Taking Training to Task Sex of the Immed

Karin Hallde´n 1

Abstract This study examines the effect of the sex of the immediate supervisor on the length of time men and women spend in initial on-the-job training (OJT). Using the 2000 Swedish Level of Living Survey and matched employer regis- try data, this study indicates that men have greater chances of receiving long

initial OJT compared with women. In addition, for women employed in the private sector, the chances of receiving long initial OJT are higher if the immediate supervisor is male. For women with a public sector job or for men irrespective of sector, time in initial OJT is independent of the sex of the immediate supervisor.

Keywords training, gender, supervision, skill

1 The Swedish Institute for Social Research (SOFI), Stockholm University, Stockholm, Sweden Corresponding Author:

Karin Hallde´n, The Swedish Institute for Social Research (SOFI), Stockholm University, Stockholm, SE10691, Sweden. Email: karin.hallden@sofi.su.se

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In recent years, women have caught up with and even exceeded men in terms of educational attainment in industrialized countries (Buchmann & DiPrete, 2006). Nevertheless, women are still disadvantaged com- pared with men in regard to labor market rewards such as wages and labor market positions of authority (Arulampalam, Booth, & Bryan, 2007; Hallde´n, 2011; Yaish & Stier, 2009). Differentials in workplace training, also called on-the-job training (OJT), across occupations and industries as well as between men and women in the same occupation has been suggested to partially account for gender differences in labor market outcomes (Duncan & Hoffman, 1979; Evertsson, 2004; Gronau, 1988; Mincer & Polachek, 1974; Olsen & Sexton, 1996; Tam, 1997; Tomaskovic-Devey & Skaggs, 2002). To further advance the equality between men and women in the labor market, it is of central importance to increase the understanding of mechanisms reproducing labor market gender inequality. Hence, additional knowledge of the determinants of OJT is therefore essential.

This study examines the importance of sex of the immediate super- visor on the length of time men and women spend in initial OJT. Analyses were conducted using cross-sectional data from the 2000 Swedish Level of Living Survey (LNU) and matched employer registry data from the Longitudinal Database About Education, Income and Employment (LOUISE). The significance of applying a firm-level per- spective when estimating labor market stratification has been estab- lished in the literature on outcomes such as segregation by sex or ethnicity as well as worker attitudes and motivation (e.g., Baron & Bielby, 1980; Dickerson, Schur, Kruse, & Blasi, 2010; Reskin, 1993; Tomaskovic-Devey & Skaggs, 1999; Tomaskovic-Devey, Zimmer, Stainback, Robinson, Taylor, & McTague, 2006). Previous studies have examined the effects on the incidence and duration of OJT of employer attributes such as establishment size, union coverage, employ- ment growth and turnover rates, as well as work practices (e.g., Booth, 1991; Frazis, Gittleman, & Joyce, 2000; Jacobs, Lukens, & Useem, 1996; Knoke & Ishio, 1998; Lynch & Black, 1998; O’Connell & Byrne, 2012). Nevertheless, despite research demonstrating that a gender-balanced management and the presence of high-status female managers narrow the gender wage gap (e.g., Cohen & Huffman, 2007; Hultin & Szulkin, 1999, 2003), studies linking the sex of the supervisor to potential differ- ences between men and women in terms of OJT are, to the best of the author’s knowledge, nonexistent. Given the significance of such organ- izational factors for the gender difference in wages, sex of the immediate supervisor may be relevant for gendered opportunities to OJT.

74 Work and Occupations 42(1)

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Hallde´n

Gender Differences in On-the-Job Training OJT has been central to the debate over lifelong learning (cf., The

Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development [OECD], 1991, 2003, 2004), and it is frequently asserted that OJT is crucial for countries’ economic growth and competition in the international market. Another reason for interest in OJT stems from the potential for education in the workplace to provide a leveling effect that would enable employees with little formal education to catch up to more edu- cated workers. However, OJT could also strengthen the effects of formal education if highly educated employees receive more OJT. Hence, OJT is important both from societal and individual perspectives.

It is common to distinguish between formal OJT, informal OJT, and learning-by-doing (cf., Loewenstein & Spletzer, 1999). Formal OJT usu- ally involves a course arranged by the employer that is characterized by structured content and the presence of an instructor, whereas informal OJT implies that the employee is trained by a colleague or supervisor. Learning-by-doing is assumed to consist largely of self-learning in one’s daily work. Initial OJT is considered to be a mix of informal and formal training (with an emphasis on the former) and it also includes compo- nents of learning-by-doing. The duration of initial workplace training (i.e., the training time required at the beginning of a new job to be able to perform the job well) is the prime focus of this study. One reason for focusing attention on time in initial workplace training is that initial OJT has been shown to be more important to current wages than either

formal or informal OJT (Korpi & Ta˚hlin, 2009). 1 In addition, findings from a recent Swedish study revealed a considerable gender gap in such training to women’s disadvantage, even after adjusting for factors such as human capital investments, overeducation in relation to the skill requirements of the job, the proportion women in the occupation, work interruptions, and household work (Gro¨nlund, 2012). Hence, it could be assumed that initial OJT is of great significance to the gap in wages between men and women (cf., Barron, Black, & Loewenstein, 1993; Duncan & Hoffman, 1979; Lynch, 1992). Consequently, it is important to identify the factors that affect time spent in initial work- place training. 2

