Embedded Andean Economic Systems and the

CONTENTS

Preface and acknowledgments | vii Joanne Pillsbury

1 Merchants, Markets, and exchange in the Pre-columbian World | 1 Kenneth G. Hirth and Joanne Pillsbury

2 cooperation and the Moral economy of the Marketplace | 23 Richard E. Blanton

3 Merchants and Merchandise: he archaeology of aztec commerce at otumba, Mexico | 49

Deborah L. Nichols

4 he Merchant’s World: commercial diversity and the economics of interregional exchange in highland Mesoamerica | 85 Kenneth G. Hirth

5 he social organization of crat Production and interregional exchange at teotihuacan | 113 David M. Carballo

6 negotiating aztec tributary demands in the Tribute Record of Tlapa | 141 Gerardo Gutiérrez

7 People of the road: traders and travelers in ancient Maya Words and images | 169 Alexandre Tokovinine and Dmitri Beliaev

8 Wide open spaces: a long View of the importance of Maya Market exchange | 201 Marilyn A. Masson and David A. Freidel

9 artisans, Ikatz, and statecrat: Provisioning classic Maya royal courts | 229 Patricia A. McAnany

10 crat Production and distribution in the Maya lowlands: a Jade case study | 255 Brigitte Kovacevich

11 economic Mobility, exchange, and order in the andes | 283 Tom D. Dillehay

12 in the realm of the incas | 309 Enrique Mayer

13 in the realm of the incas: an archaeological reconsideration of household exchange, long-distance trade, and Marketplaces in the Pre-hispanic central andes | 319

Richard L. Burger

14 exchange on the equatorial Frontier: a comparison of ecuador and northern Peru | 335 John R. Topic

15 embedded andean economic systems and the expansive tiwanaku state: a case for a state without Market exchange | 361

Paul S. Goldstein

16 circulating objects and the constitution of south andean society (500 bc–ad 1550) | 389 Axel E. Nielsen

17 barter Markets in the Pre-hispanic andes | 419 Charles Stanish and Lawrence S. Coben

18 discussion | 435 Barry L. Isaac

contributors | 449 index | 455

vi contents

PREFACE AND ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

T her debt for her contributions, both large and small.

he papers in this volume were originally pre-

sented at a symposium entitled “Merchants, two interns, ari caramanica and Michelle young, trade, and exchange in the Pre-columbian World,”

were essential to the overall success of the sympo- organized with ken hirth at dumbarton oaks on

sium itself, and a third intern, alexandra Méndez, october 8th and 9th, 2010. My irst acknowledg-

worked tirelessly to prepare this volume during the ment must be to ken, who made the entire pro-

summer of 2011. i am grateful to ben benus, kinya cess—from planning to publishing—an absolute

inokuchi, yuichi Matsumoto, yoshio onuki, and delight. his great insight into the topic of trade and

yutaka yoshii for their help in obtaining images for exchange, as well as his endless intellectual curi-

several chapters.

osity about and enthusiasm for the subject across

i ofer my sincere thanks to the three anony- the americas, made the event and the resulting

mous reviewers for their detailed and thoughtful volume especially stimulating. i would also like to

advice on an early drat of this volume. his pub- thank the authors of this volume for their willing-

lication would not have been possible without the ness to share their data and ideas, and for working

assistance of reiko ishihara-brito, whose signiicant together to complete this book in a timely fashion.

contributions to the inal editorial stages were above

i am grateful to many individuals who helped and beyond the call of duty. i am grateful to amanda organize the symposium and who supported the

sparrow for her graceful copyediting and to Melissa present volume. in particular, i would like to thank

tandysh for her elegant design. Finally, kathleen the director of dumbarton oaks, Jan Ziolkowski;

sparkes, director of publications at dumbarton William l. Fash; and the members of the board of

oaks, and sara taylor, art and archaeology editor, senior fellows, including barbara arroyo, elizabeth

shepherded the book into print with grace, insight, hill boone, tom cummins, Virginia Fields, charles

and endless good humor.

stanish, gary urton, and david Webster. emily gulick Jacobs was pivotal in all stages of the sym-

Joanne Pillsbury

posium and this publication, and i am eternally in

vii

Embedded Andean Economic Systems and the Expansive Tiwanaku State

A Case for a State without Market Exchange PAUL S . GOLDSTEIN

h e complexity of the human condition calls institutions, there is at least a prima facie reason to for a large dose of theoretical humility, but this,

consider alternative arrangements. alas, is hard to i nd, especially in the dominant

Joh n L i e marginal utility theory paradigm. Value theo-

“sociology of Markets” (1997:353) rists need to perceive the limits to the generality of their particular theory. h is requires them to accept that the economy, both market and non-

Markets versus Embedded Exchange

market, has varied over time and place, and that ideas about the functioning of the economy

ndean civilizations are the quintes- rel ect this geographical and historical varia-

A sential home of alternative economic arrange-

tion. Whenever one group claims universality ments. one key theme of this volume is the debate for their particular theory of value there can be

over a kind of andean economic exceptionalism— no dialogue.

