CHINA’S MARITIME SILK ROAD: HISTORY AND POLICY

891 Internaional Conference on Social Poliics refugee. Since 2012, Australia sent the refugees who came by boats to the camp in Nauru, an reported that there were attacks and systematic violation toward to refugees. Other than that, there is also camp in Manus Island in Papua New Guinea where Australia built refugee camps in this island. Papua New Guinea government stated that the refugees were hold in these controvertial camps and will be settled in this island. Despite of the under spotlighttreatment regarding Australia’s action towards the refugees in this island, the refugees were forbidden to enter the Australian territory regardless their status as refugees. Since the camp was opened in Manus island under the instruction of Labor Party three years ago, about 50 of asylum seekers were accepted. And based on the immigration data, more than 900 men were hold in Manus island, and about 600 men, women, and children wer hold in Nauru. The people in Manus island were placed, accomodated, and funded by the Australian government, but were not permitted to work and leave the island. Since the processing camp in Manus Islands has been opened by Australian Labor Party 3 years ago, there have been reported around 50 asylum seekers whose applications are accepted. However, there are more than 900 men under detention in Mnaus Islands, 600 men, women, and children are under detention in Nauru. Those under detention in Manus get inancial support from Australia despite the regulation for not being able to work. They may leave the home but remain staying at this island. Thus, what would be the lesson learned? Indeed, border area is not only about interests representation of two neighborhood states. There may have been external actors involved within. Not only Europe who get the impacts of Turkey’s opening border policy, but also Oman, Quwait, and Qatar. Australia relies heavily on the border security system in all parts of Indonesian in dealing with refugee problems and its negative impacts to their nations. Australia also needs Papua New Guinea in order to provide a shelter to those refugees who want to migrate to Australia. Then, we could say that border area is a common space for intra states, not only between states. It needs a careful attention, support, and cooperation from many states surrounding the border zones. Therefore, border diplomacy needs to be conducted not only through bilateral effort but also multilateral effort. There is no other reason for the local government and the other governments to avoid dealing with development in that area. Government are obliged to develop the area under a cooperative framework between two states, and even in the intra state. In the future, if the bilateral cooperation in the border area could run smoothly, it could therefore be adopted into multilateral cooperation especially to the states who have border problem in regional level. 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Kaligis Associates, Jakarta Kartikasari, Wahyuni, 1997, Hubungan Kerjasama Perbatasan Indonesia- Malaysia Studi Kasus Perbatasan Kalimantan Barat-Sarawak, Skripsi Jurusan Hubungan Internasional FISIPOL UniversitasGadjahmada Madu, Ludiro dkk, 2010, Mengelola Perbatasan Indonesia di Dunia Tanpa Batas: Isu, Permasalahan dan Pilihan Kebijakan, Jakarta, GrahaI lmu Nahak, Florianus, Ir, MSi, 2008, Pengelolan Wilayah Perbatasan Indonesia-Timor Leste Pengalaman PemKab Belu, Makalah Supriyadi, Rohmad MSi, 2008, Yogyakarta, Makalah Strategi dan Model Pengelolaan Perbatasan Tempo, 60th special edition, 2005: Merawat Indonesia, No. 25XXXIV15-21 Agustus Warsito, Tulus DR, 2008, Diplomasi Perbatasan, Monograf, Jurusan Ilmu Hubungan Intrenasional Fakultas Ilmu Sosial dan Politik Universitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta Website: h t t p : w w w . c n n i n d o n e s i a . c o m nasional20150728204221-20-68699 u n h c r - j u m l a h - p e n g u n g s i - d i - indonesia-meningkat http:www.voaindonesia.comcontent indonesia-pertimbangkan-tawarkan- pulau-untuk-memproses-pengungsi- ke-australia3066915.html, retrieved 12 December 2015 893 Internaional Conference on Social Poliics BUSINESSPEOPLE CO-OPTATION IN CHINA’S COMMUNIST PARTY ADAPTION Fidya Shabrina and Atik Septi Winarsih Faculty of Social and Political Sciences Universitas Gadjah Mada Univesitas Muhammadiyah Yogyakarta Abstract: The co-optation of businesspeople is an interesting phenomenon in the Chinese Communist Party’s CCP institutionalization. Involvement of the rich and wealthy not only contradicts the party’s ideology of egalitarianism but is also strictly prohibited due to the Tiananmen incident in 1989. However, because of the massive development of Chinese social and economical landscape, businesspeople emerge as an important social base of civil society. They possess abundant economical resource and hold an important role in the Chinese society as capital owner. The CCP is aware of this situation and therefore attempt to involve businesspeople in political process through co-optation. The CCP implements co- optation to involve businesspeople in political process. The co-optation was recognized since the 16th National Party Congress in 2002, during the Jiang Zemin administration. As China’s economic and political setting become more complex, ideology alone is not enough to sustain the CCP’s power. A new structurized mechanism was required to guarantee that it remains as a legitimate ruler. The co- optation is considered as an attempt of the CCP to assure regime’s survival as well as to strengthen its legitimacy. The article will discuss how and why the CCP co-opts businesspeople into the party. Keywords: co-optation, Chinese Communist Party, businessman, legitimacy. CHINA’S ECONOMIC MODERNIZATION AND INTERNAL PARTY DYNAMIC CCP’s organizational complexity is an interesting phenomenon. Since 1949 until now, CCP is the ruling party of China. In 2015, CCP members are noted to be more than 85 million ar around 6 of China’s population Communist Party of China, 2013 . As a party governing more than 1,3 trillion citizens, CCP is required to continuously renew its supporting basis. The socioeconomic complexity in contemporary China demands continuous regime adaptation for survival. Under the role of Mao, party cadres mostly consist farmers and labors. Nowadays, CCP’s membership has expanded into various profession: labors, farmers, government oficials, service providers, merchants, students, retiree, etc. Number of party cadres from trading and service sector is noted to be the second highest; 23,3 from total party members. This number exceeds the number of party cadres that works as labors, that is 8,5 from total party members see diagram 2. As the party composition turns more heterogenic, ideology basis alone is not suficient to guarantee the party’s legitimacy. A structured mechanism is required to sustain the party role. Institutionalization becomes CCP’s main agenda to remain as a ruling party. To avoid power opposition, CCP builds corporate connection between the state and the private sector through involving businesspeople. If we take a look at the history of CCP since its establishment in 1921, businesspeople is not a signiicant component in party’s institutionalization. According to Mao Zedong, capitalisme is a crime; those “capitalist walkers” ought to be put away for good. During the rule of Mao, CCP’s leadership is very centralized; Mao is a very domineering leader. His words is considered as law and those opposing it will be given consequences. During Deng’s leadership, China underwent massive economic growth. The private sector in China grows very rapidly during these times. The rapid economic growth brought implication on CCP’s member