The theoretical framework connected to workplace training draws upon human capital theory (Becker, 1964/1993), which states that an employee will invest in training if the costs of the training do not exceed the future benefits of the investment. The benefit of the training is a wage increase due to increased productivity, whereas the costs consist of

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76 Work and Occupations 42(1) reduced pay during the training time and any training fees. The

employer, in turn, is assumed to invest in OJT for an employee if the expected gain (i.e., increased productivity) will exceed the costs (i.e., lost work during the training period and any costs for courses, etc.). In human capital theory, a distinction is made between general and firm- specific human capital, wherein firm-specific human capital can only be

used by the employer who provides the training. 3 The costs and returns of specific OJT are shared by the employer and the employee; the employer pays the employee a wage above marginal productivity during the time in training, but a wage below marginal productivity after the training period. Hence, employers’ and employees’ decisions to invest in specific training are based on predicted tenure. Employers are reluctant to invest in general training for employees because the skills are transferable to other firms, and employees therefore pay accordingly for investments in general OJT. However, it has been found that most OJT, including training provided by the employer, is actually transferable to other employers (e.g., Hansson, 2001). 4

It is sometimes assumed that employers are less willing to invest in OJT for women (England, 2005; Este´vez-Abe, 2005). Even if a majority of all workplace training is of an informal nature (e.g., Korpi & Ta˚hlin, 2009), implying no fees for courses nor absence from work (and thus is likely to constitute only a limited cost for the employer), it can still be presumed that employers are more likely to provide longer training for employees with low expected turnover rates and long working hours. As

a result, employers might perceive investments in OJT for women as less profitable and secure, as they may fear women will be more likely to choose part-time work and have higher turnover rates (cf., England, 2005; Este´vez-Abe, 2005). Such beliefs could be due to the notion that women commonly bear the main responsibility for the family and tend to display labor market intermittency because of maternity leave

(England, 2005; Este´vez-Abe, 2005). 5 Thus, in this view, women would be statistically discriminated against when employers distribute training. In addition, it is commonly argued that women themselves are less inclined than men to invest in OJT because of the economic gains of within-family specialization in paid and unpaid work (in which women tend to the household and men focus on labor market work; Becker, 1981/1991; 1985, Mincer & Polachek, 1974). However, women may also

be less likely to invest in OJT because of anticipated discriminatory practices in the labor market that imply that they will receive lower returns for their human capital investments (cf., Neumark & McLennan, 1995).

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A number of studies show that men receive longer and more frequent OJT (both initial and formal) than women, even after important factors related to human capital, labor market characteristics, and the presence of children are statistically controlled (Booth, 1991, 1993; Duncan & Hoffman, 1979; Evertsson, 2004; Green, 1991; Knoke & Ishio, 1998;

Lynch, 1992). 6 Another important factor in determining the amount of workplace training provided is the educational requirements of the job (Gronau, 1988; Korpi & Ta˚hlin, 2009). However, Gro¨nlund (2012) found that a significant gender gap in time spent in initial training remained after controlling for the educational requirements of the job, occupational sex composition, labor market intermittency, and hours of household work (among other factors). To summarize, according to theory and previous research, a net gap in workplace training that dis- advantages women is expected.

Homophily and Homosocial Reproduction Another potential explanation for a gender difference in OJT relates to

homophily or homosocial reproduction. The former concept is used in network research and implies a higher likelihood that individuals similar in certain dimensions (e.g., being of the same sex or having a similar ethnic background) will have a relationship (cf., Smith-Lovin & McPherson, 1993). For instance, “ . . . if two whites who work within an organization are more likely to become friends than a white and an African American, then the friendship relationship is homophilous” (p. 228).

Correspondingly, the notion of homosocial reproduction indicates that individuals tend to prefer others like themselves (Kanter, 1977; Miller McPherson, Smith-Lovin, & Cook, 2001). For example, if women are in the minority in firms, especially in higher positions, their opportunities for career advancement from lower hierarchical levels may be limited (Kanter, 1977; Miller McPherson, Smith-Lovin, & Cook, 2001). This could, among other things, be attributed to lower centrality in (or a lack of) informal networks in the workplace (given that social similarity facilitates access to such workplace networks), or a tendency for managers to promote individuals of the same sex (e.g., Elliot & Smith, 2004; Smith-Lovin & McPherson, 1993).