the question of whether the andean states and

empires are unique, in the comparative economic “anthropology, economics, and

C. A . Gr e g ory

anthropology of state societies, for the absence of Political economy” (gregory 2000:1008)

signii cant price-i xing and entrepreneurial tradi- tions. as the chapters in this volume attest, the early

h e assumption of market essentialism forecloses spanish chroniclers described the astounding com- considerations of alternative forms of exchange

plexity of Mesoamerican crat and trading systems, relations and structures. given the historical and

and reported dozens of ethnosemantic categories comparative diversity of market relations and

about market exchange involving entrepreneurial 361 about market exchange involving entrepreneurial 361

but an andean mode of economic thought, one modity equivalencies, the recognition of transport

that emphasized reciprocity, with minimal mar- costs and distance decay patterns, and attention

ket rationality, proit, and commoditization? or to market reliability and fairness. all of these fac-

have andeanists simply not looked hard enough? tors made Mesoamerican marketplaces somewhat

if these questions recall twentieth-century debates familiar to modern scholars of economics. clearly,

between formalist and substantivist positions on commerce, entrepreneurship, and market exchange

economic theory, then perhaps it is because a range were every bit as important as engines of civiliza-

of economic modes may have existed in very dif- tional development in Mesoamerica as they were in

ferent proportion in various ancient complex soci- the old World (adams 1978; algaze 1993; berdan

eties (smith 2004:79). it helps to view the andean 1982; hassig 1985; hirth 1978, 1984; isaac 1993, 1996;

economic formations through the prisms of both smith 2001; stein 1999).

formal and culturalist theories. his is a tough act to follow for andeanists. For

in what follows, i will make a case that the while spanish chroniclers in Mesoamerica wrote

economic integration of the tiwanaku state (ad in awestruck detail about the strange, yet familiar,

500–1000) shows no evidence of signiicant mar- workings of the great markets and merchant classes

kets, price-ixing rationality, or entrepreneurial of the aztec empire, a similar group of spanish

exchange. i will argue that tiwanaku’s domestic observers in the andes failed to describe market-

and political economies were overwhelmingly places to any comparable extent and reported little

what karl Polanyi would have called “embedded” about pricing or entrepreneurial commerce (Murra

economies typiied by reciprocity and redistribu- 1980 [1955]; stanish et al. 2010). indeed, the absence

tion within socially nested networks of agropasto- of market institutions and standard equivalen-

ral and crat production (Polanyi 1957; smith 1976). cies of exchange in the andes frustrated the early spanish bureaucrats, who eventually learned to document and exploit the complex web of mit’a

The Andean Debate

(labor tax extraction), attached crat production, and strategic colonization that they inherited from

supportive of culturally informed approaches to the inca empire (stanish 2000).

economic behavior, Polanyi imagined “embed-

he problem that comparativists are address- ded” economies as systems that met human needs ing in this volume is not only one of inding (or

through reciprocity and redistribution, without not inding) evidence of market exchange, mar-

the individual economizing behavior assumed by ketplaces, equivalencies, or professionalized entre-

the dominant marginal utility theory paradigm preneurs in the andes. it is that the andean states

(halperin 1994). Following Marx, Polanyi posited pose an existential threat to the dominant mar-

that in embedded economic relations, the functions ginal utility theory paradigm for the rise of state

of satisfying wants were not primarily motivated societies. central features of the classic economic

by considerations of supply and demand, but were formations of most old World and Mesoamerican

instead “embedded” in social relations: “in such a states include the lorescence of entrepreneurial

community, the idea of proit is barred, higgling spirit, the commoditization of goods and labor,

and haggling is decried, giving freely is acclaimed and the assumption of an economizing logic and

as a virtue; the supposed propensity to barter, proit motive (blanton and Fargher 2010). a state

truck, and exchange does not appear. he eco- society without all the habits of market rational-

nomic system is, in efect, a mere function of social ity runs counter to our expectations of how state

organization” (Polanyi 1944:48). Polanyi argued economies should work. are the andean states the

that societies with primarily embedded economies exception to the rule? Was there not only an inca

were the norm for most of human history, with the 362 Goldstein

Embedded Andean Economic Systems and the Expansive Tiwanaku State 363

transition to primarily market exchange being a

relatively recent shit. 1 i stress the word “primar-

ily” because, contrary to readings of all of his work as a ixed institutional typology, Polanyi elsewhere admitted that shades of reciprocity, redistribution, or market exchange are found in any society to some degree (halperin 1994). hus, some utilitar- ian negotiated exchange (“higgling and haggling”) no doubt occurred within and between every hunt- ing band. conversely, even the most modern mar- ket systems are closely embedded in networks of human relations, with action predicated on goals of sociability, approval, status, and power, as well as economizing rationality (granovetter 1985). he same logic allows for the existence of some com- plex societies where embedded exchange modes contingent on other kinds of social actions could outweigh the commercial market-based exchange (blanton and Fargher 2010:221).

a second prerequisite for debating andean economic exceptionalism, of course, involves de - in ing an “ancient” or premodern market. not sur prisingly, proponents of marginal utility para- digms favor the projection of market behaviors into deep history by employing deinitions of market exchange that include transactions where the forces of supply and demand are merely visible, though not necessarily paramount. With such an inclusive deinition, it is possible to consider reciprocal gits, bride wealth, and even the classic moka of highland new guinea as forms of “market exchange” (hirth 2010:229). While this position has a certain classical analytic clarity, the focus on the utilitarian aspect is at odds with specialists who see these institutions to be predominantly socially embedded (akin and robbins 1999).

