silesr2017 010 A Survey of the Tchumbuli Language Area | SIL International

Language Area

  Gabriele Faton and Katharina Tupper

SIL International ®

  SIL Electronic Survey Report 2017-010, July 2017 © 2017 SIL International ® All rights reserved

Abstract

  This paper presents a sociolinguistic survey conducted in the Tchumbuli [bqa] speech community of Benin. Given the relatively small size of the group and a reportedly high level of bilingualism in the neighboring languages, Cabe or Maxi, our main focus was on the question of language vitality. Through interviews with government officials, community leaders, and groups of the village population, we gathered information on dialect comprehension, language use patterns in various domains and age groups, as well as on language transmission between parents and children, intergenerational shift, and language attitudes. We also gathered general information concerning population, literacy, education, and community structures in the Tchumbuli language area. Another area of interest was the relationship between Tchumbuli and the Chumburung language of Ghana and whether there are contacts between these two speech communities.

  In this paper we give the results for each of the above mentioned categories and explain how they affect our conclusions. The interviews revealed indications for language shift, the extent of which differs from village to village. Generally, Cabe or Maxi is replacing Tchumbuli in a growing number of domains. This includes first language (L1) acquisition and communication between parents and children. Thus, Tchumbuli proficiency in the younger generations is declining. Only in the older generation (over 60 years) is Tchumbuli generally used among peers. So, in general, Tchumbuli in Benin is “endangered.” However, there is a strong sense of ethnic identity and indications of the desire to reverse or at least slow down the replacement process. Furthermore, the Tchumbuli language variety in Benin is closely related to the Chumburung language in Ghana, and Tchumbuli speakers in Ghana are reportedly able to use Chumburung written materials.

  (This survey report written some time ago deserves to be made available even at this late date. Conditions were such that it was not published when originally written. The reader is cautioned that more recent research may be available. Historical data is quite valuable as it provides a basis for a longitudinal analysis and helps us understand both the trajectory and pace of change as compared with more recent studies—Editor.)

  Contents

1 Introduction

1.1 Language name and name of the people group

1.2 Language classification

1.2.1 Tchumbuli and Chumburung

1.2.2 Nchumbulu

1.3 Previous sociolinguistic research

1.4 Language area

1.5 Population

1.6 History

2 Research questions

3 Methodology

3.1 Techniques

3.1.1 Correspondence

3.1.2 Preliminary interviews

3.1.3 Community questionnaires

3.1.4 Interviews with community leaders

3.1.5 Wordlists

3.1.6 Presentation of Chumburung written materials

3.1.7 Observation

3.2 Implementation

3.2.1 Community questionnaires

3.2.2 Interviews with community leaders

3.2.3 Wordlists

3.2.4 Presentation of Chumburung written materials

3.2.5 Observation

4 Results

4.1 Language name(s)

4.2 Lexical similarity

4.3 Dialect comprehension

4.4 Comprehension of Foodo

4.5 Language vitality

4.5.1 Bilingualism

4.5.2 Language use in domains

4.5.3 Language transmission from parents to children

4.5.4 Intergenerational shift

4.5.5 Language attitudes

4.5.6 Ethnic identity

4.5.7 The number of speakers in relation to the size of the ethnic group

4.5.8 Large-scale socioeconomic conditions that favor shift

4.5.9 Other factors related to language vitality

4.6 Religious situation

4.6.1 General information

4.6.2 Language use

4.6.3 Attitude of church leaders to use of Tchumbuli in the churches

4.7 Literacy

4.8 Attitudes towards development

  iii iii

  

5 Summary and conclusion

5.1 General information

5.2 Language vitality

5.2.1 Factors relating to language maintenance or shift

5.2.2 Conclusions as to the stage of endangerment

5.3 Literacy and attitudes towards development

5.4 Religious situation

6 Recommendations

6.1 Literacy in Chumburung

6.2 Literacy in Yoruba, Fon, or Maxi

  Appendix A: Map Appendix B: Questionnaires Appendix C: Historical accounts Appendix D: Wordlist References

1 Introduction

  This paper 1 presents a sociolinguistic survey conducted in the Tchumbuli [bqa] speech community of central Benin, in the Département des Collines. 2 The survey was conducted in August 2000 by Gabriele Faton (née Schoch) and Katharina Tupper (née Wolf) from SIL. The purpose of the survey was to gather information bearing on the vitality of the Tchumbuli language and the desire of the Tchumbuli people for development of their language.

  In preliminary research—e.g. personal correspondence with linguists who work in the North Guang language group—and literature research, the survey researchers collected data available about the Tchumbuli language, related languages in Ghana, and the history of the Tchumbuli people.

  The field survey reported on here involved the administration of individual and community interviews and the elicitation of two wordlists. The survey researchers collected data concerning bilingualism in Cabe andor Maxi, varieties of Tchumbuli, ethnic identity, language vitality, language attitudes, language development, and the religious situation.

  In the following sections, general background information on the Tchumbuli area will be given, some of which was collected during the field research, followed by a presentation of the research questions and a description of the applied methodology. In a fourth section, the findings of the survey will be presented, followed by conclusions and recommendations.