Several studies have analyzed the impact of firms’ managerial gender composition on the differences in pay between men and women. For example, Hultin and Szulkin (1999, 2003) examined the Swedish labor market and found that women in establishments with predominantly

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78 Work and Occupations 42(1) male managers had lower wages compared with women in establish-

ments with more female managers. This conclusion is supported by Cohen and Huffman (2007), who found that the presence of women in high-status managerial positions narrowed the gender wage gap in workplaces in the United States. However, in their study of small U.S. firms, Penner and Toro-Tulla (2010) did not find any differences in the gender wage gap that could be attributed to the sex of the owner (see also, Penner, Toro-Tulla, & Huffman, 2012). In a similar vein, Hultin (1998) examined the impact of the sex of the highest workplace manager on men’s and women’s chances of reaching higher supervisory positions in the Swedish labor market; no significant effects were found (see Cohen, Broschak, & Haveman, 1998, for corresponding findings on the correlation between the proportion women at the highest manager- ial level and women’s chances of promotion in the United States). However, Kurtulus and Tomaskovic-Devey (2012) show that the pro- portion female top managers in U.S. large private sector firms increased the subsequent female representation in midlevel managerial ranks. 7

To conclude: In line with theories on homophily and homosocial reproduction and findings from previous research, having a supervisor of the same sex could constitute an advantage regarding workplace training for employees, especially those in disadvantaged categories (in this case, presumably women).

Are Gender Differences More Pronounced in the Private Sector?

Previous research indicates that OJT is more common in the public sector than the private sector (Bassanini, Booth, Brunello, De Paola, & Leuven, 2005; Bjo¨rklund & Regne´r, 1996; Statistics Sweden [SCB],

2002). 8 Individuals employed in the public sector also receive longer OJT compared with those working in the private sector (Bjo¨rklund &

Regne´r, 1996; Murphy, Latreille, Jones, & Blackaby, 2008). 9 In addition to the incidence and duration of OJT, the sector may also have impli- cations for a potential gender gap in access to OJT. Examples of policies and practices that could mediate gender differences, and that are linked to the public/private sector division, are open requirement processes and formalized personnel practices that have been found to increase women’s share of jobs in management (see Reskin & Branch McBrier, 2000). Other possible mediators of gender differentials, such as the wage gap (which is believed to be smaller in the public sector compared with the private sector), is compression of the wage structure,

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79 collective bargaining, and the degree of centralized wage setting 10 (cf.,

Anderson & Tomaskovic-Devey, 1995; Blau & Kahn, 2003; le Grand, 1994; Rubary, Grimshaw, & Figueiredo, 2005; see also Hultin & Szulkin, 1999, who linked negative effects of the proportion male super- visors on women’s wages with a decentralized wage-setting policy). 11

If we assume that (a) establishments in the public sector have poten- tially higher degrees of bureaucratization, centralization, and union coverage, implying larger restraints due to formalities, and (b) organ- izations in the private sector are possibly exposed to more competition and thus are more focused on economic profits than public sector firms (making secure investments in OJT relatively more important), it is plausible that potential gender differences in access to OJT are larger in private sector firms compared with establishments in the public

sector. 12 For the same reasons, it could be argued that the immediate supervisor’s control over the distribution of initial OJT is greater in the private sector.

Aim of the Study The aim of this study is to explore the potential effects of sex of the imme-

diate supervisor on the length of time men and women spend in initial OJT. According to human capital theory, employers wish to securely invest in OJT, and they may believe that investments in OJT for women are less safe than for men because women tend to bear the primary respon- sibility for children and the household. This can be ascribed to the use of statistical information about women as a category (i.e., statistical discrim- ination; Phelps, 1972). If statistical discrimination were applied, women would be disadvantaged in the distribution of OJT by both male and female supervisors. In line with theories of homophily and homosocial reproduction, one might argue that supervisors may be more inclined to invest in OJT for individuals with characteristics similar to their own. Consequently, male supervisors may be less inclined to invest in OJT for female employees, whereas these gendered disadvantages might not

be evident for employees with female supervisors (men may also be dis- advantaged in the latter scenario). This difference is expected to be espe- cially pronounced for employees working in the private sector. 13

Several important assumptions are made in the reasoning above. The first assumption implies that the employee always accepts an OJT offer. When studying the distribution of OJT, it is problematic if there is a gender difference in the choice to participate in initial OJT. It is reason- able to assume that women may turn down the opportunity to

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80 Work and Occupations 42(1) participate in OJT more often than men if such training took place

outside of regular working hours because of women’s higher likelihood of having family responsibilities. However, because initial workplace training can be assumed to take place during regular working hours,

a gender difference in the choice to participate in initial OJT is not likely to be a concern. Second, it is presumed that the immediate supervisor has influence over the subordinates’ time in initial OJT. Naturally, this influence is likely to vary depending on the size of the establishment, industry and sector, among other things. Also, it is plausible that the number of subordinates assigned to a supervisor could affect the distri- bution of time in initial OJT. These factors are taken into account, to at least some extent, by adjusting for them in the analyses.

