Impacts at individual and household level: Inequities in coverage and access to health care

Universal Health Protection 25 Figure 3.17. Coping with health care expenditure through selling assets and borrowing, by household income level, selected African countries Source: Leive and Xu, 2008. Among the most important causes of OOP are limitations of benefit packages and low quality of services covered, resulting in health services and goods that are not financially protected but instead have to be paid for directly to the service provider by the individual. An example of limitations in benefit packages relates to pharmaceutical drugs, i.e. medicines that are only available on written prescription from a doctor, dentist or pharmacist. In low- and middle-income countries, prescription drugs represent one of the most significant components of health-related OOP, accounting for 26 to 63 per cent of the total and often caused by exclusion from benefit packages. This is one of the most important reasons for catastrophic health expenditure see for example Wirtz et al., 2012 on Mexico. Figure 3.18 shows the percentage of health expenditure for pharmaceutical drugs by households in four developing countries. While in Bangladesh it amounts to 70 per cent of household health expenditure, it exceeds 88 per cent of health expenditure for Vietnamese households. Poorer households not only spend proportionally more on medicaments because of their lower incomes, but are frequently also paying the highest OOP for them in absolute terms, due to the fact that the public sector in developing countries is often unable to provide affordable medicaments in a reliable way UNDP, 2005. 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 Burkina Faso Congo Ethiopia Kenya Mali Namibia Zambia Percent of households selling assets or borrowing to finance health payments by income quintile Lowest Quintile 2 Quintile 3 Quintile 4 Highest 26 Universal Health Protection Figure 3.18. Expenditures on pharmaceutical drugs as a percentage of households’ health expenditures in four developing countries, 2003 Source: Wirtz et al., 2012. The magnitude of the burden of OOP for medicaments, as well as its heavier weight on the poor in relative terms, can also be illustrated using findings from Brazil table 3.1. On average, OOP account for 60.6 per cent of family OOP for health care in the wealthiest income decile, but up to 82.5 per cent in the poorest decile. Table 3.1. Brazil: Distribution of direct family per capita OOP for health care, by income decile, 2007 percentages Family per capita income decile from lowest to highest Health spending item 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 Medicaments 82.5 73.4 72.4 72.1 67.6 65.8 62.9 60.6 Dental treatment 2.2 5.4 7.3 6.7 8.6 8.8 12.3 14.4 Physician appointments 5.3 6.5 6.2 6.2 7.3 8.3 7.8 8.5 Out-patient treatment 0.5 0.7 0.7 0.5 1.2 0.8 0.8 0.9 Hospitalization surgical services 0.5 1.4 2.1 3.3 3.4 3.9 4.4 2.5 Other 9.1 12.6 11.3 11.2 12 12.3 12.1 13 Source: Dominguez Ugá and Soares Santos, 2007. The catastrophic impact of OOP for medicaments on households is further revealed in terms of work needed to generate sufficient income to afford them. Figure 3.19 shows the number of day wages needed to purchase respiratory infection medicaments in six countries, using the average wage of the lowest-paid government officials as a reference. As such officials are not usually in the category “poor”, the figure shows that medicaments − especially those of highest quality, i.e. originator brand − can become unaffordable for the lowest income groups. 75 70 80 88 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 India Bangladesh Burkina Faso Vietnam Universal Health Protection 27 Figure 3.19. Affordability of medicaments: Number of day wages needed to purchase respiratory infection medicine Ciprofoxacin Note: Lowest-paid government worker’s wage is used as reference. Source: WHO, 2011a. Geographic inequities The principle of universality of social protection provisions implies that geographic location should not play a role in access to health care for those in need ILO Recommendation No. 202, para. I. 3a. Nevertheless, significant geographic inequities persist in access to health care, mainly related to gaps in availability. In many countries health-care facilities tend to be concentrated in urban areas, resulting in higher barriers to access for those living in rural areas figure 3.20. Figure 3.20. Global rural population with legal health coverage percentages Source: Scheil-Adlung, 2013a. Barriers in access to health care for rural dwellers become obvious when analysing the urbanrural differences in coverage and utilization rates of health care. At the global level, the percentage of the population covered is negatively correlated with the extent of the rural population. While coverage rates exceed 85 per cent of the population living in countries where less than 25 per cent are living in rural areas, only 15.6 per cent are covered in countries where rural populations exceed 70 per cent Scheil-Adlung, 2013a. 