2  Literacy in Yoruba, Fon, or Maxi 
Appendix A: Map 
Appendix B: Questionnaires 
Appendix C: Historical accounts

Appendix D: Wordlist
References 
5 

1

Introduction

This paper1 presents a sociolinguistic survey conducted in the Tchumbuli [bqa] speech community of
central Benin, in the Département des Collines.2 The survey was conducted in August 2000 by Gabi
Schoch and Katharina Wolf from SIL. The purpose of the survey was to gather information bearing on
the vitality of the Tchumbuli language and the desire of the Tchumbuli people for development of their
language.
In preliminary research—e.g. personal correspondence with linguists who work in the North Guang
language group—and literature research, the survey researchers collected data available about the
Tchumbuli language, related languages in Ghana, and the history of the Tchumbuli people.
The field survey reported on here involved the administration of individual and community
interviews and the elicitation of two wordlists. The survey researchers collected data concerning
bilingualism in Cabe and/or Maxi, varieties of Tchumbuli, ethnic identity, language vitality, language
attitudes, language development, and the religious situation.

In the following sections, general background information on the Tchumbuli area will be given,
some of which was collected during the field research, followed by a presentation of the research
questions and a description of the applied methodology. In a fourth section, the findings of the survey
will be presented, followed by conclusions and recommendations.
1.1

Language name and name of the people group

Our main source for preliminary research was an article by A. F. Iroko (1995), an historian at the
National University of Benin (Université Nationale du Bénin), as well as personal communication with
the author. Iroko has done research in the Tchumbuli language area himself. He paints a detailed picture
of the migration of the Edo people of Nigeria. Some of them were mercenaries and migrated from the
town of Ibini to Ghana in the eighteenth century. There they lived amongst the Tchumbuli (‘Tchombolo’)
in the Kété-Krachi (‘Kratye’) area and eventually adopted the Tchumbuli language. At some point then or
later they started to call themselves Cobecha.3 It is unknown when and why exactly the Cobecha decided
to go back to Nigeria. When they set out, they were accompanied by some of the Tchumbuli people.
After having passed Kpétchi, Atakpamè (Togo), Agounan (Benin), Assanté (near Glazoue, Benin), and
Gogoro (Benin) they were invited by the King of Kaboua4 to help him in his wars. The Cobecha agreed
and founded the village of Okounfo nearby. The Tchumbuli (their “cousins”) founded a separate village
in the neighborhood named Gbédé. When the Cobecha and Tchumbuli arrived in the Cabe- and Maxispeaking area, they were named “Gbassen”5 by the Cabe and “Bassa” or “Bassen” by the Fon or Maxi. So,

in essence, the Tchumbuli language community consists of two originally distinct ethnic groups, the
Tchumbuli and the Cobecha (see also section 4.1 on language names).
We would like to thank Dr. Deborah Hatfield for her input and editing on this report.
At the time of the survey, Benin was divided into 12 governmental provinces called départements, each of which is
composed of a varying number of sub-prefectures. They encompass various rural communes and urban
circumscriptions. The départements were reorganized in 1999. Thus, the former Zou département is now divided
into Zou, Collines, and Plateau.
3
The origin and meaning of this name have yet to be clarified. One of our language assistants stated that “cobecha”
in Tchumbuli resembles “come and join me” « viens me joindre ». However, another assistant stated that it means “we
are many” « nous sommes nombreux ». (See also Iroko 1995:108.)
4
A Nago king in the Savè area.
5
Reports on the etymology of the name “Gbassin” vary. According to people in Okounfo, “gbassin” means “take and
wear the trousers”. This ressembles the explanation quoted by Iroko (Iroko 1995:113): “'Gba Issin' in Cabe means
'take and attach it' ('tiens et attache, enfile') referring to a piece of material with two strings which the Cabe asked
the Cobecha and Tchumbuli immigrants to wear. In Gbédè they state it signifies 'take and eat' in Cabe and explain it
with the story of the king of Kaboua who prepared yams for the Tchumbuli and Cobecha immigrants."
1

2

1

2

There has been some confusion as to the name of this people group and their language, since
different linguists and historians have called them differently. For example, Bertho (1952) refers to the
Tchumbuli as “Tshummbuli” whereas Moulero (1964) mentions three different tribes who are
immigrants from Ghana: “the Chounbouloun, the Awloukpoukpou and Chombecha.” In the remainder of
this paper, we will refer to the ethnic (sub)group as “Tchumbuli” and to the language of the Tchumbuli
and Cobecha as “Tchumbuli.”
Another source of misunderstandings has been the persistent rumor that the Tchumbuli and
Cobecha were Ashanti fugitives (Iroko 1995:109–111) which might even have resulted in erroneously
classifying Tchumbuli as an Akan language (Grimes 2000a). Iroko tracks down the origins of this
misunderstanding and states very clearly that “the Cobecha have nothing in common with the Ashanti”
(Iroko 1995:109).
1.2

Language classification

Research in linguistic literature and correspondence with linguists working in North Guang languages
revealed that Tchumbuli is closely related to Chumburung, a North Guang language of Ghana (Bertho
1952, Person 1956, Painter 1967, Hansford pers. comm, Snider pers. comm.).
1.2.1

