To others you may be the Lord but to me

Acknowledgments

I would like to thank my supervisor, Professor Rachel Dwyer, for kind, informative and responsive support. I would also like to thank Mr. Naresh Sharma for many engaging and thought-provoking conversations and reading seminars during my time at SOAS. Finally, thanks are due to my mother and father, Hilde Sophie Plau and Hallvard Lydvo, for their support and patience throughout my studies.

Abstract The present dissertation draws on the established theoretical and methodological

outlooks of earlier research on retellings and modern versions of the hagiography of the bhakti poet-saint Mīrā to analyse the latest example of such a retelling, the 2009 TV serial Mīrā. Focusing on the serial’s particular emphasis on Mīrā’s childhood, it argues that the serial can be understood on the background of the popularity of TV series portraying child marriage at the time of the serial’s production. It also argues that the serial’s manner of referencing this context while staying within the narrative and imagery of the wider, hagiographical tradition represents a unique blend of multiple impulses. Consequently, the conclusion recommends further exploration of the devotional TV serial, as opposed to the mythological, as a separate genre of modern, Indian entertainment.

1. Introduction

1 This dissertation analyses the 2009 TV serial th Mīrā, which follows the life of the 16 century poet-saint of the same name. A basic outline of the traditional story of her life

is as follows: In the early 16th century, Mīrā is born to the Rathor Rajputs, who ruled the province of Merta in today’s Rajasthan. When she is married away to the heir to throne of Chittor, Bhoj, she refuses to fulfil her marital duties, claiming that her love is already pledged to the god Kṛṣṇa. Scandalised by this public demonstration of female defiance, the Chittors attempt to assassinate Mīrā with poison and snakes, all of which are mysteriously turned into auspicious items when Mīrā touches them. Leading the life of a wandering ascetic, Mīrā is finally absorbed by the idol of Kṛṣṇa in Dwarka. Throughout her life, she composes and performs songs that tell the story of her defiance and her love for Kṛṣṇa (Martin 2007, pp. 241-243). The 2009 serial follows this outline.

The popularity of this story, which can be attested by the 18 films depicting it (Martin 2009, p. 291), may owe to Mīrā’s singularity as a woman among medieval poets (Hawley and Juergensmeyer 1988, pp. 119-122), but also to the display of

female defiance in the face of traditional society, and the place of devotion, bhakti 2 , in that defiance. Pauwels (2010, pp. 45-46) argues that this aspect of the story makes the

variety of versions of it good objects for studies of “the interface of bhakti and gender” (ibid., p. 45). I agree with this argument, and the present dissertation represents such a study. As such, its claim to originality does not reside in its theoretical or methodological outlooks, but in its material; this is the first academic study of the 2009 serial, which also is the most recent version of the story of Mīrā. It is also the first study to engage with a version of that story set within in the TV series

1 I use the term ”serial” according to its definition by Munshi (2010, pp. 2-3): whereas series feature a

2 I have assumed that the concept of bhakti needs no further explanation.

format. A particular trait of the serial is that it features an extended focus on Mīrā’s childhood; owing to the comparative originality of this trait in the context of Mīrā hagiographies, the dissertation focuses on this part of the serial.

In order to fully tie the analysis of the material to existing research literature on similar treatments of the story of Mīrā, the dissertation aims to answer the following two research questions:

How does the serial relate to the hagiographical tradition on Mīrā? And how can the serial’s particular relation to that tradition be understood within a wider context?

The aim of the first research question is to delineate and explore the particularities of the 2009 Mīrā serial within the tradition of versions and retellings of that story. By discussing these particularities, it will be possible to answer the second research question by analysing these traits within their wider contexts.

Chapter 2 gives a review of relevant literature and background information, touching on the general question of hagiography and giving examples of the hagiographical tradition surrounding Mīrā. It also discusses studies of representations of Mīrā in modern media, along with a general discussion of hagiography and religion in these media.

Chapter 3 presents the dissertation’s theoretical and methodological outlooks, and discusses the state and scope of its material. It also draws on the background information outlined in chapter 2 to provide a demarcation of the material and to bring the research questions in sharper focus.

Chapter 4 explores the first research question by outlining and discussing the serial’s extended depiction of Mīrā’s childhood, and especially the prominence of her Chapter 4 explores the first research question by outlining and discussing the serial’s extended depiction of Mīrā’s childhood, and especially the prominence of her

to the hagiographical tradition are brought into focus, paving the way for the following chapter’s discussion of the second research question.

Chapter 5 discusses the findings of the previous chapter in the context of the TV series genre and the popular trends of that genre at the time of the serial’s production, setting the stage for a gathering of the dissertation’s multiple strands of analysis in the resulting Conclusion.

A final note on formalities: The dissertation follows the Harvard style of referencing, with one exception. Since the serial is only available online, and each episode is typically uploaded as multiple videos of a few minutes each, I refer to the episodes using the EX formula, where X signifies the particular episode. Using the full Harvard style in these instances would otherwise result in an overly cluttered text.

A full list of episodes referred to is provided in the reference list, under a separate subheading. In addition, all names of characters in the serial are, as far as possible, given in IAST transliteration, whereas place names are given according to anglicised spelling. All Hindī words used in the text are translated in footnotes at their first appearance. It should be noted that the focus here is not Mīrā as a poet, but on the tradition surrounding her persona. Consequently, the dissertation contains no

discussion of Mīrā’s bhajans 4 .