i here will deine “market exchange” as the realm of economic transactions that are primarily based on individual rational economizing behavior (i.e., in which negotiations over price, under forces of supply and demand, are the dominant transac- tional considerations). to be a market exchange,

a transaction’s motivation must be primarily one of pricing and predominantly disembedded from social context (i.e., “shorn of social relations, insti- tutions, or technology and . . . devoid of elementary

sociological concerns such as power, norms, and networks” [lie 1997:342]). i will argue that tiwa- naku’s economy did not meet this standard any more than those of traditional highland new guinea. he concept of an andean states’ excep- tion to the market exchange assumption came to andean studies not from Polanyi, but by way of that amauta of andean economic anthropol- ogy, John Murra. his 1955 dissertation and related articles on inca imperial production and exchange (Murra 1962, 1980 [1955]), followed by a distinct series of articles focusing on relations of reciproc- ity within smaller andean polities (Murra 1968, 1972), are now accepted as paradigmatic statements of the dominance of nonmarket economic modes in native andean states (Morris 1979). since Murra, the political economy of Pre-columbian andean states is widely conceived of as something between the inca’s centrally directed command economy funded through mit’a labor taxes (la lone 1982; leVine 1992; Morris 1986) and a complex web of embedded social relationships deined by ethnicity and kinship (stanish 1997). under either scheme, andean economic production and the allocational movement of goods and services took place in a network of households, extended agrarian com- munities known as ayllus, and far-lung productive enclaves that Murra described as an archipelago. in Murra’s vision, market exchange and entrepre- neurial action were subdued or even entirely absent from the Pre-columbian andes.

some papers in this volume may question this interpretation, citing a small but ot-cited group of exceptions that test the rule, notably the “mollo chasqui camayoc” (Spondylus messenger-worker) who traded Spondylus shell along the north coast of Peru (rostworowski 1988:210) and the minda- lae trading class known in contact-period ecuador (salomon 1986; see also burger, this volume; dille- hay, this volume; topic, this volume). While these groups may have specialized as intermediaries, it is unclear whether either was supported or moti- vated by proit, or simply by attachment to elite patrons or the inca state. other scholars point to a few colonial descriptions of regional fairs as potential barter markets for interchange with some papers in this volume may question this interpretation, citing a small but ot-cited group of exceptions that test the rule, notably the “mollo chasqui camayoc” (Spondylus messenger-worker) who traded Spondylus shell along the north coast of Peru (rostworowski 1988:210) and the minda- lae trading class known in contact-period ecuador (salomon 1986; see also burger, this volume; dille- hay, this volume; topic, this volume). While these groups may have specialized as intermediaries, it is unclear whether either was supported or moti- vated by proit, or simply by attachment to elite patrons or the inca state. other scholars point to a few colonial descriptions of regional fairs as potential barter markets for interchange with

notarial records, as well as traditional chronicle were also embedded within complex social, ritual,

sources. ironically, this innovative perspective and political networks, and their association with

on inca political economy arose in part from the even limited “market exchange” or entrepreneur-

denial of a u.s. passport to Murra until 1958, which ial motives is unclear.

kept him away from ethnographic research and still other authors suggest that Murra’s ideol-

forced him into the library (salomon 2007). on bal- ogy, formed in the streets of romania, spain, and

ance, it is not Murra’s politics but his pragmatic and chicago, let him prone to a polemic primitivism

data-driven approach that explains why many of (Figure 15.1). he question, though, is not whether

his interpretations remain valid ater ive decades. John Murra had an interesting past and some biases (Mayer, this volume), but whether his analyses of the inca command economy and andean reciproc-

Archipelagos, Ayllus, and Diasporas ity were largely correct. trained as an anthropol-

ogist, Murra was informed by a wide reading of several years ater proposing the inca as a non- structural functionalism and a worldwide com-

market state society, Murra (1964, 1968, 1972, 1985) parative stance, not naive ideology or a cofeehouse

suggested another andean economic mode in reading of Polanyi. Murra’s revolutionary interpre-

a form of economic colonization and reciprocal tations incorporate previously underappreciated

exchange practiced in the south-central andes at the time of the spanish invasion. Murra described such systems as “archipelagos” because ethnic poli- ties seemed to establish extended communities with “islands” of settlement in multiple productive

zones, all linked by ethnic and kin networks. 2 he most cited, but least compelling, aspect of Murra’s archipelago phenomenon is the functional truism of “vertical” ecological complementarity across the altitude-deined environment of the andes (Van buren 1996:340).

More interesting, however, are the archipelago model’s structural implications about the impor- tance of complex and enduring social identities in the ancient andes. elsewhere, i have compared Murra’s model of multiethnic colonization to recent considerations of some migrant streams as “dia- sporas.” diasporas, like archipelago colonies, are expatriate communities that maintain a strong connection to their original homeland and see the ancestral home as a place of eventual return, and whose consciousness and solidarity are impor- tantly deined by this continuing relationship with

i gure 15.1

their parent communities in the homeland (cliford John Murra in spain, May 1938. (Photograph courtesy

1994:304). in the andes, early spanish bureaucrats of the abraham lincoln brigade archives, Fiteenth

were intrigued because certain enclave settlements international brigade Photographic unit collection,

invariably insisted on being counted with their dis- tamiment library, new york university.)