The Swedish Context Sweden is generally depicted as one of the most gender egalitarian coun-

tries in the world alongside with the other Nordic countries (World Economic Forum, 2010). Sweden has policies that facilitate a combin-

ation of work and family (e.g., publicly provided childcare) 14 and the female labor force participation is high—approximately 70% in 2000 (Eurostat, 2002). However, part-time work is common (Eurostat, 2002), especially among women with young children. Although the share of employed women working part time is more than 36% (Eurostat, 2002),

a large fraction works long part-time hours (i.e., 30 hours or more per week; Hallde´n, Gallie, & Zhou, 2012). Although Swedish women’s labor market activity is among the highest in Europe, the proportion of female managers was only 30.3% in 2001, which was just slightly above the European Union (EU) average (European Commission, 2009; see also Yaish & Stier, 2009). Also, the labor market sex segregation is not par- ticularly low, and in 2001, the difference in the distribution of women and men across occupations and sectors was higher in Sweden compared with the EU average (European Commission, 2009; Yaish & Stier, 2009). This feature is sometimes linked to the high female labor force participation and the large public sector (Nermo, 1999). 15

Data, Variables, and Method LNU and LOUISE The analyses in this study are based on data from the 2000 Swedish

Level of Living Survey (Levnadsniva˚underso¨kningen 2000, LNU) and

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81 matched firm registry data from the Longitudinal Database About

Education, Income and Employment (En longitudinell databas kring utbildning, inkomst och sysselsa¨ttning, LOUISE), provided by Statistics

Sweden. 16 The 2000 LNU consists of a nationally representative sample of individuals aged 18 to 75 years with information collected through face-to-face interviews. The response rate was 76.6%, providing an effective sample consisting of 5,142 individuals (for more information on this survey, see Ga¨hler, 2004). The subsample analyzed includes 1,600 employees aged between 20 to 65 years who worked in establish- ments with 10 or more employees.

Dependent Variable and Method Initial OJT was originally a categorical variable based on the following

question: “Apart from the competence necessary to get a job such as yours, how long does it take to learn to do the job reasonably well?” Response options were as follows: 1 day or less, 2–5 days, 1–4 weeks, 1–3 months , 3 months–1 year, 1–2 years, and More than 2 years. This meas- ure has frequently been used in both early and more recent training literature (e.g., Barron, Black, & Loewenstein, 1993; Duncan & Hoffman, 1979; Gro¨nlund, 2012; Korpi & Ta˚hlin, 2009; Loewenstein & Spletzer, 1999). The variable was transformed into days of training (up to 792 days), and its logarithm was used in the analyses (cf., Korpi & Ta˚hlin, 2009). Analyses were conducted using ordinary least squares (OLS) regressions. 17

Independent Variables and Controls Sex of the immediate supervisor was determined through the question:

“Is your immediate supervisor/boss a man or a woman?” 18 A limitation of this question is that we cannot be certain that the current supervisor was also the supervisor when the initial training took place. Hence, sensitivity analyses were conducted for the final models in Table 5, using only employees with very short tenure (2 years or less). The results supported the findings presented below.

On the basis of the theoretical discussion and previous research, the following variables were taken into account in the multiple regression analyses: Sector of employment (a binary variable given a value of 1 if the respondent was working in the public sector) was statistically con- trolled because of expected differences in (a) the duration of OJT between the sectors and (b) a greater significance of sex of the immediate

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82 Work and Occupations 42(1) supervisor in the private sector. Number of subordinates of the immediate

supervisor (given a value of 1 if the immediate supervisor had more than

50 subordinates) could potentially mediate possible effects of sex of the immediate supervisor on gender differences in the duration of initial OJT why this factor was also controlled for in the analyses. Both Swedish and international studies show that skilled workers and employees with exten- sive formal education receive more OJT relative to others (e.g., Bassanini et al., 2005; Bjo¨rklund & Regne´r, 1996; Booth, 1991; Evertsson, 2004; Jacobs et al., 1996; O’Connell & Byrne, 2012; OECD, 2003). One reason for this finding might be that the employer wants to invest securely, and an individual with extensive formal education signals the potential to assimilate the training provided. In addition, highly skilled jobs might require more training than less qualified work. Hence, the variables years

of education , skill requirements of the job, 19 and socioeconomic position were statistically controlled in the analyses. In addition, the analyses also controlled for working life experience and its square term (to take into

account potential curve linear effects), tenure, 20 and (self-defined) part- time work . 21 Proportion women in the occupation 22 and proportion women in the firm 23 were also statistically controlled in the analyses because trad- itionally female occupations tend to involve shorter periods of training (cf., Tam, 1997; Tomaskovic-Devey & Skaggs, 2002), and female super- visors are presumably more common in occupations and firms with a high

proportion of women. 24 Employees in large firms are likely to receive more OJT (e.g., Bassanini et al., 2005; Frazis et al., 2000; Lynch & Black, 1998; O’Connell & Byrne, 2012), and the discretion of the super- visor may also differ between large and small establishments. Furthermore, time in initial workplace training could be assumed to vary across branches of industry. Hence, large firm (a dichotomous meas- ure given a value of 1 if the respondent worked in a workplace with 500 or

more employees), and industry 25 were included in the analyses. Descriptive statistics for these variables are presented in Table 1. In this table, we see that nearly 70% of the sample has a male immediate super- visor and approximately half of the respondents work in the public sector.