3 ”Idol, statue; manifestation.” (McGregor 1993, p. 829).

4 ”Devotional song, hymn.” (McGregor 1993, p. 757).

2. Mīrā in hagiography and modern media

In order to establish a theoretical backdrop to the following discussion, this chapter begins with a brief discussion of the fundamental concept of ’hagiography’, which will especially focus on its implications in the South Asian tradition. By proceeding to present the current status of research on the historical Mīrā, I aim to provide a clearer understanding of the ensuing discussion of the hagiographical tradition surrounding her, and its relation to historiography. Finally, after briefly discussing the role of religion and traditional epics in modern film and television entertainment in India, without attempting to give a full historical account of this role, I will outline the highlights of the representations of Mīrā in these media, focusing especially on how they relate to the hagiographical traditions, and the relevant studies of them.

2.1. Hagiography

Introducing a general overview of hagiography in the Hindu context, Barz (2009, p. 237) writes that while the term originated in the Christian tradition, denoting writing (graphē) on sacred (hagios) persons and their lives, the widespread usage of it later academic writing has made it ’the appropriate term’ for biographies of sacred individuals of all religious denominations. Even so, Snell (1994, p. 2), commenting on the applicability of the term in the study of the Bhaktamāl (’garland of devotees’), argues that ’devotee’ is a more appropriate term for the subjects of hagiographies in the Indian context than the saintly person implied by hagios; usage of the term in this context still requires sensitivity to the particular development and traits of Indian, hagiographical literature. A common thread in this varied literature, Snell (ibid., pp. 1-3) details, is that it sets out to present the life of a supremely dedicated devotee of Introducing a general overview of hagiography in the Hindu context, Barz (2009, p. 237) writes that while the term originated in the Christian tradition, denoting writing (graphē) on sacred (hagios) persons and their lives, the widespread usage of it later academic writing has made it ’the appropriate term’ for biographies of sacred individuals of all religious denominations. Even so, Snell (1994, p. 2), commenting on the applicability of the term in the study of the Bhaktamāl (’garland of devotees’), argues that ’devotee’ is a more appropriate term for the subjects of hagiographies in the Indian context than the saintly person implied by hagios; usage of the term in this context still requires sensitivity to the particular development and traits of Indian, hagiographical literature. A common thread in this varied literature, Snell (ibid., pp. 1-3) details, is that it sets out to present the life of a supremely dedicated devotee of

2.2. Mīrā in history 5 Since it can be understood as an example of the deconstructing tendency within the

current research on the historical Mīrā, while also giving a full account of the state of contemporary scholarship on this issue, John Stratton Hawley’s 2005 article Mīrābai in Manuscript (2005, pp. 89-116) will serve as a fruitful starting point for the present discussion. On the basis of a discussion of the available manuscripts, Hawley finds that only six of the poems that presently are available may be securely linked to a

person of the name Mīrā, living in northwest India in the 16 th century or at an earlier date. Contrasting the biographical data that may be gleaned from these poems with

the story of Mīrā recorded in the earliest hagiographies, the status of which is also discussed in the same article, Hawley (ibid., pp. 115-116) argues that the persona implied by the six poems occupies a ‘middle distance’ from the Mīrā who is found in the later literature. For instance, only one of the poems demonstrates the defiance towards familial obligations that is a focal point in the early hagiographies.

Hawley (ibid., pp. 89-92) also discusses what can be known about the historical Mīrā on the basis of historical sources, such as royal genealogies and

5 Only a rough outline of research on the historical Mīrā is possible within the constraints of this

dissertation.

hagiographical works belonging to various formalised bhakti movements. Disagreeing with a position represented by Frances Taft, which prefers sources from courtly environments in favour of those from various bhakti contexts when establishing a basic, historical biography of Mīrā, Hawley demonstrates how the mention of Mīrā and her marriage to Bhojrāj of Chittor in the Naiṇsī rī Khyāt, a mid-seventeenth- century genealogy from Jodhpur, can not readily be understood as much more than as

a report of hearsay. He also calls the state of the manuscripts of the genealogy into question, casting doubt on whether the mention of Mīrā may not actually be a later addition prompted by the growth of a hagiographical Mīrā tradition. In the following section, I will turn to the high watermarks of this growth.

2.3. Mīrā in hagiography

Several works give accounts of the growth of the hagiographical tradition concerning Mīrā. I will here first focus on the earliest developments, about which the literature seem to agree, before proceeding to give some defining examples of the more recent additions to this tradition.