1.1 Language name and name of the people group

  Our main source for preliminary research was an article by A. F. Iroko (1995), an historian at the National University of Benin (Université Nationale du Bénin), as well as personal communication with the author. Iroko has done research in the Tchumbuli language area himself. He paints a detailed picture of the migration of the Edo people of Nigeria. Some of them were mercenaries and migrated from the town of Ibini to Ghana in the eighteenth century. There they lived amongst the Tchumbuli (‘Tchombolo’) in the Kété-Krachi (‘Kratye’) area and eventually adopted the Tchumbuli language. At some point then or later they started to call themselves Cobecha. 3 It is unknown when and why exactly the Cobecha decided to go back to Nigeria. When they set out, they were accompanied by some of the Tchumbuli people. After having passed Kpétchi, Atakpamè (Togo), Agounan (Benin), Assanté (near Glazoue, Benin), and Gogoro (Benin) they were invited by the King of Kaboua 4 to help him in his wars. The Cobecha agreed and founded the village of Okounfo nearby. The Tchumbuli (their “cousins”) founded a separate village in the neighborhood named Gbédé. When the Cobecha and Tchumbuli arrived in the Cabe- and Maxi- speaking area, they were named “Gbassen” 5 by the Cabe and “Bassa” or “Bassen” by the Fon or Maxi. So, in essence, the Tchumbuli language community consists of two originally distinct ethnic groups, the Tchumbuli and the Cobecha (see also section 4.1 on language names).

  1 We would like to thank Dr. Deborah Hatfield for her input and editing on this report.

  2 At the time of the survey, Benin was divided into 12 governmental provinces called départements, each of which is composed of a varying number of sub-prefectures. They encompass various rural communes and urban

  circumscriptions. The départements were reorganized in 1999. Thus, the former Zou département is now divided into Zou, Collines, and Plateau.

  3 The origin and meaning of this name have yet to be clarified. One of our language assistants stated that “cobecha” in Tchumbuli resembles “come and join me” « viens me joindre ». However, another assistant stated that it means “we

  are many” « nous sommes nombreux ». (See also Iroko 1995:108.)

  4 A Nago king in the Savè area.

  5 Reports on the etymology of the name “Gbassin” vary. According to people in Okounfo, “gbassin” means “take and wear the trousers”. This ressembles the explanation quoted by Iroko (Iroko 1995:113): “'Gba Issin' in Cabe means

  'take and attach it' ('tiens et attache, enfile') referring to a piece of material with two strings which the Cabe asked the Cobecha and Tchumbuli immigrants to wear. In Gbédè they state it signifies 'take and eat' in Cabe and explain it with the story of the king of Kaboua who prepared yams for the Tchumbuli and Cobecha immigrants."

  There has been some confusion as to the name of this people group and their language, since different linguists and historians have called them differently. For example, Bertho (1952) refers to the Tchumbuli as “Tshummbuli” whereas Moulero (1964) mentions three different tribes who are immigrants from Ghana: “the Chounbouloun, the Awloukpoukpou and Chombecha.” In the remainder of this paper, we will refer to the ethnic (sub)group as “Tchumbuli” and to the language of the Tchumbuli and Cobecha as “Tchumbuli.”

  Another source of misunderstandings has been the persistent rumor that the Tchumbuli and Cobecha were Ashanti fugitives (Iroko 1995:109–111) which might even have resulted in erroneously classifying Tchumbuli as an Akan language (Grimes 2000a). Iroko tracks down the origins of this misunderstanding and states very clearly that “the Cobecha have nothing in common with the Ashanti” (Iroko 1995:109).

1.2 Language classification

  Research in linguistic literature and correspondence with linguists working in North Guang languages revealed that Tchumbuli is closely related to Chumburung, a North Guang language of Ghana (Bertho 1952, Person 1956, Painter 1967, Hansford pers. comm, Snider pers. comm.).

1.2.1 Tchumbuli and Chumburung

  Classification: Niger-Congo, Atlantic-Congo, Volta-Congo, Kwa, Nyo, Potou-Tano, Tano, Guang, North Guang.

  The North Guang group includes Gonja, Choruba, Ndmpo, Yeji, Prang, Nawuri, Gikyode, Ginyanga, Nchimburu (Chumburung), Nchumunu, Krachi, and Nkonya. Stewart quotes Snider as grouping together Tchumbuli, Yeji, Prang, Nchimburu, and Nchumunu (Stewart 1989).

  Snider (pers. comm.) classifies Tchumbuli and Chumburung as follows: Niger-Congo, Atlantic- Congo, Volta-Congo, Kwa, Nyo, Potou-Tano, Tano, Guang, North Guang, Oti Guang, River Guang, Chumburung including Tchumbuli. According to him, Tchumbuli definitely is a “dialect” of Chumburung. This evaluation is based on data collected from Tchumbuli speakers who had returned to Ghana in the 1950s.

  Alternative language names for Tchumbuli:

  Tshummbuli (Bertho 1952) Chombulon (Dolphyne and Kropp Dakubu 1988) Tchombolo (Iroko 1995) Basa (CENALA 1989, CNLB 1983:78, Grimes 2000a)

  Alternative language names for Chumburung:

  Tshimmboro (Bertho 1952) Nchumburu (Dolphyne and Kropp Dakubu 1988) Nchimburu (Painter 1967, Stewart 1989) Nchumburung, Nchimburu, Nchummuru, Kyongborong (Grimes 2000a)

  Tchumbuli (“Basa”) is classified as an Akan language by Grimes (2000a). The Atlas Sociolinguistique (CNLB 1983) lists Basa as a Gur language. However, it is not clear where this information has come from. As has been shown through linguistic analysis, Tchumbuli is a North Guang language within the Kwa family (Stewart 1989, Hansford pers. comm., Snider pers. comm.).

1.2.2 Nchumbulu

  The following information is taken from the Ethnologue (Grimes 2000a). Classification: Niger-Congo, Atlantic-Congo, Volta-Congo, Kwa, Nyo, Potou-Tano, Tano, Guang, North Guang. Snider (pers. comm.) does not know in which way Nchumbulu is related to the other North Guang languages.

1.3 Previous sociolinguistic research

  On the basis of comparative wordlists Bertho grouped together Gbanya, Nawuri, Chumburung, Atshodé, Kratchi, Basa, Nkogna, Logba, Agnaga (Ghana), Tshummbuli, and Bazantché (Benin), as Gonja languages (Bertho 1951, 1952). For Tchumbuli (Benin) he presents two wordlists which differ slightly from each other. After a comparison with the Chumburung wordlist he comes to the conclusion that Tchumbuli and Chumburung are very closely related (Bertho 1951:873).