Tchumbuli and Chumburung

Classification: Niger-Congo, Atlantic-Congo, Volta-Congo, Kwa, Nyo, Potou-Tano, Tano, Guang, North
Guang.
The North Guang group includes Gonja, Choruba, Ndmpo, Yeji, Prang, Nawuri, Gikyode, Ginyanga,
Nchimburu (Chumburung), Nchumunu, Krachi, and Nkonya. Stewart quotes Snider as grouping together
Tchumbuli, Yeji, Prang, Nchimburu, and Nchumunu (Stewart 1989).
Snider (pers. comm.) classifies Tchumbuli and Chumburung as follows: Niger-Congo, AtlanticCongo, Volta-Congo, Kwa, Nyo, Potou-Tano, Tano, Guang, North Guang, Oti Guang, River Guang,
Chumburung including Tchumbuli. According to him, Tchumbuli definitely is a “dialect” of
Chumburung. This evaluation is based on data collected from Tchumbuli speakers who had returned to
Ghana in the 1950s.
Alternative language names for Tchumbuli:
Tshummbuli (Bertho 1952)

Chombulon (Dolphyne and Kropp Dakubu 1988)
Tchombolo (Iroko 1995)
Basa (CENALA 1989, CNLB 1983:78, Grimes 2000a)
Alternative language names for Chumburung:
Tshimmboro (Bertho 1952)
Nchumburu (Dolphyne and Kropp Dakubu 1988)
Nchimburu (Painter 1967, Stewart 1989)
Nchumburung, Nchimburu, Nchummuru, Kyongborong (Grimes 2000a)
Tchumbuli (“Basa”) is classified as an Akan language by Grimes (2000a). The Atlas Sociolinguistique
(CNLB 1983) lists Basa as a Gur language. However, it is not clear where this information has come
from. As has been shown through linguistic analysis, Tchumbuli is a North Guang language within the
Kwa family (Stewart 1989, Hansford pers. comm., Snider pers. comm.).
1.2.2

Nchumbulu

The following information is taken from the Ethnologue (Grimes 2000a). Classification: Niger-Congo,
Atlantic-Congo, Volta-Congo, Kwa, Nyo, Potou-Tano, Tano, Guang, North Guang. Snider (pers. comm.)
does not know in which way Nchumbulu is related to the other North Guang languages.

3
1.3

Previous sociolinguistic research

On the basis of comparative wordlists Bertho grouped together Gbanya, Nawuri, Chumburung, Atshodé,
Kratchi, Basa, Nkogna, Logba, Agnaga (Ghana), Tshummbuli, and Bazantché (Benin), as Gonja languages
(Bertho 1951, 1952). For Tchumbuli (Benin) he presents two wordlists which differ slightly from each
other. After a comparison with the Chumburung wordlist he comes to the conclusion that Tchumbuli and
Chumburung are very closely related (Bertho 1951:873).
According to Painter (1967) Tchumbuli is 80 percent cognate with Chumburung. However, Gillian
and Keir Hansford estimate that if synonyms and near synonyms are accounted for, Tchumbuli is even 99
percent cognate with Chumburung (Hansford pers. comm.). Keir and Gillian Hansford have been
working on translations into the Chumburung language since 1976. A New Testament has been finished
(International Bible Society and Ghana Institute of Linguistics, Literacy and Bible Translation [GILLBT]
1988) and several Chumburung primers have been published (Demuyakor, I. et al. 1980a, 1980b;
Abresÿyii, I. et al. 1984).
Snider, who worked in the North Guang languages, took a wordlist from the Benin Tchumbuli who
resettled in the town of Anyinamae in the Chumburung area in Ghana. He states that though the
Tchumbuli language has changed slightly from that of the other Chumburungs, it “is definitely a dialect
of Chumburung.” He states that the Tchumbuli who have moved to Ghana from Benin have no difficulty
using Chumburung literacy material (Snider 1989, pers. comm.). Ring, who surveyed the Chumburung
language area, reported that he “would be surprised to find the Chumburung NT useable as it stands in
its Ghana format and idioms among the Benin Basa” (Ring pers. comm.).
So, it can be stated that Tchumbuli (Benin) is closely related to Chumburung (Ghana) in terms of
lexical similarity. However, Bertho (1952) collected his wordlists almost fifty years ago. In the
meantime, the variety of Tchumbuli in Benin should have undergone normal change. Snider, on the
other hand, bases his evaluation on a wordlist taken about 1989 from Benin Tchumbuli who had
returned to Ghana in the 1950s. Given their exposure to Chumburung and other related languages in the
Volta region, it seems likely that the variety of Tchumbuli in Ghana has developed somewhat differently
than that in Benin. Therefore, it still remains to be clarified to what extent the present day variety of
Tchumbuli in Benin is similar to Chumburung in Ghana and whether Chumburung is intelligible to the
Benin Tchumbuli speech community.
Iroko is an historian who has also worked with CENALA (Centre Nationale de Linguistique
Appliquée) on the linguistic map of Benin. In his paper on the migration history of the Tchumbuli and
Cobecha he states that all members of this linguistic community are bilingual in Cabe, causing a shift
from Tchumbuli towards Cabe in the younger generations (Iroko 1995:112). 6
1.4

Language area

The language in question is spoken in the Département des Collines of Benin between Savè and Ouèssè,
i.e., in the area of longitude 2°20'–2°40' east and latitude 8°20'–8°30' north (IGN 1992). The speakers of
the language live in the villages listed in table 1:

6

« Cette communauté linguistique est sans doute la pierre d’achoppement…, ainsi que la source de multiples erreurs et de
confusions de toutes sortes. La nécessité des contacts avec leurs hôtes a fait deux des bilingues: ils parlent tous le chabè, et
souvent au détriment du Tchombolo chez les jeunes générations. » (Iroko 1995:112) « Toutefois, ils ont dû apprendre le
Chabè, leur deuxième langue après le Chombolo; leurs jeunes parlent d’ailleurs de plus en plus fréquemment le Chabè,
délaissant le Chombolo.» (Iroko 1995:116).