Hawley and Juergensmeyer (1988, pp.122-129) present a succinct overview of the development of the Mīrā hagiographical tradition. The earliest text that mentions Mīrā in a hagiographical context is the early seventeenth century Bhaktamāl by Nabhadās, in which several of the motifs which would be central to the later tradition are first detailed, all within a single, sparse verse; Mīrā’s breaking of the bonds of family in favour of devotion to Kṛṣṇa, the fearless truthfulness of her songs, and the unsuccessful attempts on her life (ibid., p.123). As we shall see, many of these motifs are developed in later hagiographies. It is also important to note that the Bhaktamāl does not specify exactly who is responsible for the attempts on Mīrā’s life, Hawley and Juergensmeyer (1988, pp.122-129) present a succinct overview of the development of the Mīrā hagiographical tradition. The earliest text that mentions Mīrā in a hagiographical context is the early seventeenth century Bhaktamāl by Nabhadās, in which several of the motifs which would be central to the later tradition are first detailed, all within a single, sparse verse; Mīrā’s breaking of the bonds of family in favour of devotion to Kṛṣṇa, the fearless truthfulness of her songs, and the unsuccessful attempts on her life (ibid., p.123). As we shall see, many of these motifs are developed in later hagiographies. It is also important to note that the Bhaktamāl does not specify exactly who is responsible for the attempts on Mīrā’s life,

An example of the mutations the basic frame of the Mīrā story has been subject to can be found in the Panjābi story Pothī Prem Abodh from 1693. Written for performance in the court of Gobind Singh, the tenth Sikh guru, in Punjab, it retains many of the elements familiar from Priyadās’ Bhaktamāl commentary, but sets them out in a different structure. For instance, Mīrā’s husband in this telling is a prince named Giridhāri, who on his deathbed turns out to be Kṛṣṇa. By also taking pride in shattering the audience’s expectations of Mīrā’s behaviour, the text apparently presumes a familiarity with the story. It also places Mīrā firmly within a Sikh context. Most importantly, especially for the present thesis, is that the Pothī Prem Abodh introduces Raidās, an untouchable Hindu Cāmar saint, as Mīrā’s teacher. In Sikhism, Raidās is accepted as partaking in the spiritual insights of the Guru (Martin 2009, pp. 289-290). As an example of how themes may flow from one hagiographical context to another, the motif of Raidās as Mīrā’s teacher is later to be found in several later Hindu versions of her story, and figures in a prominent role in the TV serial under review here.

The telling credited with forming the basis of most modern renditions of Mīrā’s story is the 1898 historical biography by historian Munśī Devīprasād. Here Mīrā only turns to devotion after the death of her husband, and in place of her father- in-law it is her brother-in-law who persecutes her. In this version, Mīrā is no longer rebellious, but rather supremely virtuous, since her ascetic attitude is prompted by her duties and position as a widow – it is sorrow for the loss of her husband that makes The telling credited with forming the basis of most modern renditions of Mīrā’s story is the 1898 historical biography by historian Munśī Devīprasād. Here Mīrā only turns to devotion after the death of her husband, and in place of her father- in-law it is her brother-in-law who persecutes her. In this version, Mīrā is no longer rebellious, but rather supremely virtuous, since her ascetic attitude is prompted by her duties and position as a widow – it is sorrow for the loss of her husband that makes

A modern day example of the hagiographical tradition surrounding Mīrā, which employs elements from both the Pothī Prem Abodh and Devīprasād’s work, is the Mīrā issue of Amar Chitra Katha, a long-running series of comic books telling the life stories of a wide selection of well-known Indians. In an article focusing on this issue, Hawley (2005, pp. 139-164) details how the comic broadly follows the established structure, while also adding subtle tweaks. For instance, the Mīrā of Amar Chitra Katha starts her final period of wandering and asceticism after reaching old age, effectively underlining the tendency of the hagiographical tradition following Devīprasād to cast Mīrā as an essentially virtuous Hindu wife whose devotional life takes place in the life period when such activities are expected (ibid., p.147). Interestingly, reprints of the comic from the 1980s of feature a disclaimer stating that the story as presented in the book is not based on historical facts, but on legends. At the same time, the comic underplays the miraculous aspects of the story, such as Mīrā’s absorption into the Kṛṣṇa idol at Dwarka (ibid.). Together, these elements underline the modernistic outlook of Amar Chitra Katha and its editor, Anant Pai, and exemplify how the story of Mīrā may be subtly adapted in hagiographies to conform to an ever-evolving set of moral and social outlooks. In the following, I will discuss this tendency as it is expressed in the modern media.

2.4. Religion and traditional narratives in modern, Indian media

A popular genre of Hindī cinema is the devotional. Dwyer (2006, p. 65) notes that these films differ from those of the mythological genre both thematically, in that they typically focus on medieval poet-saints, such as Mīrā, rather than deities or characters A popular genre of Hindī cinema is the devotional. Dwyer (2006, p. 65) notes that these films differ from those of the mythological genre both thematically, in that they typically focus on medieval poet-saints, such as Mīrā, rather than deities or characters

Concerning soap operas in India, Munshi (2010, pp. 9-14) suggests that the string of soap operas that came to define the genre in the modern context, such as Kyoṃki Sās Bhī Kabhī Bahū Thī, often feature a subtext derived from the larger body of epics, such as the Mahābhārata and the Rāmāyaṇa, for instance through visual hints and intermittent plot similarities. Before these modern soaps, the 1980s saw a widespread appeal in India of religious soaps based on those very epics, which, while they in their reception by audiences functioned differently from films, can be understood as a related form of the mythological cinema (Dwyer 2006, pp. 52-53). As such, it can be argued that the 2009 serial on Mīrā under discussion here displays elements of both modern Indian soap operas, the earlier serials carrying the influences of mythological cinema, and, first and foremost, the devotional cinema. I will continue this discussion on the serial’s relation to genre in chapter 5, but will now turn to a brief outline of the history of portrayals of Mīrā in film and television.