  According to Painter (1967) Tchumbuli is 80 percent cognate with Chumburung. However, Gillian and Keir Hansford estimate that if synonyms and near synonyms are accounted for, Tchumbuli is even 99 percent cognate with Chumburung (Hansford pers. comm.). Keir and Gillian Hansford have been working on translations into the Chumburung language since 1976. A New Testament has been finished (International Bible Society and Ghana Institute of Linguistics, Literacy and Bible Translation [GILLBT] 1988) and several Chumburung primers have been published (Demuyakor, I. et al. 1980a, 1980b; Abresÿyii, I. et al. 1984).

  Snider, who worked in the North Guang languages, took a wordlist from the Benin Tchumbuli who resettled in the town of Anyinamae in the Chumburung area in Ghana. He states that though the Tchumbuli language has changed slightly from that of the other Chumburungs, it “is definitely a dialect of Chumburung.” He states that the Tchumbuli who have moved to Ghana from Benin have no difficulty using Chumburung literacy material (Snider 1989, pers. comm.). Ring, who surveyed the Chumburung language area, reported that he “would be surprised to find the Chumburung NT useable as it stands in its Ghana format and idioms among the Benin Basa” (Ring pers. comm.).

  So, it can be stated that Tchumbuli (Benin) is closely related to Chumburung (Ghana) in terms of lexical similarity. However, Bertho (1952) collected his wordlists almost fifty years ago. In the meantime, the variety of Tchumbuli in Benin should have undergone normal change. Snider, on the other hand, bases his evaluation on a wordlist taken about 1989 from Benin Tchumbuli who had returned to Ghana in the 1950s. Given their exposure to Chumburung and other related languages in the Volta region, it seems likely that the variety of Tchumbuli in Ghana has developed somewhat differently than that in Benin. Therefore, it still remains to be clarified to what extent the present day variety of Tchumbuli in Benin is similar to Chumburung in Ghana and whether Chumburung is intelligible to the Benin Tchumbuli speech community.

  Iroko is an historian who has also worked with CENALA (Centre Nationale de Linguistique Appliquée) on the linguistic map of Benin. In his paper on the migration history of the Tchumbuli and Cobecha he states that all members of this linguistic community are bilingual in Cabe, causing a shift

  from Tchumbuli towards Cabe in the younger generations (Iroko 1995:112). 6

1.4 Language area

  The language in question is spoken in the Département des Collines of Benin between Savè and Ouèssè, i.e., in the area of longitude 2°20'–2°40' east and latitude 8°20'–8°30' north (IGN 1992). The speakers of the language live in the villages listed in table 1:

  6 « Cette communauté linguistique est sans doute la pierre d’achoppement…, ainsi que la source de multiples erreurs et de confusions de toutes sortes. La nécessité des contacts avec leurs hôtes a fait deux des bilingues: ils parlent tous le chabè, et

  souvent au détriment du Tchombolo chez les jeunes générations. » (Iroko 1995:112) « Toutefois, ils ont dû apprendre le Chabè, leur deuxième langue après le Chombolo; leurs jeunes parlent d’ailleurs de plus en plus fréquemment le Chabè, délaissant le Chombolo.» (Iroko 1995:116).

  Table 1. Tchumbuli villages

  Okounfo

  Gbédé

  Edaningbe

  sub-prefecture Savè

  Ouèssè a Ouèssè

  location

  approx. 37 km north of Savè approx. 52 km north of

  on the outskirts of Ouèssè,

  at the RNIE 2 b Savè, 6 km dirt road off the

  approx. 5 km east of the

  RNIE 2

  main market, part of the Lakoko quarter

  language in the area

  primary school 6 classes with a total of 278

  built in 1973 by “World

  pupils, out of which 260 are

  Education”; 3 classes with a

  Cobecha. The scolarization

  total of 125 pupils

  rate boosted from 11 in 1987 to 57 or 67 in 2000

  comments

  market with some

  the dirt road from the RNIE

  importance for the

  2 to Ouèssè (20 km) is in a

  surrounding villages, new

  very bad state even when it

  stalls built by the NGO

  is dry

  “Picardie” in 1990

  a According to the sub-prefects of Savé and Ouèssè (2000). The maps in the publications of the Ministère du Plan et de la Restructuration Economique du Bénin, Institut National de la Statistique et de l’Analyse Economique (1994) show the

  situation before the restructuring of Benin’s administrative entities.

  b Route Nationale Inter-Etats.

  The majority languages in the area, Cabe and Maxi, are not closely related to Tchumbuli, a North Guang language. Cabe is classified as follows: Niger-Congo, Atlantic-Congo, Volta-Congo, Benue-Congo, Defoid, Yoruboid, Edekiri, Edè, South West Edè (Capo 1989). Maxi is classified as Niger-Congo, Atlantic- Congo, Volta-Congo, (New) Kwa, Left Bank, Gbe, Fon (Stewart 1989, Grimes 2000a). In the interviews, the names used for indicating a language varied. Cabe would also be referred to as Nago or Yoruba, and Maxi would be referred to as Fon.

  The following NGOs (non-governmental organizations) are working in the area: • GEFAD: literacy in Maxi and Cabe

  • la Picardie: community development, e. g., construction of the market stalls in Okounfo

1.5 Population

  Mbessa, Benoît, a Cobecha geographer at the Université Nationale du Bénin, estimated in 1992 that there were 5,000 Tchumbuli speakers (Plunkett pers. comm.).