4

Table 1. Tchumbuli villages
sub-prefecture
location

majority
language in
the area
primary school

comments

Okounfo
Savè
approx. 37 km north of Savè
at the RNIE 2b

Gbédé
Ouèssèa
approx. 52 km north of
Savè, 6 km dirt road off the
RNIE 2

Cabe

Cabe

6 classes with a total of 278
pupils, out of which 260 are
Cobecha. The scolarization
rate boosted from 11% in
1987 to 57 or 67% in 2000
market with some
importance for the
surrounding villages, new
stalls built by the NGO
“Picardie” in 1990

built in 1973 by “World
Education”; 3 classes with a
total of 125 pupils

Edaningbe
Ouèssè
on the outskirts of Ouèssè,
approx. 5 km east of the
main market, part of the
Lakoko quarter
Maxi

the dirt road from the RNIE
2 to Ouèssè (20 km) is in a
very bad state even when it
is dry

a

According to the sub-prefects of Savé and Ouèssè (2000). The maps in the publications of the Ministère du Plan et de la
Restructuration Economique du Bénin, Institut National de la Statistique et de l’Analyse Economique (1994) show the
situation before the restructuring of Benin’s administrative entities.
b
Route Nationale Inter-Etats.

The majority languages in the area, Cabe and Maxi, are not closely related to Tchumbuli, a North
Guang language. Cabe is classified as follows: Niger-Congo, Atlantic-Congo, Volta-Congo, Benue-Congo,
Defoid, Yoruboid, Edekiri, Edè, South West Edè (Capo 1989). Maxi is classified as Niger-Congo, AtlanticCongo, Volta-Congo, (New) Kwa, Left Bank, Gbe, Fon (Stewart 1989, Grimes 2000a). In the interviews,
the names used for indicating a language varied. Cabe would also be referred to as Nago or Yoruba, and
Maxi would be referred to as Fon.
The following NGOs (non-governmental organizations) are working in the area:
• GEFAD: literacy in Maxi and Cabe
• la Picardie: community development, e. g., construction of the market stalls in Okounfo
1.5

Population

Mbessa, Benoît, a Cobecha geographer at the Université Nationale du Bénin, estimated in 1992 that there
were 5,000 Tchumbuli speakers (Plunkett pers. comm.).
Official population data were elicited during the Benin Census 1992 which gives population totals
both by ethnic group as well as by political community (Ministère du Plan et de la Restructuration
Economique du Bénin 1994c). However, neither Basa nor Tchumbuli is listed. Based on the census data
and information obtained in the survey, we estimate the following population figures:

5

Table 2. Estimated population figures by village
Village

population
(in 1992)

estimated population
(in 2000)

Okounfo

122b

1,589c

estimated number
of Tchumbuli and
Cobecha (in 2000)
1,160d

Gbédé

809

1,047

764

Edaningbe

800e

583f

Total

3,436

2,507

Ethnic groups presenta

Cobecha. Minorities of
Yoruba, Nago, Fon,
Hausa, Ditammari,
Peulh
Tchumbuli. Minorities of
Cabe, Fon, Peulh
Cobecha. Maxi minority,
no Nago

a

Information gathered in interviews with community leaders held in August 2000 in the area.
b
Ministère du Plan et de la Restructuration Economique (1994c:20).
c
Estimate based on the estimated growth rates for the region, i. e. 3.2 percent (1992–1996) and 3.4 percent (1997–
1999) as given in Ministère du Plan et de la Restructuration Economique (1994b:170).
d
This figure results from the assumption that 73 percent of the population is Cobecha or Tchumbuli. This proportion
was obtained from the estimated figures for Edaningbe.
e
Estimate by F. A. G. at Ouèssè.
f
In Edaningbe, 300 adults are Cobecha (estimate given by our language assistants). The total of 583 results from the
proportion of 48.5 percent under-15-year-olds in the Zou province (Ministère du Plan et de la Restructuration
Economique 1994a:23).