2.5. Mīrā on film

A milestone in the depiction of Mīrā on film was the 1947 Tamil language Mīrā, remade into Hindī in 1947, directed by American E. Duncan (Dwyer 2006, pp. 87-89; Mukta 1994, p. 203; Martin 2009, p. 291). Both Dwyer (2006, p. 88) and Mukta (1994, p. 203) agree that a particular strength of the movie was the bhajans sung by M. S. Subbalakshmi, the recordings of which outlived the popularity of the film and went on to become standard versions of the songs. Songs aside, Mukta (1994, p. 204) argues that it was a “staid” film, which did not really engage with the controversial aspects of the story, such as Mīrā’s refusal to abide with social and marital obligations. Some contemporary reviews also attacked it for being lacking in both emotion and realism (Dwyer 2006, p. 88). De Groot (2006, pp. 34-37) agrees with these impressions, noting how the film portrays Mīrā as an ideal wife whose devotion makes her husband, the prince of Chittor, attain new spiritual insight, and that it omits most parts of the story that can be understood as expressing dissent.

On the other hand, de Groot (ibid.) argues that the film still carried a symbolism that chimed well with the outlook of independent India, particularly in the Mīrā character’s quiet resistance to her in-law parents and in her preference for the common people. This symbolism was clearly expressed when a 1947 gala preview was organized by the first prime minister of India, Jawaharlal Nehru. For our present purposes, these readings of the film primarily serve as examples of interpretations of modern portrayals of Mīrā, demonstrating how the particularities of a retelling of the story can be understood on the background of its social and historical context.

A more recent film is the 1979 Mīrā, directed by Gulzar (Martin 2009, p. 291). Kishwar and Vanita (1989, pp. 100-101) criticize the film’s portrayal of Mīrā for being both “vulgarising and mystifying”; like the Amar Chitra Katha Mīrā, which A more recent film is the 1979 Mīrā, directed by Gulzar (Martin 2009, p. 291). Kishwar and Vanita (1989, pp. 100-101) criticize the film’s portrayal of Mīrā for being both “vulgarising and mystifying”; like the Amar Chitra Katha Mīrā, which

88) is presumably referring to a similar impression when she describes the film’s Mīrā as ‘rather selfish and strange’. The film is also the subject of extended analysis by Pauwels (2010, pp. 45-67). She argues that the film expresses both tendencies towards uplifting Mīrā as a saintly figure advocating progressive stands on women’s rights against patriarchy and towards undermining both the Mīrā character and those progressive stands (ibid., p. 47). She also finds that the film deftly strikes a balance between relating to hagiographical frameworks and catering for the genre dictates of Bollywood, finding ways to update the hagiographical to contemporary issues surrounding women. For instance, when Mīrā’s sari catches fire in the ceremony of her arranged marriage, it can be understood as hinting towards dowry deaths, playing on the common Bollywood theme of love marriage versus arranged marriage, while at the same time staying within the broad frame of the traditional Mīrā story (ibid., p, 49). Like Kishwar and Vanita (1989, pp. 101), Pauwels (2010, p. 52-53) also highlights the trial scene as a sequence that apparently situates the film firmly in a progressive stance on women’s issues. On the other hand, the film also introduces the character of Mīrā’s female cousin on her father’s side, which, by acting as the ideal Rajput woman, functions as a counter ideal to the devotional Mīrā (ibid., pp. 53-57). The film also 88) is presumably referring to a similar impression when she describes the film’s Mīrā as ‘rather selfish and strange’. The film is also the subject of extended analysis by Pauwels (2010, pp. 45-67). She argues that the film expresses both tendencies towards uplifting Mīrā as a saintly figure advocating progressive stands on women’s rights against patriarchy and towards undermining both the Mīrā character and those progressive stands (ibid., p. 47). She also finds that the film deftly strikes a balance between relating to hagiographical frameworks and catering for the genre dictates of Bollywood, finding ways to update the hagiographical to contemporary issues surrounding women. For instance, when Mīrā’s sari catches fire in the ceremony of her arranged marriage, it can be understood as hinting towards dowry deaths, playing on the common Bollywood theme of love marriage versus arranged marriage, while at the same time staying within the broad frame of the traditional Mīrā story (ibid., p, 49). Like Kishwar and Vanita (1989, pp. 101), Pauwels (2010, p. 52-53) also highlights the trial scene as a sequence that apparently situates the film firmly in a progressive stance on women’s issues. On the other hand, the film also introduces the character of Mīrā’s female cousin on her father’s side, which, by acting as the ideal Rajput woman, functions as a counter ideal to the devotional Mīrā (ibid., pp. 53-57). The film also

I have found no academic work dealing with the 1993 serial on Mīrā, except the brief mention of it by Martin (2009, p. 291), which reports that it features elements of condemnation of religious violence, possibly prompted by the Bābri Masjid affair. The only article mentioning the 2009 serial, excepting general overviews that mention its existence (Martin 2010), is a draft paper by Ramsoondur- Mungur (n.d., pp. 1-9) dealing with the manners in which Indo-Mauritian women are influenced by the beauty ideals of Bollywood TV serials, the 2009 Mīrā being one of the serials discussed. While the inclusion of the serial in this context is interesting on its own account, the paper falls beyond the scope of this work.

