Intrusive stop formation Codas

a –VC morpheme remains voiceless. Therefore, the data in 67 give clear evidence that only a coda devoicing interpretation is tenable. 67 Intervocalic voicing contrasts dəpɑ́j ‘tomato’ stəběws ‘shawl’ kətɑ́ ‘water hole’ gəděw ‘youth’ dəkúp ‘he rejected him’ pɑgɑ́s ‘cow’ Northern Pame voiceless and voiced consonants contrast intervocalically, while voicing neutralizes to voicelessness word finally. Such circumstances motivate the following constraint. 68 CODA-VceObs Kager 1999 ‘Voiced obstruents are prohibited in codas’ Coda devoicing can be straightforwardly accounted for by ranking markedness above voicing faithfulness. 69 Markedness dominates faithfulness CODA-VceObsIDENT[vce] Assuming an input with a voiced coda, the optimal candidate will always be voiceless. Should the segment be in a non-coda environment, voicing faithfulness will surface. 70 Devoicing of voiced coda Input: nmǽʔæb CODA-VceObs IDENT[vce] a. nmǽʔæb b.☞ nmǽʔæp In 70, the input has a voiced obstruent in word final coda position. The faithful candidate a loses due to high ranking CODA-VceObs. Candidate b satisfies CODA-VceObs while violating faithfulness for [vce], which compared to a is a better fit. Candidate b is therefore the winner.

5.4.4 Intrusive stop formation

Underlying clusters of ʔs are forbidden to surface in Northern Pame in word final position. In these cases, s always surfaces as t͡s in a process of intrusive stop formation Clements 1987, Piggot and Singh 1985, Wetzels 1985, Barnitz 1974. The following forms illustrate this. 71 Intrusive t between ʔs npʰæ̌ʔs [npʰæ̌ʔt͡s] ‘lily’ ʃkiʔpjæ̃́ʔs [ʃkəʔpjæ̃́ʔt͡s] ‘toad’ Both ‘lily’ and ‘toad’ have underlying forms that end in a cluster of ʔs, but their surface forms demand that an intervening stop consonant exist. This prohibition against such clusters is nullified if these segments are followed by something other than a pause, such as the forms below in 72. In these cases, the possessor suffixed ‘my’ and alternately, ‘his’ is present before which the cluster ʔs remains unepenthesized in the surface form. 72 npʰæ̌ʔsk [npʰæ̌ʔsk] ‘my lily’ ʃkiʔpjæ̃́ʔsk [ʃkiʔpjæ̃́ʔsk] ‘my toad’ npʰæ̌ʔsp [npʰæ̌ʔsp] ‘his lily’ ʃkiʔpjæ̃́’sp [ʃkiʔpjæ̃́t͡s’p] ‘his toad’ In order to account for intrusive stop formation in final ʔs clusters, let us first define the phonotactic constraint that is at work. 73 GLOTT-S ‘A phonotactic constraint prohibiting word final clusters containing ʔsor ʔʃ.’ The constraint GLOTT-S must dominate DEP-IO forcing epenthesis to occur in the optimal surface candidate. 74 Violation of DEP-IO wins Input: npʰæ̌ʔs GLOTT-S DEP-IO a. npʰæ̌ʔs b.☞ npʰæ̌ʔt͡s In 74, the input npʰæ̌ʔs ‘lily’ has a word final cluster of glottal stop plus an alveolar fricative. Candidate a makes no change to this form and in so doing, fatally violates GLOTT-S Candidate b preserves GLOTT-S by violating DEP-IO ‘no epenthesis’ therefore providing the necessary change to give us the optimal form. Moving on to the suffixed forms where no intrusive stop formation takes place, notice that the constraint GLOTT-S is so defined that it is not expected to play a role in these forms. 75 DEP-IO is not violated Input: npʰæ̌ʔsk GLOTT-S DEP-IO a.☞ npʰæ̌ʔsk b. npʰæ̌ʔt͡sk So then, the form identical to the input, candidate a wins since neither GLOTT-S nor DEP-IO need be violated in order to obtain the optimal surface form. In addition, the OCP again is invoked in these cases just when a glottalized velar stop follows a ʔs cluster word finally because of contiguous laryngeal features. Coincidentally, k’ is the only glottalized stop that can occur in a syllable coda. 76 npʰæ̌ʔsk’ [npʰæ̌sk’] ‘your lily’ ʃkiʔpjæ̃́ʔsk’ [ʃkiʔpjæ̃́sk’] ‘your toad’ In 76, the glottal stop of ʔs deletes before k’ a violation of MAX-IO in parallel fashion to the deletion process described for pw onsets described above and wp codas to be described below. In short, a predictable aspect of the OCP in Northern Pame is the deletion of one of the violating segments. 77 Deletion preserves OCP Input: npʰæ̌ʔsk’ OCP MAX-IO a. npʰæ̌ʔsk’ b.☞ npʰæ̌sk’ Morphological alternations of the sort described for ʔs clusters are hard to come by for parallel cases involving ʔʃ, yet the same process appears to be at work. One example of a ʔʃ followed by the consonant p is found in the word mt͡ʃ’ũ̌ʔʃp [mt͡ʃ’ũ̌ʔʃp] ‘runt’, which patterns the same way.

5.4.5 wp, jt but jk clusters