Based on estimates made by our language assistants, there are 3,436 inhabitants in the three
villages, out of which about 73 percent (2,507) are ethnically Tchumbuli. It has to be borne in mind
though that these figures are based on a set of assumptions and are only rough estimates.
Vanderaa (1991) reports 1,000 speakers for Tchumbuli.
1.6

History

Moulero in his history of the Savè area mentions three “tribes” (“tribus”) to be fugitives from Assanté
(Ashanti): the Chounbouloun, the Awloukpoukpou, and the Chombecha, the latter being originally from
Ibini (Nigeria). To avoid a war with the kings of Kumasi (Ghana), the Chombecha left the area of Kumasi
with the first two tribes, to go back to their original home country Nigeria. When they arrived in Kaboua
(Benin), King Olodumaré granted them exile in his area (Moulero 1964:17f).
Basically Iroko (1995) confirms this account. He describes the itinerary of the Cobecha from Nigeria
to Ghana and then back to Benin in more detail. As to the reasons for the decision to return to Nigeria,
Iroko states they are not clear (Iroko 1995:108).
Snider (pers. comm.) states that the Tchumbuli “are Chumburung people who left Ghana on a
warring expedition about 150 years ago. They ended up settling in Benin and intermarrying with other
language groups. In the 1950s a number of them, led by their paramount chief Anyanami III returned to
Ghana and settled in the Chumburung area south of Chindere,” i. e., in the town Anyinamae
(K. Hansford pers. comm.). Other Tchumbuli families from Benin migrated back to Ghana and settled in
the Zongo at Jasikan and at Nkwanta in the north of the Volta Region (Ring pers. comm.).
For the oral accounts of Cobecha and Tchumbuli history given during community interviews in
August 2000, see Appendix C.

2

Research questions

Criteria have been set for establishing the need for SIL involvement in language development among the
language communities in Togo and Benin, and the priorities and strategies for such involvement. These

6

criteria are separated into two categories. The first includes factors for establishing need for
involvement: dialect comprehension, bilingualism, language vitality, and language attitudes. The second
category includes additional factors which influence language project priority and strategy: group
cohesion/identity, existing internal structures or institutions, community expressed need/interest, group
size, potential community support, religious situation, present or future church work, government
programs and policies, relationship to other languages with already existing written materials, and
available or potential resources (Marmor 1996:2).
Therefore, the overall goal of this survey is to provide information about the language and the
language area relating in general to the vitality status of the language. The specific goals of the survey
were in regard to the following topics listed in table 3:

7

Table 3. Research questions
Survey Goal/Concept

Research Questions

Language Area
Dialect Comprehension within
Tchumbuli

Where is Tchumbuli spoken?
How many varieties of Tchumbuli
exist, if any?

Dialect comprehension of
Chumburung

Do Tchumbuli speakers understand
Chumburung?
What is the relationship between
Tchumbuli and Chumburung?
Would the Tchumbuli speakers be
able to use Chumburung written
material?
Which languages do the Tchumbuli
and Cobecha understand?
Which languages do the Tchumbuli
and Cobecha speak?

Bilingualism

Language Use

Language Vitality

Language Attitudes towards
language shift
Attitudes towards language
use

Ethnic identity

Which languages do the Tchumbuli
and Cobecha use in various speech
domains and functions of speech?
Is Tchumbuli endangered, and if so,
to what degree?

What are community attitudes
towards the maintenance of Tch in
the community?
What are community attitudes
towards the use of Tch, Nago,
Cabe, Maxi, Fon, Yoruba, and other
languages?
Is one of these languages more
prestigious than the others?
What do people call themselves?
What do others call them?
What kind of contacts are there, if
any, to the Guang unification
movement in Ghana?
What kind of contacts are there to
Tchumbuli speakers in Ghana and
elsewhere?

Indicator
reported differences
lexical similarity
reported comprehension
intelligibility (not tested)
lexical similarity

language use in domains and age
groups
reported language use patterns

bilingualism
language use in domains and age
groups
language transmission from parents
to children
intergenerational shift
language attitudes
self-perception and identification
with the dominating ethnic group
number of speakers in relation to the
size of the ethnic group
reported attitudes

reported attitudes

reported data

8

There are also some additional factors that are directly related to the priority and strategy criteria
outlined above. These are listed in table 4.
Table 4. Additional research questions
Survey goal/Concepts
Social cohesion

Research question
How homogenous is the Tch.
language community as a group?

Middle-aged leadership

What is the political structure in
the village?
To which age group do the leaders
belong?

Existing structures

Attitudes towards
development (including
literacy)
Religious situation

3

What is the education situation and
literacy rate in the area?
Do literacy programs exist?
If so, in which languages?
Do they reach Tchumbuli and
Cobecha?
Which NGOs work in the area?
Are the Tch open to new ideas and
methods of doing things? Are they
interested in community
development?
Which churches, if any, work in the
area?
Which other religions are practiced
in the area?
Which religion(s) do Tchumbuli
and Cobecha adhere to?

Indicator(s)
linguistic, cultural, geographical,
political, economic and socioreligious homogeneity

age of influential people in the
village population
location of schools
origin of the pupils
scolarization rate
languages of literacy program
attendance of Tch speakers

evidence of new technology and
projects initiated and/or supported
by Tch people

Methodology

3.1

Techniques

In order to address the research questions mentioned above, the following techniques were used:
3.1.1

Correspondence

Correspondence with SIL linguists working in North Guang languages:
• K. & G. Hansford
• Keith Snider
• Andy Ring
3.1.2

Preliminary interviews

Preliminary interviews to obtain background information were conducted with the following persons:
• SIM team in Cabe: J. and M. V,. and S. N., Parakou. They are working with Yoruba speakers.