2.5. Summary

This chapter provided a broad backdrop for the understanding of hagiography as a genre, and how its views differ from those of modern historiography. Presenting a variety of examples of distinct hagiographies on Mīrā, I argued in favour of an understanding of this tradition that emphasizes its tendency to change according to its evolving social and political context. The following discussion of versions of the story in modern media underlined this understanding, and I will develop it further in the following chapter, which presents the theoretical and methodological outlooks of my analysis, and the particularities of my material.

3. Theory, methodology and material

I will here first briefly discuss the outlooks and methodology through which I will analyse my material, the 2009 serial Mīrā, drawing on the multiple perspectives presented in chapter 2. I will then discuss the state of this material, which particular parts I have chosen to focus on, and why.

3.1. Theory and methodology

A seminal text in the study of oral art is Richard Bauman’s article “Verbal Art as Performance” (Bauman 1975: 290-311), where Bauman argues in favour of a shift away from understanding verbal art as primarily centred on texts, thus yielding more or less correct performances of these texts, to an understanding that accepts the cultural texts produced within the context of performance as definitive in themselves. Lutgendorf notes that this approach has also had repercussions for the study of Indian literature, as the study of classical texts is more often brought into contact with the study of the oral performance of such texts (Lutgendorf 1991: 36).

Similar thoughts are found in the reflections of A. K. Ramanujan (Ramanujan 1991: 22-49) on the mutability of the South Asian traditions of retellings of the epic Rāmāyaṇa. As the examples of hagiographies and film versions presented in chapter 2 demonstrate, the various retellings of the traditional story of Mīrā, in various kinds of media, can, like those of the Rāmāyaṇa, in Ramanujan’s (ibid., p. 46) words, be understood to ”not only relate to prior texts directly, to borrow or to refute, but they relate to each other through this common code”. This code consists of a shared stock of signifiers, such as plots, places, characters and key incidents, and the arrangement Similar thoughts are found in the reflections of A. K. Ramanujan (Ramanujan 1991: 22-49) on the mutability of the South Asian traditions of retellings of the epic Rāmāyaṇa. As the examples of hagiographies and film versions presented in chapter 2 demonstrate, the various retellings of the traditional story of Mīrā, in various kinds of media, can, like those of the Rāmāyaṇa, in Ramanujan’s (ibid., p. 46) words, be understood to ”not only relate to prior texts directly, to borrow or to refute, but they relate to each other through this common code”. This code consists of a shared stock of signifiers, such as plots, places, characters and key incidents, and the arrangement

The sum of these perspectives is a theoretical outlook that allows for approaching a retelling of the story of Mīrā as complete in it self, rather than a derivation, and yet defined by the contexts of its performance. A similar approach is voiced by Pauwels (Pauwels 2010, p. 45-46) when she expects modern versions of this story to stress the rebellious aspect of Mīrā’s character and to exemplify the modern, progressive nature of the bhakti movement (although she does not find that these aspects are embraced in such versions). I agree with this outlook, which sees a given retelling, in all kinds of media, as expressing a unique version working within a familiar framework, and that its particular reordering of and attitude towards this framework can be understood as an expression of attitudes towards a variety of issues; social, historical, political or otherwise. In the case of Mīrā, examples of such issues would be the questions of female self-determination and the relationship between traditional values and radical devotionalism.

This theoretical perspective may not sufficiently emphasise the demands inherent in specific genres, except if one understands those genre demands to be a part of a given retellings’ defining context, which in this instance is the TV-series genre. The further implications of this will be discussed in chapter 5.

3.2. Material

Mīrā was broadcast on NDTV Imagine, a channel that, due to declining viewership, was shut down in 2012 (Munshi 2012, pp. 308-309). This makes it difficult to find official information about the serial, but the dating of episodes uploaded to video sharing sites and discussions in various online chat forums suggest that the serial was Mīrā was broadcast on NDTV Imagine, a channel that, due to declining viewership, was shut down in 2012 (Munshi 2012, pp. 308-309). This makes it difficult to find official information about the serial, but the dating of episodes uploaded to video sharing sites and discussions in various online chat forums suggest that the serial was

th

th

which also produced the widely seen Rāmāyaṇa serial in 1987-1988, produced the serial (Martin 2012). According to its own title sequence, Moti and Meenakshi Sagar developed the serial, the screenplay was written by Vipul Mehta and the dialogues by Vinod Sharma and Mrduti Sharma (E1). Given the lack of further, reliable information on the serial’s production team, neither it nor the actors in themselves will be discussed in the present analysis.

There are some problems with the state of my material: Of the total 134 episodes, only 50 were available to me. The serial is not available in any form on the commercial market, and due to the closing of NDTV Imagine, the tapes could not be obtained from them directly. Sagar Productions were unresponsive to efforts to make contact. The 50 episodes that are available are all to found on the video sharing sites YouTube and Daily Motion. They are all in Hindī, with no subtitles. The 50 episodes constitute less than half of the serial’s total running time, and several episodes assumedly dealing with key episodes were unavailable. Also, some of the videos that are available have some obviously missing parts, especially before and after commercial breaks. I fully accept that these shortcomings may reduce the general applicability of the present analysis.

