wp, jt but jk clusters

In 76, the glottal stop of ʔs deletes before k’ a violation of MAX-IO in parallel fashion to the deletion process described for pw onsets described above and wp codas to be described below. In short, a predictable aspect of the OCP in Northern Pame is the deletion of one of the violating segments. 77 Deletion preserves OCP Input: npʰæ̌ʔsk’ OCP MAX-IO a. npʰæ̌ʔsk’ b.☞ npʰæ̌sk’ Morphological alternations of the sort described for ʔs clusters are hard to come by for parallel cases involving ʔʃ, yet the same process appears to be at work. One example of a ʔʃ followed by the consonant p is found in the word mt͡ʃ’ũ̌ʔʃp [mt͡ʃ’ũ̌ʔʃp] ‘runt’, which patterns the same way.

5.4.5 wp, jt but jk clusters

The discussion on Northern Pame onsets revealed that clusters of a coronal or dorsal consonant plus a palatal glide, or a bilabial consonant plus a labio-velar glide would respectively always coalesce or delete. This was explained as a violation of UNIF-IO or MAX-wdriven by a markedness constraint to not have adjacent identical place features i.e. OCP. Not surprisingly, the mirror image glide+consonant clusters arise in Northern Pame codas and the same coalescence or deletion process occurs. The exceptional cases are the glide+dorsal clusters, which resist coalescence. 38 78 Coalescence of labial consonants U NMODIFIED STEM S UFFIX M ODIFIED STEM gədew + b gədep ‘his youth son’ ʃihjɑ́hɑw + b ʃihjɑ́hɑp ‘his fox’ səhæ̃́w + b səhæ̃́p ‘thank him’ gəsɑ́w + b gəsɑ́p ‘his teacher’ ʃiɲkjɑ̃̌w + b ʃiɲkjɑ̃̌p ‘his rat’ 79 Coalescence of coronal consonants U NMODIFIED STEM S UFFIX M ODIFIED STEM nɑ́wn + d ɲɑ́wnt ‘eat’ sĩ́n + d əsĩ́nt ‘open’ k’inhjə́jʔ + d k’əhə́t͡ʃ’ ‘enter’ nɑ́hɑj + d k’unɑ́hɑt͡ʃ ‘joke’ əmɑ́ʔɑj + d k’əmɑ̌ʔɑt͡ʃ ‘stop’ nʰṹhũɲ + d ɲʰṹhũɲt͡ʃ ‘pass’ 38 Note that the voiced suffixes subsequently devoice in word final position. 80 Faithfulness of dorsal consonants U NMODIFIED STEM S UFFIX M ODIFIED STEM ləʔmɑ́j + g ləʔmɑ́jk ‘he helps me’ nɑ́hɑj + g nɑ́hɑjk ‘he jokes with me’ nʰṹhũɲ + k’ nʰṹhũŋk’ ‘he passes by you’ libjɑ́j + k’ libjɑ́jk’ ‘he falls on you’ The exceptional cases codas can be accounted for by considering the morphological place status of the consonants in question. Typically, Northern Pame words are morphologically complex at both edges of a word. As the examples in 78-80 illustrate, right edge morphemes exist that are bilabial, coronal and dorsal. However, it is likewise true that Northern Pame words exist that have bilabial and coronal right edge codas that are not morphemes, but rather are part of the lexical root. However, no dorsal consonant suffix has been identified in the present corpus that is not a grammatical morpheme. 81 MAXμ-g, MAXμ-k’ ‘Output segments have input correspondents for velar stop morphemes’ Thus, this research suggests that the glide-dorsal exceptions can be explained by ranking dorsal word final codas, all of which are grammatical morphemes, sufficiently high so as to keep them faithful and thus, more recoverable for grammatical reasons. 82 Faithfulness of word final g morphemes excluding devoicing constraints Input: ləʔmɑ́jg MAXμg OCP MAX-g a. ləʔmɑ́t͡ʃ b.☞ ləʔmɑ́jk 83 Faithfulness of word final k’ morphemes Input: nʰṹhũɲk’ MAXμk’ OCP MAX-g a. nʰṹhũɲk’ b.☞ nʰṹhũɲk’

5.5 Conclusion