tant community of origin, even ater generations of 364 Goldstein tant community of origin, even ater generations of 364 Goldstein

existence does not mean that colonized regions were onists maintained permanent residence in new

melting pots. in fact, it means just the opposite. as locations, their settlements shared each colonized

expatriate colonies carefully maintained their iden- resource zone interspersed with enclaves of other

tities and economic ties with their parent com- ethnic polities. in 1571, the visitador Juan Polo de

munities, they had relatively limited contact with ondegardo noted with bewilderment the lack of ter-

neighboring colonies of diferent ethnic origins. in ritorial exclusivity among enclaves in one lowland

lowland resource zones, this segregation makes func- valley, writing, “in accounting for and distribut-

tional sense because neighboring colonies within a ing the things they bring, it is curious and diicult

resource zone tended to produce similar products, to believe, but no one is wronged” (Julien 1985). a

leaving little incentive for exchange between them. similar “multi-ethnic rubbing of shoulders” was

ongoing ethnographic research also suggests described in a 1595 litigation that airmed simulta-

that multiethnic coexistence between lowland col- neous settlements of “indios lupacas, yungas, huari-

onies could be facilitated by the separation of each nas y achacaches” in the valley of larecaja, bolivia

colonial enclave into a distinct irrigation group (saignes 1986), and among colonies of lupaqa, colla,

(Fortier and goldstein 2006). interviews were con- Pacaxe, and coastal camanchaca ailiation in the

ducted in two recently settled agrarian colonies at western oasis valleys of Moquegua, sama, caplina,

trapiche, a location at 1,300 meters above sea level and azapa in Peru and chile (hidalgo lehuedé

(masl) in the Moquegua Valley in southern Peru 1996; hidalgo lehuedé and Focacci aste 1986; Murra

(Figure 15.2). hese two irrigation groups comprise 1972; Pease g. y. 1980, 1984; rostworowski 1986; Van

separate communities of irst-generation immigrants buren 1996).

from the highland hamlets of Muylaque (3,300 masl)

figure 15.2

Map of the south-central andes, showing principle locations in text. (drawing by Paul s. goldstein.)

Embedded Andean Economic Systems and the Expansive Tiwanaku State 365 Embedded Andean Economic Systems and the Expansive Tiwanaku State 365

images of trapiche denuncia: a) 1997 photograph, showing Muylaque canal under construction; b) 2006 photograph, showing Muylaque agrarian colony (© 2006 google); and c) 2011 photograph, showing Muylaque and Pachas agrarian colonies (© 2011 google).

and Pachas (3,600 masl). together with the inter- view data, aerial images from the years 1997, 2006, and 2011 demonstrate the two enclaves’ separate his- tories and mutual independence. he Muylaque col- ony’s canal, indicated in the 1997 air photo (Figure 15.3a), was created by a group of pioneer women and men from the aymara-speaking parent community

a of Muylaque. he Muylaque group gradually brought

more family members to complete the canal and to successfully irrigate and cultivate the area irst vis- ible in the 2006 photo (Figure 15.3b). later, a diferent coalition of men and women from the Quechua- speaking town of Pachas constructed a separate, higher, and much longer canal, irst indicated in the 2006 photo, which brought an entirely separate area to fruition in the 2011 photo (Figure 15.3c). our inter- views found that these neighboring communities have little contact with each other, each primarily maintaining relationships with their homeland com- munities. signiicantly, the Muylaque and Pachas groups choose diferent crops to plant; use difer- ent planting and land forming technologies; recount

b diferent self-descriptions of origins, kin ties, settle-

ment histories, and identity; and, most relevant here, employ distinct named categories of reciprocal and nonmarket labor relations, such as ayni (mutual aid) (Figure 15.4) (Fortier and goldstein 2006).

a inal theoretical note is that the workings of socially embedded economies are intricately linked to social and structural reproduction. in the case of archipelago colonies past and present, this would imply that colonial enclaves maintain strong identi- ties by reproducing the social structure and practice of their parent communities. hus, historic lupaqa colonies replicated the division of the two home- land moieties, aransaya and urinsaya, and each colony reported speciic allegiance to and traded

c with their respective moiety (Murra 1968:126). More 366 Goldstein

figure 15.4

Ayni (mutual labor aid) canal construction by the Pachas association, trapiche denuncia, Moquegua, 2005. (Photograph by Paul s. goldstein.)

ine-grained ethnic, occupational, or status catego- (urton 1993), “nested” (albarracin-Jordan 1996b), or ries were also each represented within archipelago

“chinese box” hierarchical arrangement of compo- colonies, many of them glossed under the recursive

nent parts (astvaldsson 2000:148; bouysse-cassagne structure known as the ayllu.

1986:207). Functional deinitions emphasize the ayllu

he andean ayllu, as understood from ethnog- as a landholding collective (brush 1977:41; rowe raphy and ethnohistory in Quechua and aymara-

1946:255); the proprietor and ritual superintendent speaking regions of the south-central andes, is a

of water rights (sherbondy 1982); an economically corporate body of ascriptive identity held together

autonomous kin collective (Moseley 1992:49); and by shared conceptions of behavior, history, and com-

the key suprahousehold unit of a “communal mode mon ancestry. structurally, an ayllu is a “group or

of production” for exchange and productive labor unit of social, political, economic, and ritual cohe-

organization above the level of the nuclear family sion and action” (astvaldsson 2000; urton 1993).

(Patterson and gailey 1987).