I will, however, argue that the state of the material that is available still is of such a nature that it can form a sufficient basis for serious study. Firstly, the 50 episodes I have watched have a combined running time of approximately 20 hours, which in them selves offer a wealth of material for analysis. Throughout my work, I

6 For an example of online chat forums devoted to the serial, see http://mūrti.india-forums.com/tv-

show/547/meera/ . The discussions on such forums could be subjects of analysis in themselves, but are beyond the space constraints of this dissertation.

7 I tried to contact Sagar Productions by email, but never received a reply.

also discovered that these 20 hours present far more material than could be sufficiently analysed within the present frame. Secondly, several videos of the bhajans performed in the serial are available online, often featuring the scenes in which they are performed. Since these bhajans are routinely performed at important moments of the narrative, this makes it possible to comment on key sequences without having access to the full episode. Another argument is based on the particular narrative style of the serial, which also has consequences for the focus of this dissertation.

A striking aspect of the serial is that it is quite clearly separated into two parts, apparently of equal length 8 : A first part, which follows Mīrā as a child, and a second

part that follows her life as an adult woman. And within these two major parts there are several sub-branches of the narrative, fleshing out supporting characters and adding minute plot twists. It especially seems that shorter story arcs are established in the episodes broadcast on Mondays, to be resolved in the episode on the following Friday, and many of these arcs do not appear to further the overall narrative of Mīrā’s story, but rather to create drama and suspense while the overarching story is told at its own pace. And since not all of these minor arcs and sub-branches are related to the themes I wish to explore in this dissertation, some of them not even to Mīrā’s character, I would argue that the current state of the material provides a sufficient insight into the contents of the series to apply the theoretical outlooks outlined above to it.

So rather than focusing on the full narrative of the entire serial, I will analyse sections of it that, to my knowledge, present original perspectives on the Mīrā story,

8 The episodes leading up to the introduction of the adult Mīrā are missing, as well as those following

her introduction, making it difficult to pinpoint the exact date. However, online news items suggest that the replacement occured after Dīvālī, giving roughly 13 weeks of episodes with the younger Mīrā, and

16 with the elder (Lookhar, 2009).

and which demonstrate how the structure how this retelling is determined by its generic context, the TV series genre. This means that I will primarily focus on the section of the serial portraying Mīrā as a child of nine years, since the serial’s extended treatment of this part of her life is particular to it, at least among other

modern day portrayals. 9 As the following analysis and discussion will make clear, this selective approach narrows the material sufficiently down to apply my research

questions to it within the space of this dissertation; how does the serial relate to the hagiographical tradition on Mīrā? And how can the serial’s particular relation to that tradition be understood within a wider context? By answering the first of these questions in the following chapter, by analysing aspects of the serial’s depiction of Mīrā’s childhood, I intend to lay the groundwork for a discussion of the second question in chapter five.

3.3 Summary

I have here outlined the theoretical outlooks that inform my approach to my material, formulating a perspective grounded in Bauman’s argument on the validity of cultural texts produced by performance, and, by pointing to Ramanujan’s work on the mutability of South Asian traditions of retellings and Martin’s adoption of a similar approach in her work on the 1979 Mīrā film, provided a framework for understanding my material. Arguing that the sheer scope of my material, along with its generic particularities, dictates that only sections of it can be analysed sufficiently within the scope of the present work, I demarcated those sections to be the ones dealing with the depiction of Mīrā’s childhood, owing to the comparative originality of the serial’s emphasis on this part of the familiar story.

9 The 1945/1947 version spends about 15 minutes on Mīrā’s childhood, in the 1979 version she is

grown when the film begins.

4. Analysis of material

I will begin this analysis by briefly discussing the lyrics of the theme song, which is played during the opening vignette and at several key moments in the serial. I will then discuss the serial’s depiction of Mīrā’s childhood, focusing especially on her relationship with her mūrti of Kṛṣṇa. This analysis will be structured around the narrative detailing how this mūrti comes into her possession, while drawing on incidents and sequences from later episodes. Through this approach, I aim to answer my first research question, concerning how the serial relates to the hagiographical tradition on Mīrā, by discussing those aspects of the serial that I would argue are particular to it, while also pointing towards those aspects of it that relate to the framework that the tradition has in common.

4.1. Theme song

The theme song (Nimit Parmar 2009) introduces the serial’s perception of the fundamental themes of the story of Mīrā. The following is my own translation of its lyrics:

”Leaving (female) friends She played with (her) Kṛṣṇa doll, The dear partner of (her) childhood She loved the colour of the dark-complexioned one

It became a true story of love Mīrā became poor to the world She would run from all royal colours

She would speak of matters of love She would not heed the customs of the world She would search for the love of her heart She began to form new bonds of relation.”

This lyric introduces the main themes of the story of Mīrā as it is traditionally understood, but achieves this without mentioning any of the other characters in the narrative except Kṛṣṇa. As such, it may be understood as setting out the emotional core of the story, centring on the basic themes of love, devotion and the rejection of traditional values. The mention of the “doll” in the opening chorus also hints at the recurring theme of Mīrā’s relationship to her Kṛṣṇa mūrti, which I will analyse in depth here. Mīrā’s name is sung repeatedly throughout the chorus, emphasizing that the song embraces what apparently are deemed to be the essentials of the story of Mīrā. All in all, this is in line with the perspectives on hagiography and performed oral texts discussed in the preceding chapters; the theme song references a rudimentary hagiographical framework, while at the same time not tying itself too closely to any specific constituents of that framework. It should also be noted that the lyric emphasises Mīrā’s childhood and her Kṛṣṇa doll, introducing these elements as the starting points of the later narrative, and it is to them we now will turn our focus.