Results The overall distribution of initial OJT is displayed in Table 2. The

majority of all employees received more than 3 months of initial work- place training. Although it was most common for women to receive between 3 months and 1 year of training, men most frequently reported that their initial training lasted for more than 2 years.

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Hallde´n

83 Table 1. Descriptive Statistics for the Variables Used in the Analyses.

Mean Percent

(SD) Women

46.9 – Years of education

– 13.3 (3.2) Labor market experience

– 21.1 (11.7) Tenure

– 12.0 (10.7) Part-time

18.2 – Public sector

47.6 – Industry categories Transformative

10.5 – SEI categories Unqualified blue-collar worker

10.9 – Qualified blue-collar worker

19.9 – Unqualified white-collar worker

15.9 – Qualified white-collar worker

28.6 – High-positioned white-collar worker

24.7 – Proportion of women in the occupation

– 47.3 (31.0) Proportion of women in the firm

– 49.4 (28.4) Employees with a male immediate supervisor

67.4 – Years of education required for the job

– 4.3 (2.5) (beyond compulsory schooling)

Large firm (500 or more employees) 23.3 – Immediate supervisor with 50 or more subordinates

17.1 Sample size

1,600 Note. SEI ¼ Swedish socioeconomic classification. Source material is the 2000 Swedish Level of

Living Survey (LNU) and matched registry data. Employees aged 20 to 65 years in firms with 10 or more employees.

Contrary to what has been reported in other studies, the present findings reveal that long initial workplace training is slightly more common in the private sector than the public sector. One reason for

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84 Work and Occupations 42(1) Table 2. The Duration of Initial On-the-Job Training by Sex and Sector

(percentages). Initial On-the-Job Training More than More than

1 year, More 1 day

3 months,

up to than Average or less days weeks months

2 years 2 years (days) N Overall

1 year

All 0.8 2.7 7.7 11.4 28.6 22.4 26.4 351.1 1,600 Women

0.9 4.3 11.2 15.6 32.6 19.0 16.4 267.4 751 Men

0.6 1.3 4.7 7.7 25.1 25.4 35.2 425.1 a 849 Public sector

All 0.8 4.3 9.5 12.3 28.7 20.2 24.2 325.7 761 Women

1.0 6.0 12.0 15.4 31.3 17.4 16.9 262.5 499 Men

0.4 1.1 4.6 6.5 23.6 25.6 38.2 446.1 a 262 Private sector All

0.7 1.2 6.2 10.5 28.6 24.4 28.4 374.1 b 839 Women

0.8 0.8 9.5 15.9 35.3 22.2 15.5 277.1 252 Men

0.7 1.3 4.8 8.2 25.7 25.4 33.9 415.7 a 587 Note. Source material is the 2000 Swedish Level of Living Survey (LNU). Employees aged 20 to

65 years in firms with 10 or more employees. a The average time in initial OJT for male employees is significantly different from the average

time in initial OJT for female employees at the 0.1% level. b The average time in initial OJT for private sector employees is significantly different from average time in initial OJT for the public sector at the 0.1% level.

these conflicting results might be differences in the operationalization of OJT. Women in the public sector received the shortest amount of time in initial OJT, and because public sector male employees received the longest amount of initial OJT, the gender gap in initial training was largest in the public sector.

The potential influence of sex of the immediate supervisor on the gender gap in initial OJT is then analyzed using multivariate regression techniques (see Table 3).

Model 1 (Table 3) indicates that women’s considerably shorter time in initial OJT persists when a full set of control variables are introduced. Labor market experience and having a high socioeconomic position increase time spent in initial OJT. The educational requirements of the job are a stronger predictor of OJT than years of education (cf., Korpi & Ta˚hlin, 2009). As seen in Model 1 (Table 3), the latter is not

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Hallde´n

85 Table 3. The Duration of Initial On-the-Job Training (Estimates From OLS

Regressions With SEs).

Model 1

Model 2 Model 3

b SE b SE Woman

b SE

0.55*** 0.08 0.39*** 0.08 – – Years of education

0.02 0.01 0.02 0.01 0.02 0.01 Labor market experience

0.06*** 0.01 0.06*** 0.01 0.06*** 0.01 Labor market experience squared

0.00 0.00*** 0.00 0.00*** 0.00 Tenure

0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 Public sector

0.08 0.10 0.06 0.10 0.06 0.10 Industry Transformative sector (ref.) Consumer industry

0.18 0.11 0.14 0.11 0.14 0.11 Finance industry

0.11 0.28* 0.11 0.28* 0.11 Welfare sector

0.44*** 0.12 0.18 0.14 0.18 0.14 Other industries

0.05 0.14 0.02 0.14 0.01 0.14 Socioeconomic position Unqualified blue-collar worker (ref.) Qualified blue-collar worker

0.97*** 0.12 0.97*** 0.12 0.98*** 0.12 Unqualified white-collar worker

1.13*** 0.13 1.25*** 0.13 1.24*** 0.13 Qualified white-collar worker

1.44*** 0.12 1.48*** 0.12 1.47*** 0.12 High-positioned white-collar worker

1.62*** 0.14 1.61*** 0.14 1.61*** 0.14 Large firm (500 or more employees)