Ayllu membership may be determined by literal or

he archipelago model proposes several princi- ictive descent, adoption, geographical origins, polit-

ples testable in the archaeological record: 1) perma- ical negotiation, marriage, alliance, or other criteria

nent residence in complementary resource zones; (abercrombie 1998:341; albarracin-Jordan 1996a;

2) multiple colonies who explicitly maintained isbell 1997:99; salomon 1991). Ayllus typically exhibit

identity with distinct homeland parent communi- recursive structure and binary oppositions, split-

ties; 3) reproduction of the social structure of the ting by moiety (Platt 1986) and forming “recursive”

homeland; and 4) multiethnicity, or the sharing of Embedded Andean Economic Systems and the Expansive Tiwanaku State 367

368 Goldstein

resource zones by colonies of various ethnic, politi- cal, or social ailiations. archaeological diferences in cultural practice and material culture among contemporary settlements would lend support for multiethnicity. if, as Murra posits, the principal mode of exchange in the south-central andes was embedded in the archipelago’s extended commu- nities, we would expect to ind relative homogene- ity of exchanged goods within community groups and heterogeneity be tween groups. Finally, dem- onstrating multiethnic coexistence in the archaeo- logical record further requires settlement-pattern evidence showing contemporary colonial enclaves of distinct ailiations coexisting in proximity. John Murra himself sketched out a hypothesis that could only be tested through research on both archaeo- logical identity and regional settlement patterns: “i wouldn’t be surprised if we ind in one single valley settlements of diverse antecedents without any temporal stratiication between them. hese would simply be peripheral colonies established in the lowlands by cores that were contemporary, but diverse in material culture” (Murra 1972:441). in what follows, i examine the tiwanaku state colo- nies of southern Peru and propose that a diasporic archipelago model best explains tiwanaku’s pro- ductive organization and its nonmarket system of integration.

Tiwanaku Expansion—Pluralism in Diaspora

he civilization we call tiwanaku created the larg- est and most cosmopolitan city the andes had yet seen with a far-lung network of towns and ceremo- nial centers in outlying regions, near and far. some ind that tiwanaku bears comparison to hierarchi- cal archaic states elsewhere in the world and envi- sion “tiwanaku” as a unitary political actor with a centralized government, territorial governance, and class-stratiied society (goldstein 1993a; Janusek and kolata 2004; kolata 1993, 2003)—or at least a cen- tralized tributary political economy, perhaps like that of the inca (stanish 2002). others, however, see tiwanaku as a segmentary confederation in which component groups recognized a cultural unity and

some form of maximal polity but reckoned social ailiations and conducted daily business at the level of ayllus or some similar form of autonomous local corporate organizations (albarracin-Jordan 1996a, 1996b; berenguer 1998; bermann 1994, 1997; Janusek 1999, 2002, 2004; Mcandrews et al. 1997).

in the following discussion of tiwanaku colo- nization and economic integration of the maize- producing region of Moquegua, i suggest that tiwa naku could act as a unitary state for ceremonial and political purposes, but its day-to-day systems of economic production and distribution functioned through reciprocity and redistribution integrated on a community level. reciprocity depends on iden- tity and trust, and tiwanaku reciprocity was articu- lated through units smaller than the state. i argue that socially embedded exchange was articulated through enduring and largely autonomous recursive corporate groupings within the greater tiwanaku civilization, rather than a unitary political economy, hierarchical tributary, or administrative infrastruc- ture. tiwanaku civilization’s component corporate groups were the principal organizational agents of tiwanaku economic production, and these seg- ments replicated themselves in the settlement pat- terns and domestic habitus of colonized regions.

since the turn of the twentieth century, the ex tent of tiwanaku material culture in the south- central andean region has suggested a wide area of cultural inluence. recent empirical and meth- odological advances have succeeded in contextu- alizing the scale and integration of this tiwanaku expansion, and the emergence of a problem-oriented mortuary and household archaeology makes it pos- sible to associate peripheral tiwanaku practices with social structure, group identity, and power relations. diacritics for shared social identity may

be evident archaeologically in spatially discernible variations and microvariations in costume, utensils, household, ceremonial, mortuary, or other practices and materials. Variability appears to correspond to nested levels of scale, such as polity, ethnicity, moi- ety, or major and minor ayllus.

ongoing mortuary archaeology in the tiwanaku colonies focuses on identifying such microailia- tions within the tiwanaku culture through detailed ongoing mortuary archaeology in the tiwanaku colonies focuses on identifying such microailia- tions within the tiwanaku culture through detailed

studies of the variations in intentional cranial deformation provide particularly strong evidence for the intergenerational maintenance of distinct identities. cranial deformation is a stylistic behav- ior that is imposed on children by their parents and leaves a permanent and unchangeable record on the

figure 15.5

body. For this reason, it can be a particularly tell- tiwanaku mummy with feathered headdress tale marker of social identity on several levels of and cane feather holders, río Muerto M70 r1.

scale. Widely held norms about desirable head shape (Photograph by Paul s. goldstein.) might mark shared group identity for entire ethnic

groups (blom 1999, 2005; buikstra 1995; buikstra et al. 1990; hoshower et al. 1995; sutter 2000; torres- rouf 2002). For much of the tiwanaku culture, the preferred head shape involved variants of fronto- occipital deformation (Figure 15.6). at the same time, individual communities achieved more subtle variants of general norms with speciic choices about particular deforming devices, such as facial deform- ers designed to latten the cheekbones (Figure 15.7).