4.2. Mīrā as a child.

The following analysis of the serial’s depiction of Mīrā’s childhood is structured around some closely connected themes: Her relationship to her mūrti of Kṛṣṇa, and how the depiction of this relationship deals with the interrelated themes of devotion and marriage. The starting point for this analysis is the narrative of how the mūrti

comes into Mīrā’s possession, which spans the first five episodes and a run time of nearly two hours. Briefly summarised, a nine-year-old Mīrā wants a doll (guḍḍā), similar to that of her friend Lalitā’s, who tells Mīrā that one can marry one’s doll and keep is at one’s husband. Mīrā’s parents indulge her youthful seriousness by taking her to a doll seller, where Mīrā sees a doll of Kṛṣṇa displayed and promptly chooses it to be her bridegroom. When she is presented with a different doll at the mock wedding ceremony the following day, it becomes clear that the Kṛṣṇa doll appeared to her alone. Refusing the marriage, she resolves to fast. At the same time, the Kṛṣṇa mūrti in the family friend Raidās’ temple refuses to accept food offerings by letting wind blow out the ritual lamp. After a series of similar incidences, where the actions of Mīrā are echoed by Raidās’ Kṛṣṇa mūrti, which is identical to the doll Mīrā chose at the doll seller’s, Raidās understands the connection and gives the mūrti to Mīrā (E1-E5). Mīrā’s subsequent relationship to this mūrti is a central theme for the rest of the episodes depicting Mīrā’s childhood life, and I will discuss how this relationship can be understood to deal with the central theme of devotion and, in extension, the serial’s treatment of Mīrā’s marriage.

4.2.1. Devotion

A character of central importance to Mīrā’s relationship to the Kṛṣṇa mūrti is the bhakti saint Raidās. The mūrti originally belongs to him, and it is his understanding of the relationship between it and Mīrā that leads to it coming into her possession. Throughout the part of the serial depicting Mīrā’s childhood, Raidās frequently functions as a teacher and a supporting character whose insights on devotion serve to foreshadow later developments. I will discuss some examples of this, before tying A character of central importance to Mīrā’s relationship to the Kṛṣṇa mūrti is the bhakti saint Raidās. The mūrti originally belongs to him, and it is his understanding of the relationship between it and Mīrā that leads to it coming into her possession. Throughout the part of the serial depicting Mīrā’s childhood, Raidās frequently functions as a teacher and a supporting character whose insights on devotion serve to foreshadow later developments. I will discuss some examples of this, before tying

A clear example of Raidās’ function in the serial appears at the beginning of the very first episode (E1), as Ratan Singh’s wife is about to give birth to Mīrā. The birth sequence presents an important piece of foreshadowing, since Raidās is present as the family convenes around the new-born girl and is asked to name her. As he ponders the possibilities, he is seen sitting with a string instrument in his lap, of the same kind that Mīrā is commonly seen playing in popular portraits. As he gives her the name “Mīrā”, dramatic music is played and the camera is cut to a zooming-in close-up of the baby. Taken together, the sequence, and the presence of Raidās in it, strongly hints at the devotionalism that will define Mīrā’s life and efficiently lays out the broad context of the story that is to come, while directly evoking the popular imagery of that story.

An equally symbolic sequence featuring Raidās is seen in E2, when Raidās, having visited the now nine-year old Mīrā in the royal palace and shown her his Kṛṣṇa mūrti, which is identical to the doll she wished to marry, leaves the palace with his group of devotees and Mīrā steals away to follow them. Finding Mīrā’s chamber empty, the members of the royal family scuttles about the palace looking for her. This sequence, featuring several shots of the various parts of the palace, is then immediately followed by a lengthy scene in the surrounding desert, which shows Raidās and his group walking in procession back to their temple and singing a

bhajan 10 addressed to “murlīdharī”, the flute-playing Kṛṣṇa (which is the form of Kṛṣṇa the mūrti depicts). Trailing barefoot behind them is Mīrā, transfixed by the

procession of devotees (E2).

10 The bhajan appears to be written for the serial, as I have found no information on it in other sources.

The imagery of this sequence sets up a dichotomy between the comforts and seclusion of the palace and the vast openness of the desert. Also striking is the use of a bhajan addressed to the flute-playing Kṛṣṇa; in both bhakti poetry and earlier texts, the sound of Kṛṣṇa’s flute generally represents the call from Kṛṣṇa himself, enticing cow- herding women, gopīs, to leave their husbands and houses in order to join Kṛṣṇa in his play in the woods (Kinsley 1975, pp. 32-41). As such, the sequence illustrates some of the fundamental, symbolic dichotomies of the Mīrā story, such as settled life versus religious itinerancy, and also hints at the related tension between traditional marriage and the mystical union of devotionalism. The symbolic centrality of the sequence for the serial is underlined in the very last episode (E134), where Mīrā sings the same bhajan to the Kṛṣṇa mūrti in Dwarka, before she is absorbed into it. This shows the centrality of Raidās in establishing Mīrā’s relationship to Kṛṣṇa.