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 Philippines Indonesia Nigeria Jordan El Salvador Morocco Lowest-priced genetic Originator brand 85.8 76.0 69.7 29.2 15.6 0.0 20.0 40.0 60.0 80.0 100.0 Health care coverage: global average Less than 25 25-49 50-69 50-69 excluding China 70 and over 28 Universal Health Protection In addition to, which refers to rights and entitlements, place of residence is often an explanation for gaps in effective access to health care. In general, infrastructure and availability of health professionals act as indicators of effective access. In Ghana, for instance, 25 per cent of the population live over 60 kilometres away from a health facility attended by a doctor Salisu and Prince, 2008. In the United Republic of Tanzania, long distances to health facilities with adequate staffing deprive those in need of care: the main reason why 44 per cent of women are unable to give birth in a health facility is that they live too far away from an adequate facility to reach it in time Perkins et al., 2009. A survey in Cambodia illustrated that place of residence has a significant impact on the choice of whether or not a person will seek medical treatment figure 3.21. Of those who were ill or injured in the 30 days before they became a respondent to the Demographic and Health Survey DHS, only 6 per cent in urban areas did not seek care, while in rural areas the number was twice as high. The number of persons not seeking a second or third treatment was also significantly higher for rural dwellers. Figure 3.21. Cambodia: Urban and rural household members not seeking treatment, 2005 percentages Note: Ill or injured in the 30 days preceding the Demographic and Health Survey. Source: DHS Cambodia, 2005. In turn, within urban regions certain subgroups are at least as deprived of access to adequate health-care services as their rural counterparts. This is largely due to rapid urbanization resulting in an increasing number of rural-to-urban migrants living in slums, where access to basic services such as sanitation, education and health care is very limited. These urban poor often fare worse than rural dwellers with regard to access to such services. Table 3.2 shows that in Bangladesh, 21 per cent fewer births in urban slums are assisted by a skilled birth attendant than in rural areas, indicating lower availability and quality of health workers. As a result, the under-5 mortality rate U5MR is 44 per cent higher in slums UNICEF, 2010. Table 3.2. Bangladesh: Birth assistance and under-5 mortality rates, urbanruralslum populations, 2010 Indicator Urban Rural Slums Slum worse than rural Skilled attendance at birth 45 19 15 -21 U5MR per 1,000 live births 53 66 95 44 Source: UNICEF, 2010 93 90 79 74 12 6 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 Rural Urban Rural Urban Rural Urban T h ir d tr e a tm e n t Se co n d tr e a tm e n t Fi rs t tr e a tm e n t Universal Health Protection 29 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 10 20 30 40 50 60 70 80 90 100 R u ra l U rb a n R u ra l U rb a n R u ra l U rb a n R u ra l U rb a n R u ra l U rb a n R u ra l U rb a n R u ra l U rb a n R u ra l U rb a n R u ra l U rb a n R u ra l U rb a n R u ra l U rb a n R u ra l U rb a n R u ra l U rb a n R u ra l U rb a n R u ra l U rb a n R u ra l U rb a n Madagascar Nicaragua South Africa Morocco El SalvadorEcuador Paraguay Egypt Bolivia Indonesia Panama Viet Nam Mexico Peru Serbia Uruguay E xt e n t o f so ci a l h e a lt h p ro te ct io n a s a p e rc e n ta g e o f to ta l p o p u la ti o n Male Female Gender-related inequities In addition to geographical inequities, inequities in access for men and women can be observed in many countries, as shown in figure 3.22. Figure 3.22. Legal health coverage as a percentage of total population, by sex and area of residence, selected countries, latest available year Source: ILO, 2013a. In most countries there is lower coverage for women than for men, with the most significant difference being found in Egypt. Millennium Development Goal MDG No. 5, which focuses on improving maternal health, has been reported as the most off-track of all MDGs. In 2010, 287,000 maternal deaths occurred globally, corresponding to a 47 per cent decline in maternal mortality since 1990. Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia accounted for 85 per cent of these deaths UNFPA, 2012. Many of these countries are unlikely to reach the first target of MDG 5 of reducing maternal mortality rates by 75 per cent by 2015. The maternal mortality ratio in developing regions has decreased since 1990 from 440 maternal deaths per 100,000 live births to 240 in 2010 UNDP, 2013b. Nevertheless, this ratio remains 15 times higher than in developed countries. In addition to improving maternal health, MDG 5 aims at universal access to reproductive health. Globally, between 2000 and 2010 78 per cent of pregnant women received antenatal care once during pregnancy, but only 53 per cent received the minimum of four visits as recommended by the World Health Organization WHO, 2011b. The lack of antenatal and delivery care is almost completely concentrated among the poor. A study of 65 countries demonstrated that over 85 per cent of the wealthiest quintile of the population use antenatal and delivery assistance, but only 55 and 22 per cent of the poorest population have access to antenatal and delivery care respectively Houweling et al., 2007. Moreover, the few facilities offering these treatments tend to be concentrated in better-off urban areas, while many of the poor live in rural areas or slums. 30 Universal Health Protection Since 1990, the proportion of births in the world attended by a skilled health professional has increased from 55 to 78 per cent in 2011. The regions with the lowest proportion of births attended by a skilled health professional also have the highest maternal mortality, as can be seen in figure 3.23. Figure 3.23. Births attended by skilled health personnel 2011 and maternal mortality ratio per 100,000 live births 2010, by region percentages Source: ILO, based on WHO Global Health Observatory, 2013. Further, access to maternity leave and related cash benefits provided to women working in the formal economy vary significantly between different regions figure 3.24. Only 37 per cent of female workers in Africa receive paid maternity leave at 100 per cent of last earnings, as compared to 52 per cent of female workers in developed economies and 82 per cent in the Middle East. Figure 3.24. Maternity: Cash benefits and duration of leave, by region 152 countries, 2009 percentages Source: ILO, 2010b. 82 19 52 82 13 37 19 26 18 4 2 81 22 83 61 20 40 60 80 100 Middle East Latin America and Carribean Developed economies and EU Central and South-Eastern Europe non-EU Asia and Pacific Africa Unpaid, paid less than 23 of earnings for 14 weeks, or paid for a period less than 14 weeks Paid at least 23 of earnings but less than 100 for at least 14 weeks Paid at least 14 weeks at 100 of earnings Universal Health Protection 31 Moreover, the scope of maternal benefits appears to be severely limited for many women. In the Republic of Moldova, for instance, more than 50 per cent of women who received antenatal care did not receive any reimbursement for the expenses incurred; only 20 per cent received full reimbursement either by an insurance scheme or the Government ILO, TRAVAIL database, 2011. Age-related inequities Since 1950, the number of people aged over 60 has increased rapidly in all regions of the world, resulting in a global increase in life expectancy by 2.7 years in 1950−55 to 4.5 years in 2005−10 UNDESA, 2012. Reductions in mortality have resulted from improved agriculture that has increased food quantity; knowledge of disease transmission; and effective public health interventions that have controlled communicable diseases such as malaria Jack and Lewis, 2009. Life expectancy is also substantially higher among females than among males. These demographic changes are resulting in a rapid ageing of populations around the world, leading to increasing global demand for health care for the elderly – particularly women in the view of their higher life expectancy. Public expenditures on health care for the elderly are consequently growing at a rapid pace, putting public budgets increasingly under pressure. Projections forecast that life expectancy will continue to rise, accompanied by further