9
• Tchumbuli speaker who works at Cotonou, Benin.
• Professor B. M., Cobecha, and professor of geography at the National University of Benin
(Université Nationale du Bénin).
• Professor A. Félix Iroko, professor of history at the National University of Benin (Université
Nationale du Bénin), author of an article about the Cobecha (Iroko 1995).
3.1.3

Community questionnaires

Community questionnaires were used to investigate the following topics (see Appendix B for the
questionnaire used):
• Language name(s) and language area
• Dialect comprehension
• Language use
• Language vitality
• Intergenerational shift
• Language attitudes
• Ethnic identity
• Religious situation
3.1.4

Interviews with community leaders

Interviews were held with the following community leaders:
• Government officials, i.e., sub-prefects
• Formal education officials, i.e., teachers
• Literacy coordinators (see Appendix B for the questionnaire used )
• Church leaders (see Appendix B for the questionnaire used )
3.1.5

Wordlists

In the course of previous linguistic research, wordlists were taken by Bertho (1951, 1952), Painter
(1967) and Snider (1989), as explained in section1.3. Both Bertho and Painter actually elicited the
wordlists in Benin. In order to examine the lexical similarity between the present variety of Tchumbuli in
Benin and Chumburung, as well as between Tchumbuli varieties (if any), wordlists were taken in Gbédé
and in Okounfo.
3.1.6

Presentation of Chumburung written materials

Since Tchumbuli is closely related to the Chumburung language in Ghana, primers (Demuyakor
1980a, b) and the New Testament in Chumburung (International Bible Society 1988) were shown to
interested individuals to get a first impression whether they might be able to use this material.
3.1.7

Observation

Information about living conditions, language use, and evidence of traditional religious practices was at
least partially collected by observation.

10
3.2

Implementation

The preliminary interviews with Tchumbuli speakers as well as with an academic and historian provided
important information on the history and language of the Tchumbuli speech community. The
correspondence with the linguists working in the Guang language group helped to clarify language
names and their alternatives in the Chumburung area and the relationship between Chumburung and
Tchumbuli.
One of the people involved in the preliminary research was a Tchumbuli speaker who works in
Cotonou. Not only did he give us important information before the survey trip, but he also accompanied
us during our fieldwork in the language area including visits to the local government authorities (subprefectures). His introductions to relatives and friends facilitated the setting up of interviews and their
administration. During the interviews, he translated our questions into Tchumbuli and then translated
the answers back into French. In Okounfo, the delegate also helped with translation. In Gbédé, the king’s
speaker and translator translated the answers from Tchumbuli into French.
The trip to the language area was designed to gather reported data. It consisted of interviews with
community leaders and individuals in order to gather data on language use, language vitality, attitudes
towards language use and language shift, as well as information on literacy programs, education, and the
religious situation. In addition, two wordlists were elicited.
3.2.1

Community questionnaires

The purpose of the community interviews was to obtain the views of native speakers on the name of
their language and the geographical boundaries of the Tchumbuli language area, as well as their views
on their relationship to Chumburung speakers in Ghana. Another area of special interest was the
language use pattern of Tchumbuli and the role of other pertinent languages in the area, Cabe and Maxi
in particular. The questionnaire also included questions aiming at attitudes towards language use and
language shift (see Appendix B).
In general, we made appointments or at least informed the village community the day prior to our
coming. On our first visit to Okounfo, an appointment for the community interview was made for the
following day. The people of Okounfo informed the people of Gbédé of our coming. We sent a message
to Edaningbe, but unfortunately the messengers arrived after us. As the focus of the interview was on the
vitality of the Tchumbuli language, we asked the village chief or delegate to invite people of all age
groups, especially parents with young children, to participate in the interview.
In Okounfo the questionnaire was administered in a classroom to approximately 40 men of all ages,
including the delegate of the village, younger men with little children, but not the king. In Gbédé, the
community questionnaire was administered to the king and his elders in the presence of about 60 men,
women and children of different ages in the king’s chamber. The women did not participate actively in
the interviews, but judging by their reactions they seemed to agree with what was being said. In
Edaningbe, we spoke to four elders and the youngest son of one of the elders. This man (35 years) had
started listening to the interview. In the course of the interview he became more and more intrigued
until he participated actively and became one of the major respondents.
The questionnaire items were used in their set order or, sometimes, following the topic of
conversation. The responses were recorded either on the questionnaires or in note form. A map was used
in conjunction with the questionnaire to help determine language boundaries and patterns of languages
used in the area (see Appendix A).
3.2.2
3.2.2.1

Interviews with community leaders
Government officials

The sub-prefects of both Savè and Ouèssè were visited in order to introduce ourselves and to obtain data
on the number of Tchumbuli in the area.