  Official population data were elicited during the Benin Census 1992 which gives population totals both by ethnic group as well as by political community (Ministère du Plan et de la Restructuration Economique du Bénin 1994c). However, neither Basa nor Tchumbuli is listed. Based on the census data and information obtained in the survey, we estimate the following population figures:

  Table 2. Estimated population figures by village

  Village

  population

  estimated population

  estimated number

  Ethnic groups present a

  (in 1992)

  (in 2000)

  of Tchumbuli and Cobecha (in 2000)

  Okounfo

  122 b 1,589 c 1,160 d Cobecha. Minorities of Yoruba, Nago, Fon, Hausa, Ditammari, Peulh

  Gbédé

  Tchumbuli. Minorities of Cabe, Fon, Peulh

  Edaningbe

  800 e 583 f Cobecha. Maxi minority, no Nago

  a Information gathered in interviews with community leaders held in August 2000 in the area.

  b Ministère du Plan et de la Restructuration Economique (1994c:20).

  c Estimate based on the estimated growth rates for the region, i. e. 3.2 percent (1992–1996) and 3.4 percent (1997– 1999) as given in Ministère du Plan et de la Restructuration Economique (1994b:170).

  d This figure results from the assumption that 73 percent of the population is Cobecha or Tchumbuli. This proportion was obtained from the estimated figures for Edaningbe.

  e Estimate by F. A. G. at Ouèssè.

  f In Edaningbe, 300 adults are Cobecha (estimate given by our language assistants). The total of 583 results from the proportion of 48.5 percent under-15-year-olds in the Zou province (Ministère du Plan et de la Restructuration

  Economique 1994a:23).

  Based on estimates made by our language assistants, there are 3,436 inhabitants in the three villages, out of which about 73 percent (2,507) are ethnically Tchumbuli. It has to be borne in mind though that these figures are based on a set of assumptions and are only rough estimates.

  Vanderaa (1991) reports 1,000 speakers for Tchumbuli.

1.6 History

  Moulero in his history of the Savè area mentions three “tribes” (“tribus”) to be fugitives from Assanté (Ashanti): the Chounbouloun, the Awloukpoukpou, and the Chombecha, the latter being originally from Ibini (Nigeria). To avoid a war with the kings of Kumasi (Ghana), the Chombecha left the area of Kumasi with the first two tribes, to go back to their original home country Nigeria. When they arrived in Kaboua (Benin), King Olodumaré granted them exile in his area (Moulero 1964:17f).

  Basically Iroko (1995) confirms this account. He describes the itinerary of the Cobecha from Nigeria to Ghana and then back to Benin in more detail. As to the reasons for the decision to return to Nigeria, Iroko states they are not clear (Iroko 1995:108).

  Snider (pers. comm.) states that the Tchumbuli “are Chumburung people who left Ghana on a warring expedition about 150 years ago. They ended up settling in Benin and intermarrying with other language groups. In the 1950s a number of them, led by their paramount chief Anyanami III returned to Ghana and settled in the Chumburung area south of Chindere,” i. e., in the town Anyinamae (K. Hansford pers. comm.). Other Tchumbuli families from Benin migrated back to Ghana and settled in the Zongo at Jasikan and at Nkwanta in the north of the Volta Region (Ring pers. comm.).

  For the oral accounts of Cobecha and Tchumbuli history given during community interviews in August 2000, see Appendix C.

2 Research questions

  Criteria have been set for establishing the need for SIL involvement in language development among the language communities in Togo and Benin, and the priorities and strategies for such involvement. These Criteria have been set for establishing the need for SIL involvement in language development among the language communities in Togo and Benin, and the priorities and strategies for such involvement. These

  

  Therefore, the overall goal of this survey is to provide information about the language and the language area relating in general to the vitality status of the language. The specific goals of the survey were in regard to the following topics listed in table 3:

  Table 3. Research questions

  Survey GoalConcept

  Research Questions

  Indicator

  Language Area

  Where is Tchumbuli spoken?

  Dialect Comprehension within

  How many varieties of Tchumbuli

  reported differences

  Tchumbuli

  exist, if any?

  lexical similarity

  Dialect comprehension of

  Do Tchumbuli speakers understand

  reported comprehension

  Chumburung

  Chumburung?

  intelligibility (not tested)

  What is the relationship between

  lexical similarity

  Tchumbuli and Chumburung?

  Would the Tchumbuli speakers be able to use Chumburung written material?

  Bilingualism

  Which languages do the Tchumbuli and Cobecha understand? Which languages do the Tchumbuli

  language use in domains and age

  and Cobecha speak?

  groups

  Language Use

  Which languages do the Tchumbuli

  reported language use patterns

  and Cobecha use in various speech domains and functions of speech?

  Language Vitality

  Is Tchumbuli endangered, and if so, bilingualism to what degree?

  language use in domains and age groups language transmission from parents to children intergenerational shift language attitudes self-perception and identification with the dominating ethnic group number of speakers in relation to the size of the ethnic group

  Language Attitudes towards

  What are community attitudes

  reported attitudes

  language shift

  towards the maintenance of Tch in the community?

  Attitudes towards language

  What are community attitudes

  reported attitudes

  use

  towards the use of Tch, Nago, Cabe, Maxi, Fon, Yoruba, and other languages? Is one of these languages more prestigious than the others?

  Ethnic identity

  What do people call themselves?

  reported data

  What do others call them? What kind of contacts are there, if any, to the Guang unification movement in Ghana? What kind of contacts are there to Tchumbuli speakers in Ghana and elsewhere?

  There are also some additional factors that are directly related to the priority and strategy criteria outlined above. These are listed in table 4.