as social identity is at least partially ailiated with kinship and marriage patterns, skeletal biolog- ical distance studies also ofer insight into genetic relationships among tiwanaku populations across time and space (blom 1999; blom et al. 1998; lozada cerna 1998; rothhammer et al. 1989; rothhammer and santoro 2001; sutter 2000); paleodietary and isotopic origin studies conirm migratory pat- terns and point to unique regional origins, agricul-

i gure 15.6

tural practices, or cuisines among diferent groups Fronto-occipital cranial deformation, río Muerto (knudson 2008; knudson et al. 2004; sandness 1992;

M70 cemetery, tiwanaku omo–style, Moquegua. tomczak 2003).

(Photograph by Paul s. goldstein.) recent advances in household archaeology

studies are particularly important for understand- ing the link between tiwanaku’s nonmarket insti- tutions and its larger social and cultural systems. household archaeology has given us a window into

Embedded Andean Economic Systems and the Expansive Tiwanaku State 36 9

figure 15.7

Facial deformer mask, río Muerto M43b, r52, tiwanaku style, Moquegua. (Photograph by Paul s. goldstein.)

i gure 15.9

camelid mandible polisher, río Muerto M43 site. (illustration by Paul s. goldstein.)

i gure 15.8

tiwanaku x-strap leather sandal, río Muerto M43 tiwanaku site, Moquegua. (Photograph by Paul s. goldstein.)

daily life, household agrarian and crat produc- goods for the individual household and the extended tion, storage, and consumption in the tiwanaku

community. common patterns evident in household culture, both in the altiplano heartland and abroad

goods—such as one-piece leather sandals and cam- (bermann 1994, 1997; goldstein 1993b, 2005; Janusek

elid mandible polishers—indicate the reproduction 1999, 2002, 2004). implements for farming and crop

of universally shared tiwanaku artifact types and processing, tool making, food preparation, and tex-

technological styles that must have reinforced com- tile production appear in most households, suggest-

mon identity (Figures 15.8–15.9). at the same time, ing local household production of most quotidian

microvariability in house plan and construction, 370 Goldstein

Embedded Andean Economic Systems and the Expansive Tiwanaku State 37 1

tools, clothing, vessels, and household dedicatory practices suggest stylistic ailiation with one or another subgroup. bodily marking and adornment similarly announced ailiation with and the repro- duction of a cultural identity, with diacritical infor- mation encoded in an astounding array of technical, decorative, and formal variability in the textile arts (Murra 1962; oakland 1992) as well as group-speciic techniques of body modiication, such as cranial and facial deformation (Figure 15.10).

Finally, systematic settlement pattern stud- ies allow us to consider the intersection of identity and exchange with the tiwanaku settlement system (albarracin-Jordan 1996a; Janusek and kolata 2004; Mcandrews et al. 1997; stanish 2003). Many of these studies have considered the case for settlement hier- archy as a proxy for the degree of central state inte- gration in the tiwanaku homeland. What i will focus on here for the Moquegua colonies might also include settlement heterarchy: how settlement pattern analy- sis, building on the increasingly sophisticated under- standing of tiwanaku social and cultural variability from household and mortuary archaeology, can also map distinct contemporary settlements with diferent social identities across a colonized region.

Tiwanaku Diaspora Settlement Patterns— Two Archipelagos, One Valley

in some peripheral regions, tiwanaku expansion

was typiied by agrarian colonization. 3 lowland

valley regions provided complementary temperate

crop resources such as maize, coca, peppers, and beans, all of which are unavailable in tiwanaku’s altiplano core region. in exchange, this core region provided highland products and a large agrarian labor force in the form of expatriate colonists. our best case study of tiwanaku colonization is in the Moquegua (also known as Middle osmore) Valley of southern Peru, approximately three hundred kilometers west of the tiwanaku site. since 1993, the Moquegua archaeological survey (MAS) has systematically surveyed the area (150 square kilo- meters) of the Middle Moquegua Valley, which is between 900 and 2,000 masl. a total of 531 Pre- columbian site components of all periods were recorded, classiied as habitation sites (207 compo- nents, covering 220 hectares), cemeteries (168 com- ponents, covering 47 hectares), agricultural ields and canals (20 components), ceremonial structures (11 components), and apachetas (small ritual or ofer- ing sites, 6 components).

tiwanaku and later tiwanaku-derived settle- ments collectively occupied more than 141 hect- ares of residential sites in the Middle Moquegua Valley (Figures 15.11–15.12). he tiwanaku settlers preferred large settlements on plateaus above the river loodplain and evidently avoided the existing valley-bottom settlements of the huaracane, efec- tively partitioning the valley territory in a form of multiethnic coexistence. i will focus here on the eighty-three hectares of tiwanaku occupation, which comprised two contemporary tiwanaku migrant communities from the altiplano, known as the omo- and chen chen–style occupations.

figure 15.10

embroidered coca bag, M43=4516, tomb r52, M43 “a.” (Photograph by Paul s. goldstein.)

figure 15.11

indigenous pre-tiwanaku settlement distribution in the Moquegua Valley. (illustration by Paul s. goldstein.)