rises in health expenditure for this age group UNDESA, 2012. Although the economic impacts of ageing and the related shares of total health expenditure have been analysed in depth, the socio-economic consequences of gaps in health protection of elderly households have not been in focus. The fact that older persons are more likely to experience health shocks, cost-intensive chronic illness, and frequently functional impairments compared to their younger counterparts may result in a significant monetary burden Scheil-Adlung and Bonan, 2012. Among the elderly, the oldest age groups are challenged by the highest OOP. Figure 3.25 shows that in many European countries individual OOP for health care increases with age. Although expenditure shares vary between different countries, persons aged 80+ spend a significantly larger share of their household per capita income on OOP for health care than younger cohorts in almost all selected countries. 32 Universal Health Protection Figure 3.25. Out-of-pocket payments OOP as a share of household per capita income, by age cohort, selected European countries, 2004 percentages Source: Scheil-Adlung and Bonan, 2012. Poor elderly households are the most heavily affected by OOP for health care in the countries selected for figure 3.26. Although absolute OOP expenditures are often higher for higher income quintiles, they constitute a much larger part of household income for the lowest income quintiles. In most countries the main part of OOP health expenditure among the elderly is constituted of either costs for prescribed medicines or out-patient care. In Belgium and Spain, pharmaceutical drug expenses make up over 50 per cent of total OOP, whereas in Greece it is out-patient care that accounts for almost 50 per cent ibid.. Figure 3.26. Elderly household OOP for different health-care items as a share of household income, by household income quintile, selected European countries, 2004 percentages Source: Scheil-Adlung and Bonan, 2012. In addition to the need for health care, many of the elderly have an increasing need for long-term care LTC. In spite of this, the scope of covered benefits for LTC is frequently limited WHO, 2007. Constraints result from extremely high cost-sharing rates and Universal Health Protection 33 missing interfaces between social and medical services in countries such as Austria, Canada, Finland, Germany, Republic of Korea, Portugal and Spain OECD, 2011. Inequities for workers in the informal economy, migrants and ethnic minorities Health coverage and access to care remain comparatively limited for workers in the informal economy, migrants and ethnic minorities. A variety of underlying causes are responsible for the coverage and access gaps experienced by these groups: for example, minorities such as Roma. Besides discrimination, a lack of coverage such as in health insurance, lack of documentation providing access to national health systems, geographic isolation from quality care, as well as other obstacles frequently deprive Roma from access to necessary care Földes and Covaci, 2012. While documented migrants are usually covered under national regulations, this is not the case for undocumented migrants or workers in the informal economy. They can hardly effectively access needed care without revealing their identity and providing official papers Stanciole and Huber, 2009. Figure 3.27 provides an overview of gaps in legal coverage and access of Roma and migrants in the European region: Eleven per cent of Roma women were denied access to treatment due to documents lacking. In Bulgaria and Romania 46 and 37 per cent respectively of Roma lack health insurance. Informal-economy workers and migrants frequently experience similar barriers to necessary health care due to exclusion through financial barriers and formal rules, including the need to provide formal documentation. Figure 3.27. Europe: Gaps in legal coverage of Roma and migrants Roma Migrants European region 11 of Roma women were denied access due to lack of documents United Kingdom 47 of all migrants are without coverage in standard employment- based social health protection Bulgaria 46 of Roma have no health insurance Deficits in legal coverage often due to Financial barriers 30 of Roma women over the age of 15 have no insurance Gaps in adequate services Excluded from access by formal rules Romania 37 of Roma have no insurance Missing or incomplete documents Source: EDIS SA, 2009; Krumova and Ilieva, 2008; European Roma Rights Center, 2006.