  Table 4. Additional research questions

  Survey goalConcepts

  Research question

  Indicator(s)

  Social cohesion

  How homogenous is the Tch.

  linguistic, cultural, geographical,

  language community as a group?

  political, economic and socio- religious homogeneity

  Middle-aged leadership

  What is the political structure in the village? To which age group do the leaders

  age of influential people in the

  belong?

  village population

  Existing structures

  What is the education situation and location of schools literacy rate in the area?

  origin of the pupils scolarization rate

  Do literacy programs exist?

  languages of literacy program

  If so, in which languages? Do they reach Tchumbuli and

  attendance of Tch speakers

  Cobecha?

  Which NGOs work in the area?

  Attitudes towards

  Are the Tch open to new ideas and

  evidence of new technology and

  development (including

  methods of doing things? Are they

  projects initiated andor supported

  literacy)

  interested in community

  by Tch people

  development?

  Religious situation

  Which churches, if any, work in the area? Which other religions are practiced in the area? Which religion(s) do Tchumbuli and Cobecha adhere to?

3 Methodology

3.1 Techniques

  In order to address the research questions mentioned above, the following techniques were used:

3.1.1 Correspondence

  Correspondence with SIL linguists working in North Guang languages:

  • K. G. Hansford • Keith Snider • Andy Ring

3.1.2 Preliminary interviews

  Preliminary interviews to obtain background information were conducted with the following persons:

  • SIM team in Cabe: J. and M. V,. and S. N., Parakou. They are working with Yoruba speakers.

   Tchumbuli speaker who works at Cotonou, Benin.  Professor B. M., Cobecha, and professor of geography at the National University of Benin

  (Université Nationale du Bénin).  Professor A. Félix Iroko, professor of history at the National University of Benin (Université

  Nationale du Bénin), author of an article about the Cobecha (Iroko 1995).

3.1.3 Community questionnaires

  Community questionnaires were used to investigate the following topics (see Appendix B for the questionnaire used):

   Language name(s) and language area  Dialect comprehension  Language use  Language vitality  Intergenerational shift  Language attitudes  Ethnic identity  Religious situation

3.1.4 Interviews with community leaders

  Interviews were held with the following community leaders:

   Government officials, i.e., sub-prefects  Formal education officials, i.e., teachers  Literacy coordinators (see Appendix B for the questionnaire used )  Church leaders (see Appendix B for the questionnaire used )

3.1.5 Wordlists

  In the course of previous linguistic research, wordlists were taken by Bertho (1951, 1952), Painter (1967) and Snider (1989), as explained in section1.3. Both Bertho and Painter actually elicited the wordlists in Benin. In order to examine the lexical similarity between the present variety of Tchumbuli in Benin and Chumburung, as well as between Tchumbuli varieties (if any), wordlists were taken in Gbédé and in Okounfo.

3.1.6 Presentation of Chumburung written materials

  Since Tchumbuli is closely related to the Chumburung language in Ghana, primers (Demuyakor 1980a, b) and the New Testament in Chumburung (International Bible Society 1988) were shown to interested individuals to get a first impression whether they might be able to use this material.

3.1.7 Observation

  Information about living conditions, language use, and evidence of traditional religious practices was at least partially collected by observation.

3.2 Implementation

  The preliminary interviews with Tchumbuli speakers as well as with an academic and historian provided important information on the history and language of the Tchumbuli speech community. The correspondence with the linguists working in the Guang language group helped to clarify language names and their alternatives in the Chumburung area and the relationship between Chumburung and Tchumbuli.

  One of the people involved in the preliminary research was a Tchumbuli speaker who works in Cotonou. Not only did he give us important information before the survey trip, but he also accompanied us during our fieldwork in the language area including visits to the local government authorities (sub- prefectures). His introductions to relatives and friends facilitated the setting up of interviews and their administration. During the interviews, he translated our questions into Tchumbuli and then translated the answers back into French. In Okounfo, the delegate also helped with translation. In Gbédé, the king’s speaker and translator translated the answers from Tchumbuli into French.

  The trip to the language area was designed to gather reported data. It consisted of interviews with community leaders and individuals in order to gather data on language use, language vitality, attitudes towards language use and language shift, as well as information on literacy programs, education, and the religious situation. In addition, two wordlists were elicited.

3.2.1 Community questionnaires

  The purpose of the community interviews was to obtain the views of native speakers on the name of their language and the geographical boundaries of the Tchumbuli language area, as well as their views on their relationship to Chumburung speakers in Ghana. Another area of special interest was the language use pattern of Tchumbuli and the role of other pertinent languages in the area, Cabe and Maxi in particular. The questionnaire also included questions aiming at attitudes towards language use and language shift (see Appendix B).

  In general, we made appointments or at least informed the village community the day prior to our coming. On our first visit to Okounfo, an appointment for the community interview was made for the following day. The people of Okounfo informed the people of Gbédé of our coming. We sent a message to Edaningbe, but unfortunately the messengers arrived after us. As the focus of the interview was on the vitality of the Tchumbuli language, we asked the village chief or delegate to invite people of all age groups, especially parents with young children, to participate in the interview.

  In Okounfo the questionnaire was administered in a classroom to approximately 40 men of all ages, including the delegate of the village, younger men with little children, but not the king. In Gbédé, the community questionnaire was administered to the king and his elders in the presence of about 60 men, women and children of different ages in the king’s chamber. The women did not participate actively in the interviews, but judging by their reactions they seemed to agree with what was being said. In Edaningbe, we spoke to four elders and the youngest son of one of the elders. This man (35 years) had started listening to the interview. In the course of the interview he became more and more intrigued until he participated actively and became one of the major respondents.

  The questionnaire items were used in their set order or, sometimes, following the topic of conversation. The responses were recorded either on the questionnaires or in note form. A map was used in conjunction with the questionnaire to help determine language boundaries and patterns of languages used in the area (see Appendix A).