11
3.2.2.2

Education officials

Informal interviews were conducted with the headmasters of the local primary schools of Okounfo and
Gbédé in order to obtain information on the number of pupils, their ethnic group, language use among
pupils, school enrollment, and secondary schools in the area.
3.2.2.3

Literacy coordinators

The regional literacy coordinator of Ouèssè was interviewed in order to ascertain the number of literacy
classes in the area, total class populations, and participation of Tchumbuli speakers. The literacy
coordinator of Savè was not in the area at the time of the survey and could not be interviewed. (For the
literacy questionnaire see Appendix B.)
3.2.2.4

Church leaders

Interviews were conducted
• in Okounfo with the maître catholique (Tchumbuli speaker), the secretary of the Methodist
church (Tchumbuli speaker), and the secretary of the Christianisme Céleste (Tchumbuli speaker,
Nago mother)
• in Gbédé with the catechist of the Catholic church (Nago, speaks Tchumbuli fluently)
• in Edaningbe with the catechist of the Catholic church (Tchumbuli speaker)
The questionnaire contained questions on the number of churches in the Tchumbuli speaking area, as
well as language use and attitudes towards the use of Tchumbuli in the church context (see Appendix B).
3.2.3

Wordlists

The wordlist used is based on the CENALA Listes lexicales (no date). The corresponding Chumburung
words elicited by Snider (1989) were also entered in the list, in order to be able to compare the elicited
Tchumbuli lexical items with those of Chumburung.
The wordlists were elicited in Okounfo and in Gbédé, both traditionally Tchumbuli-speaking
villages. It had been planned to elicit wordlists in at least two different villages. Information obtained
during the preliminary interviews suggested that the Tchumbuli language is undergoing advanced
language shift in Edaningbe. In the course of the survey this impression was reinforced so that no
wordlist was taken in Edaningbe.
The group from which the lists were elicited consisted of three or more people, all born in the
respective village. The elicitation in a group allowed for the discussion of variants, verb forms to be
chosen, as well as near-synonyms and synonyms. In this manner, group decisions were made about
which form to include in the wordlist. The Chumburung wordlist elicited by Snider (1989) was also used
to make minor comparisons during the elicitation process in regard to word selection in cases of
indecision, or if there was doubt as to the exact meaning of the Tchumbuli word.
In Okounfo, our interpreter and the delegate chose three Cobecha men. All three were children of
Cobecha parents. They were born and raised in the village. During the elicitation process, our interpreter
translated the French word into Cabe since not all three informants understood French well enough.
Then the word/term in Tchumbuli was chosen, sometimes after a discussion as to the exact meaning.
Our interpreter also participated in these discussions at the beginning. After eliciting the wordlist, the
words were then tape-recorded by one of our assistants. For this process, he used our filled-in list with
the phonetic script. In some cases, he said a different word than the one that had been chosen. In
addition, the verb forms are not consistent, which we only found out afterwards.
In Gbédé, our interpreter and the group decided on two men as our main informants for the
wordlist. During the elicitation process, the king and some of the Tchumbuli men present participated in
the discussions as to meanings of words and verb forms. This time, we had planned to split up the list

12

into three parts and tape-record the elicited words in between to make it easier for the language assistant
to remember the lexical items chosen. However, due to electricity installations during the process and
the resulting noise, the list had to be split up into two parts only. We also made sure that the same verb
form was chosen for all the verbs. We are not sure whether the pronunciation documented on the
recording is representative. In the middle of the elicitation process, one of our informants was corrected
with the remark that he had a French accent in his Tchumbuli. We do not know whether he was
corrected every time he made a mistake.
3.2.4

Presentation of Chumburung written materials

In all three villages where interviews were conducted several individuals were shown the Chumburung
written materials during or after the community interviews. Their reaction was observed and recorded.
3.2.5

Observation

Information about living conditions, language use, and evidence of traditional religious practices was at
least partially collected by observation. It was used to confirm or to rectify reported information.

4

Results

In the following sections the results from the preliminary interviews, the community interviews, and the
interviews with community leaders will be presented.
4.1

Language name(s)

In Okounfo and Edaningbe the respondents call their language “Cobecha”, whereas in Gbédé the
language is called “Tchumbulu,” “Tchumbulin,” “Tchumbuli,” or “Tchombolo.” 7 All agree that all these
names refer to one and the same language. The same applies for the name of the people group: in
Okounfo and Edaningbe, they call themselves “Cobecha” or “Obechapu”; in Gbédé, “Tchombulin” or
“Tchombolun.” The people in Gbédé emphasize that there are no Cobecha in their village. Outsiders do
not distinguish between Cobecha and Tchumbuli; they call both of them “Gbassin.” Neither do they
make a distinction between the people and their language and call the language “Gbassen” as well.
The dichotomy with Cobecha in Okounfo and Edaningbe on the one hand, and Tchumbuli in Gbédé
on the other hand, can be explained historically. As mentioned earlier, the Cobecha originate from
Nigeria. They are descendants of the Nigerian Edo people. When they settled in Ghana they gave up their
own language and shifted to Tchumbuli. When the Cobecha had to leave Ghana the Tchumbuli
accompanied them. All of them finally founded villages in the Savè area (see section 1.6). However, they
still retain their separate ethnic identities in spite of speaking the same language.
In the remainder of the paper we will refer to the language spoken by the Cobecha and the
Tchombuli as “Tchumbuli” as this name is commonly mentioned in the literature and reflects the
relation to the Ghanaian language Chumburung.
4.2

Lexical similarity

Wordlists were elicited in Gbédé and Okounfo. As they were taken under average survey conditions and
not sufficiently double-checked, their reliability is not very high. To get a first impression of the extent of
7

“The word ‘Tchumbuli’ is pronounced ‘Tchombolo’ in the area” (Iroko 1995:110).