3.3. Root causes of deficits in health protection

The causes of deficits and gaps in coverage and access to essential health care are manifold. They range from issues directly related to the health system, such as gaps in availability of services, to issues far beyond the health sector, such as employment status and missing documents. 34 Universal Health Protection Figure 3.28 provides a broad typology of root causes of access gaps both within and beyond the health sector. Within the health sector, key issues relate to the absence of rights-based approaches, resulting in coverage gaps that force people to pay all health expenditure out-of-pocket. But even where coverage exists, many issues can be observed. In particular, gaps in availability, affordability, quality and financial protection of health care due to: the design of benefits packages, e.g. limitations in the scope of benefits excluding necessary treatments; gaps in health workforce density, uneven distribution of qualified health workers, and indecent working conditions including no or low wages; insufficient infrastructure impacting on the accessibility of health facilities; underfunding of health systems and schemes impacting on quality; and out-of-pocket payments OOP, i.e. payments to be made at the point of service delivery, such as user fees, co-payments and transport costs, often exceeding a household’s capacity to pay. Figure 3.28. Root causes of coverage deficits and access gaps: A typology Source: Scheil-Adlung, 2013a. Issues beyond the health sector often relate to the socio-economic context in which a health care system operates, particularly: poverty levels; labour market performance: income levels, employment and status, and whether or not an individual is active in the informal sector; deficits in poverty alleviation due to gaps in, for example, income support aiming at addressing rural and urban poverty; and inequalities related to gender, age, ethnic groups and others. Addressing these issues in a coherent way requires a level of policy coordination across sectors that is absent in many countries. Policy coherence should aim at creating sustainable progress towards universal coverage in health. This entails overcoming traditional policies that focus on solving problems within single sectors, schemes or Universal Health Protection 35 systems. A shift is required towards policies that simultaneously address deficits in the health sector, schemes and systems as well as the socio-economic contexts in which they are operating. Such policies should be implemented with a view to supporting vulnerable groups, such as poor women, the elderly and persons with special health-care needs. Further, developmental, health, economic and labour market policies need to be aligned so as to promote employment and the transition from informal economies. Policy coherence across sectors, particularly the health, social and economic sectors, has the potential to result in economic growth and is an important precondition for the sustainable development of countries. 36 Universal Health Protection

4. Moving towards Equity: National Social

Protection Floors as a key strategy for achieving universal coverage in health The ILO Social Protection Floors Recommendation, 2012 No. 202 can serve as a guideline for achieving sustainable universal coverage in health. It aims at: establishing and maintaining SPFs as a component of their national social security systems; and extending SPFs to progressively ensure higher levels of protection to as many people as possible para. I. 1a. It also sets out the principles underlying SPFs, outlines strategies for the extension of social protection, and describes how to monitor progress in implementing SPFs.

4.1. Objectives, scope and principles

In order to achieve universal access to essential health care a comprehensive policy concept should be applied. The most relevant aspects of such an approach are outlined in Recommendation No. 202. It refers to basic social security guarantees that should be available to all in need. These guarantees ensure that as a minimum, over the life cycle, individuals have access to essential health care and basic income, which together secure effective access to goods and services. Basic social security guarantees consist of 1 in-kind benefits, constituting essential health care and meeting the criteria of availability, accessibility, acceptability and quality; and 2 cash benefits providing basic income security for children, persons of active age and older persons see key aspect 4.1. Related benefits include health, maternity, sickness and disability, old-age, unemployment, employment injury, and survivors’ benefits, as well as employment guarantees and any other social benefits that are in cash or in kind para. II. 92. Key aspect 4.1 Social Protection Floors Recommendation, 2012 No. 202, Paragraph 5 […] social protection floors […] should comprise at least the following basic social security guarantees: a. Access to a nationally defined set of goods and services, constituting essential health care, including maternity care, that meets the criteria of availability, accessibility, acceptability and quality; b. Basic income security for children, at least at a nationally defined minimum level, providing access to nutrition, education, care and any other necessary goods and services; c. Basic income security, at least at a nationally defined minimum level, for persons in active age who are unable to earn sufficient income, in particular in cases of sickness, unemployment, maternity and disability; and d. Basic income security, at least at a nationally defined minimum level, for older persons. Note: Authors’ emphasis. Basic social security guarantees should be established by law. They should define the range, qualifying conditions and benefit levels. Benefits should include essential health care and basic income security, allowing for a life in dignity. This implies a monetary value of benefits corresponding to a set of necessary goods and services, or the national poverty line, or other thresholds, taking into account regional differences in the cost of 1 2