In other sequences, he functions as a teacher to her and a guide to her parents. For instance, in the scene (E2) prior to the sequence discussed above, when Mīrā says to Raidās that the mūrti is the doll she chose, he explains to her that this is no doll, but his deity. Mīrā does not heed this, and keeps begging for him to give it to her. Finally, Raidās explains that the mūrti chooses for itself where it wants to be, and that one must work hard for it to do so, closing the conversation by stating that Mīrā’s difficulty is thus just as much Raidās’ own. The dialogue thus lets Raidās introduce Mīrā to the complexities of devotion, allowing Mīrā’s later devotion to the mūrti, which she still refers to as a doll, to be understood within a more formal context. In E6, the mūrti is installed in Mīrā’s bedroom, but when she is taught how to worship it, she eats the ceremonial offering. Raidās calms her shocked parents, saying that ”To you and me it is the Lord (’Bhagvān’), but to Mīrā it is her doll. The Lord becomes what his devotees understand him to be” (E6). Raidās turns what appears to be an In other sequences, he functions as a teacher to her and a guide to her parents. For instance, in the scene (E2) prior to the sequence discussed above, when Mīrā says to Raidās that the mūrti is the doll she chose, he explains to her that this is no doll, but his deity. Mīrā does not heed this, and keeps begging for him to give it to her. Finally, Raidās explains that the mūrti chooses for itself where it wants to be, and that one must work hard for it to do so, closing the conversation by stating that Mīrā’s difficulty is thus just as much Raidās’ own. The dialogue thus lets Raidās introduce Mīrā to the complexities of devotion, allowing Mīrā’s later devotion to the mūrti, which she still refers to as a doll, to be understood within a more formal context. In E6, the mūrti is installed in Mīrā’s bedroom, but when she is taught how to worship it, she eats the ceremonial offering. Raidās calms her shocked parents, saying that ”To you and me it is the Lord (’Bhagvān’), but to Mīrā it is her doll. The Lord becomes what his devotees understand him to be” (E6). Raidās turns what appears to be an

As these examples show, Raidās functions both as a teacher and example to Mīrā, but also as an interpreter of her actions to her parents and, in extension, to the audience. This structure also allows Raidās’ bhakti to be sharper delineated from the more formal ritualism of the royal court; by explaining and accepting Mīrā’s unorthodox behaviour, the unconventionality and openness of his devotionalism, and, by association, bhakti in general, is demonstrated. Raidās’ presence thereby gives a formal acceptance of the child Mīrā’s unconventional approach to the mūrti.

This relationship between the mūrti and Mīrā is a central theme of the serial, both in terms of narrative and purely visually. Most episodes feature lengthy sequences of Mīrā gazing at the mūrti to the accompaniment of bhajans or the serial’s theme song. Such sequences regularly follow incidents where Mīrā’s devotion to the mūrti has been put on a test.

E10 to E13 present a clear example of this theme, as they detail how Mīrā’s scheming tāī 11 , who is also crucial to later events, tricks her to give away the mūrti to

the tāī’s son. The aunt buries it in the palace gardens (E11), so that when Raidās comes visiting to see the mūrti, Mīrā is unable to show it to him. However, just as Raidās is about to find out about this, a gardener makes an appearance, declaring that

he has found the mūrti (E12). When it is reinstalled in Mīrā’s bedroom shrine, Mīrā gazes at it as the theme song is played. Following a series of cuts between close-ups of the mūrti and the gardener, Mīrā turns to him, who suddenly vanishes in thin air. As she turns back to the mūrti, the sequence ends with another close-up of it as Mīrā’s name is sung (E13). This sequence is the first in the serial where Kṛṣṇa himself, in the

11 Father’s elder brother’s wife (McGregor 1993, p. 446).

shape of the royal gardener, makes an appearance. In the following episode, E14, Mīrā speaks to the mūrti while alone in her bedroom, saying that “To others you may

be the Lord, but to me, you are my doll, my bridegroom”, echoing Raidās’ assertion in E6. Sequences as these, underlining the close relationship between Mīrā and the mūrti, can be analysed on several levels. Firstly, few of these sequences serve to move the narrative forward; much of the serial generally consists of a series of episodes intended to demonstrate Mīrā’s belief in Kṛṣṇa’s powers, and the actual existence of those powers. Secondly, the many sequences consisting of Mīrā observing the mūrti as bhajans are played, give the serial an aesthetic that is closely linked to that of the devotional cinema discussed in chapter 2; it is the special relationship between the two, brought about by Mīrā’s devotion and Kṛṣṇa’s grace, that is in focus. As such, the serial uses Mīrā’s developing relationship to the mūrti to emphasise her natural gifts as a devotee.

I have argued that the extended time devoted to portraying the place of this relationship in Mīrā’s childhood is a particular trait of this serial, when seen in the context of the wider, hagiographical tradition. It is not that it represents a qualitatively new addition to the meaning of the story; what is particular is rather the lengths it goes to underline this meaning in this part of Mīrā’s life. It also serves as a counterpoint to another, central part of the serial’s narrative of Mīrā’s childhood: Her impending marriage. In the following section, I will briefly discuss this element of the narrative, before ultimately tying it to my first research question.

4.2.2. Marriage

A revealing detail occurs in E1, when Mīrā and her family go to town to find a bridegroom-doll for her. As Mīrā is about to look at the dolls, her mother prompts her