13

lexical similarity between Tchumbuli and Chumburung, we compared the elicited wordlists with the
Chumburung wordlist published by Snider (1989). For this comparison, we applied the following
criteria:
• Same: two lexical items are the same, if they have been noted exactly identically, including
tones.
• Similar: two lexical items are similar, if they appear to have the same root. Similar are close to
mid vowels at the various places of articulation, open-mid to open vowels at the various places
of articulation, nasals and the alveolar approximant, trill and flap to the alveolar lateral
approximant. Noun class prefixes and other prefixes were not taken into account, where they
could be identified.
• Different: two lexical items are different, if they do not appear to have the same root.
In at least 15 out of the 70 cases of difference between lexical items we suspect that the differences
could be explained with near synonyms or communication problems in the elicitation process.
Accordingly, thorough double-checking might reveal that similar lexical pairs are actually the same.
The comparison yielded the following results:
Table 5. Lexical comparison between Tchumbuli and Chumburung

Same
Similar
Different
Total of lexical pairs
Lexically similar
pairs
4.3

Tchumbuli
(Gb)–
Tchumbuli (Ok)
18
112
13
143

Tchumbuli
(Gb)–
Chumburung
9
92
24
125

Tchumbuli (Ok)–
Chumburung

91%

81%

74%

10
84
33
127

Dialect comprehension

In spite of the apparent dissimilarities reflected in the wordlists, there are no reported differences
between the varieties of Tchumbuli in Okounfo, Gbédé and Edaningbe. Everyone agreed that the variety
spoken in Ghana (Chumburung) is exactly the same as Tchumbuli.
An interviewee in Gbédé gave the following list of places in Ghana when we asked where else
Tchumbuli was spoken: Ayngemela, Kété Krachi, Ohianmanshihin, Banda, Bouvayi No. 1 and No. 2,
Gouvoubi, Chindere, Gadjamissi, Bafore, Okomondi, Nkonignang, Woledjan, Bankan, Aynininni Aye. Our
language assistants in Edaningbe mentioned Nkougna, Bafole, and Badjamossi. There are family ties and
regular visits from Benin to Ghana and vice-versa. According to our assistants, the contact to Ghana is
particularly lively in Gbédé (« il y a le va-et-viens »).

14

Table 6. Relations between Ghana and Benin
Village
Okounfo

Gbédé

Edaningbe

to
Yonkpontre, KouamiDansou, Gbidjamissi,
N’Tumuda,a Ayiname Hai
(Ghana)
Aynininni Aye (Ghana)

Badjamossi (Ghana)

Reason
family visits

From
Gbidjamissi,
Ayiname Hai

Reason
family visits, yam feast in
September

emigration in
1953 triggered by
reports of
abundance, but
many returned to
Gbédéb
one person for a
family visit, in
1994

towns in Ghana
not specified,
Séméré (Benin)

annual family visits

Badjamossi
(Ghana)

family visit with intention
to settle in 1995. “But the
big brother was tired of
Edaningbe and did not
want to stay.”

two persons in 1984, to
gather information on the
language

a

Awloukpoukpou village
Information given during the community interview in Gbédé in August 2000. Iroko (1995:116) also mentions people
from Gbédé who decided to go back to Ghana in April 1951. This expedition was led by the paramount chief Anyanami
III and the group resettled in the town Anyinamae in the Chumburung area (Hansford pers. comm., Snider pers. comm.).
b

At the community interview in Okounfo, several took the primers and those who could not read
expressed the desire to be able to read them. Others started reading them with difficulty and understood.
They started at the beginning where it is very easy so that we do not know about more difficult material
such as texts and stories yet. When shown the written material in Chumburung, the younger men of
Gbédé could read them fairly easily.
One man used to travel to Ghana regularly. He reported that he brought Bible portions in
“Cobecha” (probably Chumburung) from there, but gave them away. When shown the Chumburung New
Testament, he said he had never seen it, but just booklets.
At the community interview in Gbédé a blackboard was brought into the crowded room. A young
man was in charge of the board to write down personal and place names for us to copy. Before the start
of the interview he wrote “Chumburung” on the top of the board. When asked, he explained “That’s the
name of our language.” In the course of the interview he went home and brought back volume two of
the Chumburung primer (Demuyakor et al. 1980).
In all three villages language assistants stated that the people in Ghana speak exactly like them, “it
is the same thing” (« exactement comme nous, c’est la même chose »). It is not clear, though, whether
they are referring to Chumburung or to members of the Tchumbuli speech community who went back to
Ghana when they say this.
4.4

Comprehension of Foodo

Foodo is another North Guang language, spoken in Séméré, south of Djougou at the border of Togo. The
perception of Foodo varies among the Tchumbuli and Cobecha.
During the interviews before the actual trip to the language area our interpreter stated that
Tchumbuli is also spoken in Séméré. According to him, the varieties of Okounfo and Séméré are
mutually intelligible, differing only slightly in tone, and there are no significant lexical differences.
In all three villages the Foodo are known, but not with the name “Foodo.” They are called “those of
Séméré.” They are seen as “brothers” by the Tchumbuli and Cobecha in Okounfo and Gbédé, and at least
as relatives in Edaningbe. The elders of Edaningbe thought that the language Foodo is “the same thing”
(« la même chose ») as Tchumbuli. The king of Gbédé had heard about the Foodo and that they are said