0.04 0.07 0.04 0.07 0.04 0.07 Educational requirements of the job

0.07*** 0.02 0.06*** 0.02 0.06*** 0.02 Part-time

0.11 0.09 0.03 0.09 0.03 0.09 % women in occupation

0.01*** 0.00 0.01*** 0.00 % women in firm

0.00 0.00 0.00 0.00 Immediate supervisor male

0.21* 0.09 – – Immediate supervisor with

Number of cases

1,600 1,600 Note. Source material is the 2000 Swedish Level of Living Survey (LNU) and matched registry

data. Employees aged 20 to 65 years in firms with 10 or more employees. *p5.05. **p5.01. ***p5.001.

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86 Work and Occupations 42(1) Table 4. The Distribution of Men and Women by Sex of the Immediate

Supervisor and Sector (Percentage With Number in Parentheses).

Men Male supervisor

Women

88.6 (752) Female supervisor

Men Public

Women

Public Private Male supervisor

Private

75.9 (199) 94.2 (553) Female supervisor

100 (262) 100 (587) Note. Source material is the 2000 Swedish Level of Living Survey (LNU) and matched registry

data. Employees aged 20 to 65 years in firms with 10 or more employees.

significant when the two variables are jointly included in the model. The duration of workplace training is shorter in the finance and welfare industries than the transformative industry, but the negative correlation between the welfare industry and OJT diminishes once the proportion women in the occupation is included (Model 2). Furthermore, Model 2 (Table 3) shows that having a high proportion of women in a given occupation reduces the chances of long initial OJT (cf., Gro¨nlund, 2012), although the effect is very small. 26

In addition, sex of the immediate supervisor was introduced in Model 2 (Table 3). Having a male supervisor increases the duration of initial OJT. To determine whether a potential difference between the time men and women spend in initial OJT is influenced by sex of the immediate supervisor, four dummy variables were created: women with female supervisors (the reference category), women with male supervisors, men with female supervisors, and men with male super- visors. As Model 3 (Table 3) indicates, women working for male super- visors received longer initial workplace training compared with women working for female supervisors. For men, on the other hand, the length of the initial training did not differ significantly by the supervisor (esti- mates not shown).

The analyses continued by examining the public and private sectors separately, as it was expected that potential effects of sex of the

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87 immediate supervisor on differences in the duration of men’s and

women’s initial training would be larger in the private sector due to increased exposure to competition and less formalized organizational structures. The distribution of men and women by sex of the immediate supervisor and sector is presented in Table 4. Especially in the pri- vate sector, men were far more likely to work for other men than for women, with only 5.8% of men in the private sector and 24.1% in the public sector with female immediate supervisors. More than 50% of women worked for female supervisors, although this figure dropped to approximately one third when looking only at the private sector, whereas 69.1% of all women in the public sector had a female immedi- ate supervisor.

In Table 5, the proportion of women in the occupation and the firm, the educational requirements of the job, and the socioeconomic position were added stepwise to the analyses, as these factors were expected to be of specific importance to the association between sex of the immediate supervisor and the differences in the duration of initial training for men and women in the public and private sectors. Starting with the public sector (see Model 1a, Table 5), we observe that men (with both male and female immediate supervisors) received longer initial OJT compared with women working for women. However, the significant positive asso- ciation for men with female supervisors diminished once educational requirements of the job and socioeconomic position were controlled for, whereas the longer duration of initial OJT for men with male super- visors remained (see Model 3a, Table 5). In addition, there was no sig- nificant difference in the duration of the initial training between public sector male employees with male supervisors and male employees with female supervisors (estimates not shown). It is evident from Models 1a to 3a (Table 5) that working for a male supervisor does not increase the likelihood of long initial OJT for women in the public sector.

For analyses of the private sector, all estimates were positive and significant in Models 1b to 3b (Table 5), which indicates that women working for men had greater chances of long initial training compared with women with female supervisors. This difference was significant when compared with the corresponding estimate for the public sector (cf., Model 1a and 3a, Table 5). No equivalent significant difference was found in the duration of initial OJT between private sector male employees working for male and female supervisors (estimates not shown). It should be noted that the number of men with female super- visors in the private sector was low (see Table 4), so this estimate should

be interpreted with caution.

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88 Table 5. The Duration of Initial On-the-Job Training by Sector (Estimates From OLS Regressions With SEs).