3.2.2 Interviews with community leaders

  3.2.2.1 Government officials

  The sub-prefects of both Savè and Ouèssè were visited in order to introduce ourselves and to obtain data on the number of Tchumbuli in the area.

  3.2.2.2 Education officials

  Informal interviews were conducted with the headmasters of the local primary schools of Okounfo and Gbédé in order to obtain information on the number of pupils, their ethnic group, language use among pupils, school enrollment, and secondary schools in the area.

  3.2.2.3 Literacy coordinators

  The regional literacy coordinator of Ouèssè was interviewed in order to ascertain the number of literacy classes in the area, total class populations, and participation of Tchumbuli speakers. The literacy coordinator of Savè was not in the area at the time of the survey and could not be interviewed. (For the literacy questionnaire see Appendix B.)

  3.2.2.4 Church leaders

  Interviews were conducted

  • in Okounfo with the maître catholique (Tchumbuli speaker), the secretary of the Methodist

  church (Tchumbuli speaker), and the secretary of the Christianisme Céleste (Tchumbuli speaker, Nago mother)

  • in Gbédé with the catechist of the Catholic church (Nago, speaks Tchumbuli fluently) • in Edaningbe with the catechist of the Catholic church (Tchumbuli speaker)

  The questionnaire contained questions on the number of churches in the Tchumbuli speaking area, as well as language use and attitudes towards the use of Tchumbuli in the church context (see Appendix B).

3.2.3 Wordlists

  The wordlist used is based on the CENALA Listes lexicales (no date). The corresponding Chumburung words elicited by Snider (1989) were also entered in the list, in order to be able to compare the elicited Tchumbuli lexical items with those of Chumburung.

  The wordlists were elicited in Okounfo and in Gbédé, both traditionally Tchumbuli-speaking villages. It had been planned to elicit wordlists in at least two different villages. Information obtained during the preliminary interviews suggested that the Tchumbuli language is undergoing advanced language shift in Edaningbe. In the course of the survey this impression was reinforced so that no wordlist was taken in Edaningbe.

  The group from which the lists were elicited consisted of three or more people, all born in the respective village. The elicitation in a group allowed for the discussion of variants, verb forms to be chosen, as well as near-synonyms and synonyms. In this manner, group decisions were made about which form to include in the wordlist. The Chumburung wordlist elicited by Snider (1989) was also used to make minor comparisons during the elicitation process in regard to word selection in cases of indecision, or if there was doubt as to the exact meaning of the Tchumbuli word.

  In Okounfo, our interpreter and the delegate chose three Cobecha men. All three were children of Cobecha parents. They were born and raised in the village. During the elicitation process, our interpreter translated the French word into Cabe since not all three informants understood French well enough. Then the wordterm in Tchumbuli was chosen, sometimes after a discussion as to the exact meaning. Our interpreter also participated in these discussions at the beginning. After eliciting the wordlist, the words were then tape-recorded by one of our assistants. For this process, he used our filled-in list with the phonetic script. In some cases, he said a different word than the one that had been chosen. In addition, the verb forms are not consistent, which we only found out afterwards.

  In Gbédé, our interpreter and the group decided on two men as our main informants for the wordlist. During the elicitation process, the king and some of the Tchumbuli men present participated in the discussions as to meanings of words and verb forms. This time, we had planned to split up the list In Gbédé, our interpreter and the group decided on two men as our main informants for the wordlist. During the elicitation process, the king and some of the Tchumbuli men present participated in the discussions as to meanings of words and verb forms. This time, we had planned to split up the list

3.2.4 Presentation of Chumburung written materials

  In all three villages where interviews were conducted several individuals were shown the Chumburung written materials during or after the community interviews. Their reaction was observed and recorded.

3.2.5 Observation

  Information about living conditions, language use, and evidence of traditional religious practices was at least partially collected by observation. It was used to confirm or to rectify reported information.

4 Results

  In the following sections the results from the preliminary interviews, the community interviews, and the interviews with community leaders will be presented.

4.1 Language name(s)

  In Okounfo and Edaningbe the respondents call their language “Cobecha”, whereas in Gbédé the

  language is called “Tchumbulu,” “Tchumbulin,” “Tchumbuli,” or “Tchombolo.” 7 All agree that all these

  names refer to one and the same language. The same applies for the name of the people group: in Okounfo and Edaningbe, they call themselves “Cobecha” or “Obechapu”; in Gbédé, “Tchombulin” or “Tchombolun.” The people in Gbédé emphasize that there are no Cobecha in their village. Outsiders do not distinguish between Cobecha and Tchumbuli; they call both of them “Gbassin.” Neither do they make a distinction between the people and their language and call the language “Gbassen” as well.

  The dichotomy with Cobecha in Okounfo and Edaningbe on the one hand, and Tchumbuli in Gbédé on the other hand, can be explained historically. As mentioned earlier, the Cobecha originate from Nigeria. They are descendants of the Nigerian Edo people. When they settled in Ghana they gave up their own language and shifted to Tchumbuli. When the Cobecha had to leave Ghana the Tchumbuli accompanied them. All of them finally founded villages in the Savè area (see section 1.6). However, they still retain their separate ethnic identities in spite of speaking the same language.

  In the remainder of the paper we will refer to the language spoken by the Cobecha and the Tchombuli as “Tchumbuli” as this name is commonly mentioned in the literature and reflects the relation to the Ghanaian language Chumburung.

4.2 Lexical similarity

  Wordlists were elicited in Gbédé and Okounfo. As they were taken under average survey conditions and not sufficiently double-checked, their reliability is not very high. To get a first impression of the extent of

  7 “The word ‘Tchumbuli’ is pronounced ‘Tchombolo’ in the area” (Iroko 1995:110).

  lexical similarity between Tchumbuli and Chumburung, we compared the elicited wordlists with the Chumburung wordlist published by Snider (1989). For this comparison, we applied the following criteria:

  • Same: two lexical items are the same, if they have been noted exactly identically, including

  tones. • Similar: two lexical items are similar, if they appear to have the same root. Similar are close to

  mid vowels at the various places of articulation, open-mid to open vowels at the various places of articulation, nasals and the alveolar approximant, trill and flap to the alveolar lateral approximant. Noun class prefixes and other prefixes were not taken into account, where they could be identified.

