(273) D ONKEY ANAPHORA .

(273) D ONKEY ANAPHORA .

a * I fitites pu dhen exun TIPOTA 1 na pun, as (min) to 1 pun tora. ‘The students that have nothing1 to say, let them (not) say it1 now’

b. Se dovesse venire nessuno i , digli i di ripassare più tardi if must subj come n person tell to him to come back later ‘If anybody comes, tell him to come back later’

Thus Italian n items seems to conform to only two out of three of the tests proposed by Giannakidou. It seems, then, that those elements behave sometimes as universals and other times like existentials. This behaviour casts some doubt on the consistency of the test battery as a whole.

Conclusions

I will conclude with the overview of the properties of negative nominal elements. This and the previous chapter were precisely intended to extend the mechanism of chain formation proposed for clausal negation to the nominal domain as well, since an account

55 See Richter and Sailer (1998) for a criticism.

of the syntax of negation should cover a core nucleus of data, which includes the distribution of negative quantifiers. The problem is that they are interspersed between a whole range of other items that sometimes show a negative meaning inherited by other elements.

I believe that N words represent such a case. Going back to my main proposal, namely the existence of a mechanism able to construct negative chains, we have seen that such a mechanism has revealed to be able to resist the

complex problem posed by the new set of data delivered by negative quantifiers, if integrated with a notion such as that of Syntactic Phase. In this way the differences between vP internal and vP external positions follows from a more general property of Syntax, and this will allow to keep the set of assumptions required to cope with the specific problem of the syntax of negation minimal. I believe that the system I have proposed results as being very ‘light’, in the sense that it relies only on general mechanics founded on basic principles such as the clause typing hypothesis. With regard to the extended feature typology I have adopted, I believe that this will be a more elegant way to express chains, in a way that all syntactic operations would be ultimately motivated by interpretive reasons, in accordance with Brody’s Principle of Radical Interpretability. But, actually, the system doesn’t crucially rely on this choice. With regard to nominal elements, I have tried to face the problem systematically, keeping the different classes of language distinct, as well different kinds of negative and polarity items. Once a typology of such elements is provided, many syntactic mechanisms such as the Neg criterion and Neg Factorization might be dispensed with. Of course, the price to pay in order to simplify syntax is to admit different types of polarity items, but this move actually seems to be unavoidable, given that polarity sensitivity cannot be considered as a whole and variations in the strength of PIs are found not only cross linguistically, but also language internally.

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