Moquegua tiwanaku sites were open and unforti- valley efects of this event may have been com- ied, suggesting that the tiwanaku colonists averted

plex, potentially wiping out the ields of indigenous direct conlict with the region’s indigenous inhabit-

farmers dependent on valley-bottom lands while, at ants. Paleodemography and strontium isotope anal-

the same time, attracting tiwanaku settlement by ysis support archaeological interpretations that the

recharging springs in lowland Moquegua in a year Moquegua tiwanaku sites were inhabited by irst-

likely characterized by highland drought (goldstein generation altiplano immigrants and their descen-

and Magilligan 2011; Magilligan and goldstein dents, rather than acculturated local populations

2001; Magilligan et al. 2008; Manners et al. 2007). (baitzel 2008; knudson 2008). hese tiwanaku

contrary to expectations for agrarian land- colonists, already experienced with collective land

scapes in many state societies, the MAS systematic reclamation from tiwanaku’s altiplano raised ields

survey found no evidence of a tiwanaku settlement (kolata 1996; kolata and ortlof 1996), chose ter-

hierarchy in the Moquegua colonies. speciically, rain near springs and canal-irrigable lands deeper

there were virtually no small tiwanaku hamlets in the desert. a major el niño event circa ad 700

or individual farmstead sites. he tiwanaku set- may also have played a role in this choice. Middle

tlement in Moquegua was instead concentrated 372 Goldstein

figure 15.12

tiwanaku settlement distribution in the Moquegua Valley. (illustration by Paul s. goldstein.)

in large residential sectors in four large townsite residential sectors within each site group. his dis- enclaves in locations that were not inhabited previ-

persal indicates simultaneous colonial settlement by ously—the omo-, chen chen–, río Muerto–, and

diferent segments of the tiwanaku population who cerro echenique–site groups. hese four tiwanaku

resided separately and maintained their distinct areas are all located some distance from the valley

ailiations and lifeways.

loodplain and are connected by desert caravan omo-style tiwanaku ceramics predominated trails and a series of llama geoglyphs still visible on

at iteen site components covering a total of 28.7 hillsides near chen chen (Figure 15.13).

hectares. his presence suggests an omo-style colo- Mapping Moquegua’s tiwanaku-contemporary

nial population of perhaps three thousand people, colonization is instructive on the socially embedded

almost all of whom clustered in large residential nature of tiwanaku economy because the tiwanaku

sectors at the site groups of omo, chen chen/los presence may be subdivided into two distinct con-

cerrillos, and río Muerto. he omo-style sec- temporary sets of residential components, desig-

tors of these townsites are the farthest away from nated as the omo and chen chen styles. omo- and

the irrigable valley loodplain and closest to the chen chen–style occupations are found in distinct

caravan routes, a placement that could suggest the Embedded Andean Economic Systems and the Expansive Tiwanaku State 37 3

figure 15.13

llama and qero geoglyphs, omo site group. (Photograph by Paul s. goldstein.)

omo-style tiwanaku colonists may have arrived origin. Within this general identity with tiwanaku as pastoralists or caravan drovers. omo-style resi-

origins, speciic variants of household practice and dential remains consisted of multiroom structures

material culture were also speciic to the omo style. constructed of mats or skins suspended from poles

either simultaneously or shortly ater the ini- and arrayed in community sectors around plazas

tial omo-style tiwanaku colonization, a second for public assembly (goldstein 1993b, 2000, 2005).

set of tiwanaku towns appeared in Moquegua, and

he omo-style colonists brought with them tradi- they are associated with a distinct subset of tiwa- tions and lifeways that marked their identity with

naku material culture known as the chen chen tiwanaku culture and a wide range of everyday tools

style (Figure 15.14). chen chen–style settlements and implements that linked their everyday habitual

are found adjacent to the omo-style sites at the behaviors to those of their homeland. While utili-

site groups in the Middle Moquegua Valley, cover- tarian ceramics and some utensils may have been

ing a total of 54.6 hectares of domestic area, with locally made, their formal and functional identity

an additional 10.4 hectares occupied by forty-eight with altiplano tiwanaku prototypes conirms that

distinct cemeteries (Figure 15.12); this arrangement they were made by tiwanaku-trained cratspeople

suggests a mortuary population between ten thou- for tiwanaku consumers adhering to a tiwanaku

sand and twenty thousand burials (goldstein 2005; way of doing things, and there can be little ques-

goldstein and owen 2001). biometric and isotopic tion that these tiwanaku colonists were of altiplano

analysis has conirmed the altiplano origins of these 374 Goldstein analysis has conirmed the altiplano origins of these 374 Goldstein

chen chen–style sites show ample evidence of intensive cultivation of maize, cotton, coca, pep- pers, and other temperate crops for export to parent communities. a massive presence of chipped stone hoes, large rocker batanes, or grinding stones, and numerous underground storage cists in household complexes further attest to intensive farming. he number and size of the batanes indicates a focus on maize processing for both local use and for export to the altiplano. ongoing isotopic and paleoethno- botanical research indicate a prevalence of maize consumption among the colonists (Muñoz et al. 2009; sandness 1992), and Moquegua maize ker- nels have been identiied at the site of tiwanaku

figure 15.14 (hastorf et al. 2006), conirming that production

chen chen–style red Ware qero. (Photograph by indeed exceeded demands of the colony and that