  • Different: two lexical items are different, if they do not appear to have the same root. In at least 15 out of the 70 cases of difference between lexical items we suspect that the differences

  could be explained with near synonyms or communication problems in the elicitation process. Accordingly, thorough double-checking might reveal that similar lexical pairs are actually the same.

  The comparison yielded the following results:

  Table 5. Lexical comparison between Tchumbuli and Chumburung

  Tchumbuli

  Tchumbuli

  Tchumbuli (Ok)–

  (Gb)–

  (Gb)–

  Chumburung

  Tchumbuli (Ok)

  Total of lexical pairs

  Lexically similar pairs

4.3 Dialect comprehension

  In spite of the apparent dissimilarities reflected in the wordlists, there are no reported differences between the varieties of Tchumbuli in Okounfo, Gbédé and Edaningbe. Everyone agreed that the variety spoken in Ghana (Chumburung) is exactly the same as Tchumbuli.

  An interviewee in Gbédé gave the following list of places in Ghana when we asked where else

  Tchumbuli was spoken: Ayngemela, Kété Krachi, Ohianmanshihin, Banda, Bouvayi No. 1 and No. 2, Gouvoubi, Chindere, Gadjamissi, Bafore, Okomondi, Nkonignang, Woledjan, Bankan, Aynininni Aye. Our language assistants in Edaningbe mentioned Nkougna, Bafole, and Badjamossi. There are family ties and regular visits from Benin to Ghana and vice-versa. According to our assistants, the contact to Ghana is particularly lively in Gbédé (« il y a le va-et-viens »).

  Table 6. Relations between Ghana and Benin

  Yonkpontre, Kouami-

  family visits

  Gbidjamissi,

  family visits, yam feast in

  Dansou, Gbidjamissi,

  Ayiname Hai

  September

  N’Tumuda, a Ayiname Hai

  (Ghana)

  Gbédé

  Aynininni Aye (Ghana)

  emigration in

  towns in Ghana

  annual family visits

  1953 triggered by

  not specified,

  reports of

  Séméré (Benin)

  two persons in 1984, to

  abundance, but

  gather information on the

  many returned to

  language

  Gbédé b

  Edaningbe Badjamossi (Ghana)

  one person for a

  Badjamossi

  family visit with intention

  family visit, in

  (Ghana)

  to settle in 1995. “But the

  big brother was tired of Edaningbe and did not want to stay.”

  a Awloukpoukpou village

  b Information given during the community interview in Gbédé in August 2000. Iroko (1995:116) also mentions people from Gbédé who decided to go back to Ghana in April 1951. This expedition was led by the paramount chief Anyanami

  III and the group resettled in the town Anyinamae in the Chumburung area (Hansford pers. comm., Snider pers. comm.).

  At the community interview in Okounfo, several took the primers and those who could not read expressed the desire to be able to read them. Others started reading them with difficulty and understood. They started at the beginning where it is very easy so that we do not know about more difficult material such as texts and stories yet. When shown the written material in Chumburung, the younger men of Gbédé could read them fairly easily.

  One man used to travel to Ghana regularly. He reported that he brought Bible portions in “Cobecha” (probably Chumburung) from there, but gave them away. When shown the Chumburung New Testament, he said he had never seen it, but just booklets.

  At the community interview in Gbédé a blackboard was brought into the crowded room. A young man was in charge of the board to write down personal and place names for us to copy. Before the start of the interview he wrote “Chumburung” on the top of the board. When asked, he explained “That’s the name of our language.” In the course of the interview he went home and brought back volume two of the Chumburung primer (Demuyakor et al. 1980).

  In all three villages language assistants stated that the people in Ghana speak exactly like them, “it is the same thing” (« exactement comme nous, c’est la même chose »). It is not clear, though, whether they are referring to Chumburung or to members of the Tchumbuli speech community who went back to Ghana when they say this.

4.4 Comprehension of Foodo

  Foodo is another North Guang language, spoken in Séméré, south of Djougou at the border of Togo. The perception of Foodo varies among the Tchumbuli and Cobecha.

  During the interviews before the actual trip to the language area our interpreter stated that Tchumbuli is also spoken in Séméré. According to him, the varieties of Okounfo and Séméré are mutually intelligible, differing only slightly in tone, and there are no significant lexical differences.

  In all three villages the Foodo are known, but not with the name “Foodo.” They are called “those of Séméré.” They are seen as “brothers” by the Tchumbuli and Cobecha in Okounfo and Gbédé, and at least as relatives in Edaningbe. The elders of Edaningbe thought that the language Foodo is “the same thing” (« la même chose ») as Tchumbuli. The king of Gbédé had heard about the Foodo and that they are said In all three villages the Foodo are known, but not with the name “Foodo.” They are called “those of Séméré.” They are seen as “brothers” by the Tchumbuli and Cobecha in Okounfo and Gbédé, and at least as relatives in Edaningbe. The elders of Edaningbe thought that the language Foodo is “the same thing” (« la même chose ») as Tchumbuli. The king of Gbédé had heard about the Foodo and that they are said

  

4.5 Language vitality

4.5.1 Bilingualism

  Preliminary research suggested that the Tchumbuli and Cobecha are at least bilingual in Tchumbuli and Cabe (Iroko 1995:112, 116). Before the actual survey trip we had several interviews with our interpreter. On one of these occasions also a member of our interpreter’s extended family was present. When talking to each other they used a language that they admitted to be Cabe, when asked. The assumption that the Tchumbuli might be highly bilingual was supported by the sub-prefects of Savè and of Ouèssè who both said that the Tchumbuli and Cobecha speak Cabe so well that they cannot even be identified as non- Cabe. It was reported in Okounfo that children’s L1 (first language) most often is Cabe. An interviewee in Okounfo said that children already speak Cabe when they are 2 or 3 years old. Cabe was said to be the dominant language in the village.