Without controls for the

proportion of women in

Adding controls for the

the occupation, the proportion

proportion of women

Adding controls for

of women in the firm,

in the occupation and the

educational requirements

educational requirements,

proportion of women

of the job and

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and SEI category

in the firm

SEI category

Model 1b

Model 2b

Model 3b

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Number of cases

761 (continued)

Table 5. (continued)

Without controls for the

proportion of women in

Adding controls for the

the occupation, the proportion

proportion of women

Adding controls for

of women in the firm,

in the occupation and the

educational requirements

educational requirements,

proportion of women

of the job and

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and SEI category

in the firm

SEI category

Model 1b

Model 2b

Model 3b

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0.88*** a 0.17 0.84 ***b

Number of cases

839 Note. The analyses are adjusted for education, labor market experience, and its square term, tenure, industry, firm size, part-time work, and whether the

supervisor had 50 or more subordinates. SEI ¼ Swedish socioeconomic classification. Source material is the 2000 Swedish Level of Living Survey (LNU) and matched registry data. Employees aged 20 to 65 years in firms with 10 or more employees. a

The estimate for private sector employees is significantly different from the corresponding estimate for the public sector at the 1% level. b The estimate for private sector employees is significantly different from the corresponding estimate for the public sector at the 5% level.

89 *p5.05. **p5.01. ***p5.001.

90 Work and Occupations 42(1) To take into account a potential bias in the measurement of sex of the

immediate supervisor at the time of the initial workplace training, the final analyses presented in Table 5 (Model 3a and Model 3b) were also conducted for employees with very short tenure (2 years or shorter). The findings of these analyses supported the results presented earlier (esti- mates not shown). 27

Discussion The purpose of this study was to explore the potential impact of sex of

the immediate supervisor on the length of time men and women spend in initial OJT in the Swedish labor market. Hypotheses were formulated based on theories of homophily, homosocial reproduction, and human capital, as well as previous research. The analyses were based on data from the 2000 Swedish Level of Living Survey and matched employer registry data.

In line with the relevant theories and many of the findings from previous research, the results of the present study indicate that the length of time spent in initial workplace training is gendered. Men have greater chances of receiving long initial OJT compared with women, even when controlling for factors such as labor market experi- ence, socioeconomic status, part-time work, the educational require- ments of the job, and the proportion women in the occupation and the firm. Also, men’s time in initial OJT is independent of sex of the supervisor. This result corresponds with that of Hultin and Szulkin (1999), who found no effect of the proportion of male supervisors on men’s wages. For women in the private sector, the chances of long initial OJT are greater if the immediate supervisor is a man rather than

a woman. Overall, these results are not in line with the notions of homophily and homosocial reproduction but rather point to the stat- istical discrimination of women—given that men get significantly more workplace training than women regardless of sex of the immediate supervisor. However, the statistical discrimination account is not com- patible with the result that female employees in the private sector receive more training with a male immediate supervisor compared with a female. It could be argued that men and women differ in their estimations of the time required to learn the job, such that men overestimate (or women underestimate) the duration of the initial time in training. Even if this was the case (and this effect accounted for part of the gender differentials in time in initial training), it does not

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Hallde´n

91 explain why women with male supervisors in the private sector report

longer initial OJT than those with female supervisors. The measure used in this study, initial workplace training, covers only parts of what is commonly argued to constitute OJT. Another form of OJT is continuous training on the job, which can be formal or informal in nature. In exploratory analyses on formal and informal OJT, the result that private sector female employees with male imme- diate supervisors spend more time in training compared with their equivalents with female supervisors was found only for informal OJT for individuals in high-skill jobs (i.e., positions requiring 3 years or more of education beyond compulsory schooling) and not at all for formal

OJT (not shown). 28 Hence, caution should be used when making infer- ences about other types of OJT.

Conclusion From the discussion earlier, we learn that the result that women in the

private sector receive longer initial training when they work for a male compared with a female supervisor is not easily compatible to theories of homophily, homosocial reproduction, or statistical discrimination of women. Instead, a way of understanding these findings is to connect them to research showing disadvantages for female managers concern- ing organizational resources and managerial level as well as differences between male and female managers as regard prestige and complexity of the jobs they supervise. Women are, for example, less well connected to the informal organizational structure, even when adjusting for rank

(Smith-Lovin & McPherson, 1993). 29 In addition, female managers have been shown to have fewer firm resources available (Smith-Lovin & McPherson, 1993) and are given less responsibility for final decision making compared with their male counterparts (net of differences in managerial level and position in the supervisory hierarchy; Reskin & Ross, 1992). Thus, female managers may be in weaker bargaining pos- itions with regard to the distribution of initial workplace training for their subordinates—especially in the private sector, where male man-

agers predominate. 30 In addition, male managers are generally on higher managerial levels compared with female managers and hence more likely to supervise positions with larger skill requirements. 31 Women with female supervisors tend to be in jobs with lower qualifica- tion requirements, whereas men with male supervisors do the most qualified work. The fact that the results of this article are only valid

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92 Work and Occupations 42(1) for the private sector seems sensible if we assume that the public sector

has a more bureaucratic organization, implying that the promotion and recruitment processes to managerial positions are formalized to a

greater extent. 32 This could be assumed to work to the advantage of women, not only implying greater proportion female managers (cf., Reskin & Branch McBrier, 2000) but also presumably leading to more women working at advanced managerial levels and being in charge of more qualified positions.