15

to be “brothers,” but he did not know them himself. Others in Gbédé had met Foodo speakers and report
to understand simple sentences in context, such as “Put the yam on the table.”
4.5
4.5.1

Language vitality
Bilingualism

Preliminary research suggested that the Tchumbuli and Cobecha are at least bilingual in Tchumbuli and
Cabe (Iroko 1995:112, 116). Before the actual survey trip we had several interviews with our interpreter.
On one of these occasions also a member of our interpreter’s extended family was present. When talking
to each other they used a language that they admitted to be Cabe, when asked. The assumption that the
Tchumbuli might be highly bilingual was supported by the sub-prefects of Savè and of Ouèssè who both
said that the Tchumbuli and Cobecha speak Cabe so well that they cannot even be identified as nonCabe. It was reported in Okounfo that children’s L1 (first language) most often is Cabe. An interviewee in
Okounfo said that children already speak Cabe when they are 2 or 3 years old. Cabe was said to be the
dominant language in the village.
In Edaningbe, the question of bilingualism is more complex since for many Cobecha, Tchumbuli is
not their L1 anymore. Little children, in general, learn Maxi (or rarely Cabe) instead of Tchumbuli as L1.
However, no further research has been done to determine the level of bilingualism in Cabe and Maxi in
the Tchumbuli language community.
Apart from Tchumbuli, the languages used most are Cabe in Gbédé and Maxi and Cabe (“Nago”) in
Edaningbe. The respondents in Gbédé added that in Okounfo they speak more Cabe than they do in
Gbédé. No answer was recorded during the community interview for the dominant language in Okounfo,
but other information indicates that it is Cabe.
4.5.2

Language use in domains

(x) denotes little or exceptional use of the language in question.
Tch = Tchumbuli (for all tables)

16
Table 7. Language use by domains
Domain
Announcements in the
village
Ceremonies

Judgments in the family
Judgments in the village

Council of elders
Regional meetings of the
traditional council(s)

Village
Okounfo
Gbédé

Tch
(x)
x

Cabe
x
x

Edaningbe
Okounfo
Gbédé
Edaningbe

x
x
(x)

Okounfo
Gbédé
Edaningbe
Okounfo

x
x
(x)
x

Gbédé
Edaningbe
Okounfo
Gbédé
Edaningbe
Okounfo

x
(x)
x
x
x
x

x

x

(x)

Gbédé

Maxi

x
x
x
x
x
(x)

x

Edaningbe

Comments
Tchumbuli only for secrets
Cabe for those who don’t understand
Tchumbuli
exclusively
Maxi dominates, “only a little
Tchumbuli”
possibly not generally truea
Tch in the presence of the king,
otherwise Cabe
Cabe because of foreigners
after the council in Tchumbuli
proclamation in Maxi
Tch with those of Gbédé, Cabe on the
level of the sub-prefecture
Cabe (“Nago”) only if non-Tch speakers
are present
no answer recorded

Two of our respondents in Edaningbe belong to the village founder’s family. We had the impression that they are
some of the last few who speak Tchumbuli with their children. Therefore, their answer concerning the use of
Tchumbuli in the home domain might not be representative for an average family in Edaningbe. This does not impair
the reliability of the other answers on language use.
a

Cabe or Maxi has permeated into all domains mentioned above except for the council of elders
which is held solely in Tchumbuli in all three villages. Ceremonies are another domain consecrated to
the sole use of Tchumbuli in Okounfo and in Gbédé, whereas in Edaningbe they seem to be conducted
exclusively in Maxi. Another stronghold for the use of Tchumbuli seems to be the family judgments. In
the following tables the information is rearranged by village:
Table 8. Language use in Okounfo
Okounfo
announcements in the village
ceremonies
judgments in the family
judgments in the village
council of elders
regional meetings of the
traditional council(s)

Tch
(x)
x
x
x
x
x

Cabe
x
x
x
x

Maxi

Comments
Tch only for secrets
Tch in the presence of the king, otherwise
Cabe
Tch with those of Gbédé, Cabe on the level of
the sub-prefecture

17

In Okounfo, ceremonies and the council of elders are domains that still seem to be consecrated
exclusively to the use of Tchumbuli. Otherwise, Tchumbuli and Cabe are used alongside each other. Cabe
appears to be the default language as soon as non-Tchumbuli speakers are present. In the case of
announcements in the village, Cabe dominates, Tchumbuli only being used for secrets that are to be kept
from non-Tchumbuli speakers.
Table 9. Language use in Gbédé
Gbédé
announcements in the village
ceremonies
judgments in the family
judgments in the village
council of elders
regional meetings of the
traditional council(s)

Tch
x
x
x
x
x
x

Cabe
x

Maxi

x

Comments
Cabe for those who don’t understand Tch
exclusively
Cabe because of the foreigners

(x)

Cabe (“Nago”) only if non-Tchumbuli
speakers present

In Gbédé, ceremonies are restricted to the use of Tchumbuli. Also decisions in the family and the
council of elders seem to be conducted exclusively in Tchumbuli. On the village level both Tchumbuli
and Cabe are used for announcements and judgments. At meetings of the traditional councils of the subprefecture, Tchumbuli is spoken with those of Okounfo, and Cabe (“Nago”) with others. Generally, it can