  In Edaningbe, the question of bilingualism is more complex since for many Cobecha, Tchumbuli is not their L1 anymore. Little children, in general, learn Maxi (or rarely Cabe) instead of Tchumbuli as L1. However, no further research has been done to determine the level of bilingualism in Cabe and Maxi in the Tchumbuli language community.

  Apart from Tchumbuli, the languages used most are Cabe in Gbédé and Maxi and Cabe (“Nago”) in Edaningbe. The respondents in Gbédé added that in Okounfo they speak more Cabe than they do in Gbédé. No answer was recorded during the community interview for the dominant language in Okounfo, but other information indicates that it is Cabe.

4.5.2 Language use in domains

  (x) denotes little or exceptional use of the language in question. Tch = Tchumbuli (for all tables)

  Table 7. Language use by domains

  Domain

  Village

  Tch Cabe Maxi Comments

  Announcements in the

  Okounfo

  (x)

  x

  Tchumbuli only for secrets

  village

  Gbédé

  x

  Cabe for those who don’t understand Tchumbuli

  Edaningbe

  x

  Ceremonies

  Okounfo

  x

  Gbédé

  x

  exclusively

  Edaningbe

  (x)

  x

  Maxi dominates, “only a little Tchumbuli”

  Judgments in the family

  Okounfo

  x

  Gbédé

  x

  Edaningbe a (x) possibly not generally true

  Judgments in the village

  Okounfo

  x

  Tch in the presence of the king, otherwise Cabe

  Gbédé

  x

  Cabe because of foreigners

  Edaningbe

  (x)

  x

  after the council in Tchumbuli

  Council of elders

  Okounfo

  x

  Gbédé

  x

  Edaningbe

  x

  (x)

  proclamation in Maxi

  Regional meetings of the

  Okounfo

  x

  Tch with those of Gbédé, Cabe on the

  traditional council(s)

  level of the sub-prefecture

  Gbédé

  x

  (x)

  Cabe (“Nago”) only if non-Tch speakers

  are present

  Edaningbe

  no answer recorded

  a Two of our respondents in Edaningbe belong to the village founder’s family. We had the impression that they are some of the last few who speak Tchumbuli with their children. Therefore, their answer concerning the use of

  Tchumbuli in the home domain might not be representative for an average family in Edaningbe. This does not impair the reliability of the other answers on language use.

  Cabe or Maxi has permeated into all domains mentioned above except for the council of elders which is held solely in Tchumbuli in all three villages. Ceremonies are another domain consecrated to the sole use of Tchumbuli in Okounfo and in Gbédé, whereas in Edaningbe they seem to be conducted exclusively in Maxi. Another stronghold for the use of Tchumbuli seems to be the family judgments. In the following tables the information is rearranged by village:

  Table 8. Language use in Okounfo

  Okounfo

  Tch

  Cabe Maxi Comments

  announcements in the village

  (x)

  x

  Tch only for secrets

  ceremonies

  x

  judgments in the family

  x

  judgments in the village

  x

  Tch in the presence of the king, otherwise Cabe

  council of elders

  x

  regional meetings of the

  x

  Tch with those of Gbédé, Cabe on the level of

  traditional council(s)

  the sub-prefecture

  In Okounfo, ceremonies and the council of elders are domains that still seem to be consecrated exclusively to the use of Tchumbuli. Otherwise, Tchumbuli and Cabe are used alongside each other. Cabe appears to be the default language as soon as non-Tchumbuli speakers are present. In the case of announcements in the village, Cabe dominates, Tchumbuli only being used for secrets that are to be kept from non-Tchumbuli speakers.

  Table 9. Language use in Gbédé

  Gbédé

  Tch

  Cabe Maxi Comments

  announcements in the village

  x

  Cabe for those who don’t understand Tch

  judgments in the family

  x

  judgments in the village

  x

  Cabe because of the foreigners

  council of elders

  x

  regional meetings of the

  x

  (x)

  Cabe (“Nago”) only if non-Tchumbuli

  traditional council(s)

  speakers present

  In Gbédé, ceremonies are restricted to the use of Tchumbuli. Also decisions in the family and the council of elders seem to be conducted exclusively in Tchumbuli. On the village level both Tchumbuli and Cabe are used for announcements and judgments. At meetings of the traditional councils of the sub- prefecture, Tchumbuli is spoken with those of Okounfo, and Cabe (“Nago”) with others. Generally, it can

  be said that Tchumbuli dominates in all domains. Cabe is used when non-Tchumbuli speakers are concerned.

  Table 10. Language use in Edaningbe

  Edaningbe

  Tch

  Cabe Maxi Comments

  announcements in the village

  Maxi dominates, “only a little Tchumbuli”

  judgments in the family

  x

  judgments in the village

  x

  after the council in Tchumbuli

  council of elders

  x

  proclamation in Maxi

  regional meetings of the

  no answer recorded

  traditional council(s)

  In Edaningbe, Maxi dominates in most of the domains in question. Even ceremonies, which are a stronghold of Tchumbuli in Okounfo and Gbédé, are conducted predominantly in Maxi, with “only a little Tchumbuli.” Decisions in the family are said to be made in Tchumbuli, but we suspect that this answer is not representative for Edaningbe. Only the council of elders is still held in Tchumbuli.