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II. Voices from the field: findings and analysis
A. Introduction
The data gathered in the course of this research are both quantitative and qualitative in nature.  The  quantitative  aspect  of  the  research  represents  both  the  endeavour  to  enrich  the
data  and  a  means  of  triangulation.  Data  from  the  qualitative  research  provide  a  snapshot  of the stigma and discrimination in the workplace from the perspective of LGBT people, labour
union members, and representatives of APINDO and the Ministry of Manpower. Quantitative data  were  collected  from  members  of  the  labour  union.  The  questionnaire  captures
respondents’ attitudes to LGBT-related issues see tables 1 and 2. The characteristics of the 408 respondents are as set out below.
The majority of respondents were male 54 per cent, followed by female 45 per cent, male-to-female  transgender  0.5  per  cent,  female-to-male  transgender  0.49  per  cent,  and
other  0.5  per  cent.  Even  though  respondents  with  alternative  gender  identities  are  in  a minority, that they were willing to tick that box is indicative of the changing nature of LGBT
people ’s perceptions about themselves and their willingness to take risks by being more open
about their sexual orientation or gender identity. The majority of respondents come from the productive age bracket 20
–49 years, with those aged 30–39 being the most numerous. Even though  respondents  might  have  been  born  and  raised  elsewhere  in  Indonesia,  the  largest
percentage  of  them  work  in  Jakarta  41.42  per  cent.  It  is  interesting  to  see  whether  their place of work has any bearing on their attitudes towards LGBT: large cities such as Jakarta
consist of people from different backgrounds, with diverse ways of looking at the world, and thus such cities have the potential to broaden
their inhabitants’ horizons. Qualitative data were gathered through focus group discussions in Yogyakarta, Jakarta,
Kupang  East  Nusa  Tenggara  and  Pontianak  West  Kalimantan.  The  majority  of participants  in  the  discussion  groups  in  Kupang  and  Pontianak  worked  in  the  informal
economy  without  contracts  specifying  their  job  descriptions,  wage  raises,  and  so  on.  Their workplaces  include  beauty  salons,  small  cafes,  and  small  grocery  stores
–  places  where labour  relations  are  regulated  by  verbal  contracts  and  mutual  trust  between  employers  and
employees. A few of our informants worked for the Government as teachers or employees in government  offices.  A  number  worked  for  the  Komisi  Pemberantasan  AIDS  AIDS
Commission.  The  occupations  of  our  informants  in  Yogyakarta  and  in  Jakarta  were  more diverse,  ranging  from  sales  people  and  television  and  information  technology  specialists  to
factory labourers. The difference between the ranges of occupations found, on the one hand, in Kupang and Pontianak, and, on the other, in Yogyakarta and Jakarta, can be attributed to
two  factors.  First,  our  informants  in  Yogyakarta  and  Jakarta  are  better  educated  than  their counterparts in Kupang  and Pontianak. Second,  given their more strategic geographical and
economic locations, Yogyakarta and Jakarta offer a greater array of occupations to workers in general, including those that are LGBT.
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B.   Demographic profile of respondents of the qualitative survey