Paul s. goldstein.) surplus was shipped to trade partners in tiwanaku and other altiplano communities. Maize was a vital political resource, essential for the success of the

settlers (blom 1999; blom et al. 1998; knudson et al. state and the leaders of its component ayllus, in 2004), and the paleodemography of the chen chen

that it fueled tiwanaku’s ritual cycle in the form settlement suggests a pattern of adult return migra-

of chicha, or maize beer. in andean societies, the tion consistent with long-standing ties to altiplano

acceptance of political leadership mandated the parent communities (baitzel 2008). typical chen

sponsorship of competing festival drinking bouts chen tiwan aku domestic remains included densely

critical to economic, social, and political relations. occupied household habitation areas with exten-

because maize cannot grow in the tiwanaku sive evidence of agricultural processing and storage

homeland due to frost, access to maize from low- attached to household complexes. Multiple cemeter-

land regions would have been a powerful motiva- ies were located around the residential sites’ periph-

tor for each parent community to establish its own eries, and some chen chen–style settlements were

ailiated colonies in lowland regions. oten also surrounded by informal “suburban” areas that may have served as temporary housing for tran- sient laborers. excavation indicates that chen chen

Embedded Economies in the Tiwanaku houses were of quincha (cane) construction and con-

Colonies

sisted of autonomous patio groups with functionally speciic activity areas, contiguous roofed rooms,

consideration of tiwanaku settlement patterns and open patios. domestic compounds included

in Moquegua does not ind a well-integrated sin- large numbers of subsurface mud-plastered stone

gle hierarchy of site size that would indicate either cists and above ground plastered rectangular stone

market eiciency or a unitary command economy. storage features. he domestic compounds of the

instead, the distinction we see between two sepa- chen chen–style sites difer from the omo-style

rate, crosscutting groups of tiwanaku colonists Embedded Andean Economic Systems and the Expansive Tiwanaku State 37 5 rate, crosscutting groups of tiwanaku colonists Embedded Andean Economic Systems and the Expansive Tiwanaku State 37 5

he prevalence of polished black serving wares tinct origins and allegiances within the tiwanaku

and other ceramic types in the omo-style assem- core region. he structured sharing of space in

blage suggests ailiations with parent communities Moquegua between omo-style and chen chen–

on the southwestern shore of lake titicaca 4 and sis- style colonists may relect the transplantation of

ter sites such as Piñami, in the distant cochabamba distinct diasporas from two or more autonomous

Valley of bolivia (anderson 2009). his inter- segments of tiwanaku society. hese groups oper-

regional distribution of blackware suggests one ated as separate social, political, and economic

corporately linked archipelago extending from the networks, with distinct material cultures and

omo-style colonies of Moquegua to a mirror col- practices, yet their adjacent settlements coexisted

ony of the same ethnic group on the eastern slopes within large townsites in the colonies and at the

of the andes. he contemporary chen chen–style tiwanaku-type site itself (bouysse-cassagne 1986;

sites in Moquegua did not equally participate in the kolata 1993:101, 2003).

omo-style network; they instead seem to belong

figure 15.15

tapestry tunic, detail, río Muerto M43=4507, M43a tomb r52 (ater Plunger 2009). (Photograph by Paul s. goldstein; reconstruction drawing by elizabeth Plunger.)

37 6 Goldstein

Embedded Andean Economic Systems and the Expansive Tiwanaku State 37 7

to a distinct subtradition of the greater tiwanaku style represented in the tiwanaku site itself and dis- tinct sites in the altiplano and cochabamba.

it appears that the vast majority of goods and services in the tiwanaku colonies circulated through something very much like Murra’s “archi- pelagos.” exchanges were embedded in networks of noncontiguous settlements that could crosscut and coexist with one another in diferent resource zones across the tiwanaku sphere. hese corporate net- works mobilized staple and industrial agricultural products (maize, potatoes, coca, legumes, peppers, cotton, wool, meat, and hides), a variety of corvée and communal labor pools, and most crat products (textiles, ceramics, wood, basketry, reed mats, and bone and leather goods). he frequencies of speciic substyles of tiwanaku products, such as black pol- ished serving ware, do not seem to show a typical distance decay pattern that might be expected under market exchange conditions. instead, high frequen- cies of blackware ceramics clump in the copacabana peninsula and in the “islands” of “omo-style” col- onization in cochabamba and Moquegua. While these items moved between ecological zones, their movement was always embedded in social context— that is, within networks of socially linked parent and sister communities, rather than as alienated commodities in market interactions.

Were there some true commodities in tiwa- naku that pose commercial exceptions to this em - bedded economic system? he omo and chen chen settlement archipelagos in Moquegua were in contact with one another and traded some goods and services between them, particularly if the two groups truly represent pastoralists, drovers, and agrarian ethnic specialists—a hypothesis that bears further research. certainly highly specialized crats- people, and concentration of some rare raw materi- als, are indicated by some of the tiwanaku culture’s iner serving ceramics, stone and shell beadwork, and most elaborate and labor-intensive textiles. but tiwanaku-made highly crated preciosities such as tapestry tunics (Figure 15.15) betray less uniformity and standardization than their inca counterparts, and are actually quite rare, suggesting that they may have been produced by highly skilled weaver

households and circulated as highly valued and emblematic prestations, rather than through mar- kets or the highly specialized attached workshops and regulated sumptuary redistribution, envisioned for the inca state’s cumbi cloth (Murra 1962).