Nonetheless, this interpretation can be questioned, considering that the duration of the initial workplace training for men is independent of the immediate supervisor’s sex also in the private sector (and as the findings for informal OJT were only valid for high-skilled jobs). However, the number of private sector male employees supervised by women is low, and these female managers may constitute a compara- tively selected category given that they may be supervising relatively high-skilled positions. Hence, even if the analyses statistically control for the educational requirements of the position, we cannot eliminate the possibility of there being additional aspects of the complexity of the job that are not grasped by this measure, which could partially account for the results (see e.g., Ku, 2011, exemplifying sex segregation within the same occupation by studying gendered choice of specialty among physicians). Also, the relatively small sample size and the lack of lon- gitudinal (or retrospective) information about the immediate super- visor’s sex at the time when the initial OJT took place constitute limitations of the analyses.

Nevertheless, the findings of this study indicate that the immediate supervisor’s sex could at least partly mediate time in initial workplace training and thus is a factor that deserves attention in research on social stratification in the workplace. Future studies including more detailed information about characteristics of the immediate supervisor, such as supervisory rank, would provide useful for a deepened under- standing of the ways in which gender and managerial power interacts and influences career opportunities and outcomes of male and female employees within private and public organizations. Given that the Swedish labor market is characterized by extensive participation of women and active policies aimed at promoting gender equality in the labor market, but also has relatively high levels of occupational sex segregation (cf., Anker, 1998; Charles & Grusky, 2004), further research is needed to explore the validity of the findings in other insti- tutional contexts.

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Hallde´n

93 Acknowledgements

I thank the participants in the seminar series on Social Stratification, Welfare and Social Policy at the Swedish Institute for Social Research (SOFI), especially Tomas Korpi and Ryszard Szulkin, for their valuable comments on this work. In addition, this study benefited from the suggestions of Sunnee Billingsley, David Grusky, Juho Ha¨rko¨nen, Magnus Nermo, Reinhard Pollak, Michael Ta˚hlin, and Donald Tomaskovic-Devey, as well as from comments made by the anonymous reviewers. I also thank Charlotta Magnusson for providing data on the proportion women in the occupation.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the

research, authorship, and/or publication of this article. Funding

The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This work was sup- ported by the Swedish Council for Working Life and Social Research (FAS 2004-1908; 2007-2127).

Notes 1. It is, however, noted by the authors that initial, formal, and informal OJT

partially overlap (Korpi & Ta˚hlin, 2009). 2. Another reason for operationalizing OJT as initial workplace training is that this measure was used by Gro¨nlund (2012) and Korpi and Ta˚hlin (2009) when studying the determinants, distribution, and effects of workplace train- ing in Sweden.

3. Becker (1964/1993) notes, however, that “Much on-the-job training is neither completely specific nor completely general but increases productivity more in the firms providing it and falls within the definition of specific training” (p. 40).

4. See Acemoglu and Pischke (1999) for a discussion of the prerequisites for training in an imperfect labor market. 5. Also, Becker (1985) argues that “ . . . housework is more effort intensive than leisure and other household activities . . . ” (p. 55). Hence, women’s greater responsibility for children and the household would according to this argu- ment imply that they spend less effort in labor market work compared with men working the same number of hours (Becker, 1985).

6. However, some studies found higher incidences of OJT for women, although the duration of the OJT was greater for men (e.g., Altonji & Spletzer, 1991; O’Halloran, 2008). See also Simpson and Stroh (2002), Veum (1996), and Wooden and VandenHeuvel (1997) for findings that do not support the existence of female disadvantages in OJT.

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94 Work and Occupations 42(1) 7. In addition, some studies have explored the effects of the sex of the business

owner and the sex composition of the management and the firm on within- firm gender integration (e.g., Bygren & Kumlin, 2005; Carrington & Troske, 1995; Huffman, Cohen, & Pearlman, 2010). In addition, Stainback and Kwon (2012) used Korea data and showed that high shares of female man- agers lowered firm sex segregation, while high shares of women in super- visory positions had the opposite effect. Also, Maume (2011) examined whether self-rated advancement opportunities were influenced by the sex of the supervisor (among other factors). He found that men with female supervisors rated their chances to advancement higher compared with men working for men. There were no significant effects for female employees.

8. Contrary to the other studies referenced, the figures from Bjo¨rklund and Regne´r (1996) and SCB (2002) are not standardized. 9. However, in the study by Murphy et al. (2008), the public sector training advantage vanished when the sorting of employees was taken into account. 10. Sa¨ve-So¨derberg (2003) used Swedish data and showed that individual wage bargaining increased the gender wage gap because women, among other things, submit lower wage bids than men do. For a comparison of the wage setting systems in Europe and United States, see, for example, Ebbinghaus and Kittel (2005).

11. Also, Kurtulus and Tomaskovic-Devey (2012) showed that the positive effect of the proportion female top managers on the subsequent female representation in the midlevel managerial ranks in U.S. large private sector firms was more persistent in firms holding federal contracts.

12. See however Byron (2010), showing that verified cases of race and gender discrimination varied little by sector in the United States but that the types of discrimination differed. The rate of firing discrimination was higher in the private sector while the rate of promotion discrimination was larger in the public sector.