Discussion Gang news in the media not only presents information, but importantly it also articulates ideological

Discussion Gang news in the media not only presents information, but importantly it also articulates ideological

messages concerning the meaning and definition of gangs that can ultimately influence community responses to gang activities (Surette 2007). In addition, news media may actively engage in ‘problem construction’ (Sacco 1995). For example, investigative reporting or the coverage of an event judged to be messages concerning the meaning and definition of gangs that can ultimately influence community responses to gang activities (Surette 2007). In addition, news media may actively engage in ‘problem construction’ (Sacco 1995). For example, investigative reporting or the coverage of an event judged to be

Most existing knowledge on gangs has been driven by anecdotal information and media stereotypes, and until recently there has been a relatively small amount of dedicated research into the nature and dynamics of youth gangs in an Australian context (White 2004). However what is known about street gangs in Australia seems to "confirm that their actual, rather than presumed, existence is much less extensive than popularly believed and that their activities are highly circumscribed in terms of violence or criminal activity" (White 2004:23).

One of the primary difficulties in researching gangs is the absence of a universally accepted definition of what constitutes a gang. White (2002) argues that the term ‘gang’ is often mistakenly used to denote any group of young people. Indeed while a number of gangs involving young people do exist, their numbers, their criminal activities and prevalence may be greatly exaggerated by the media (Bell & Heathcote 1999). In addition, failure to utilize effective and accurate definitions of gangs, groups and the dynamics of gang membership can have negative implications for research and criminal justice policy (White 2002). For example, Esbensen, Winfree, He and Taylor (2001) argue that there is an increasing significance to issues regarding the definitions of gangs and groups. Inaccurate evaluations and definitions of gangs can lead to numerous outcomes. Over or underestimating the numbers of gangs or applying too narrow or too broad definitions are factors that have the potential to affect research outcomes, criminal justice statistics and public policy (Esbensen et al 2001).

For the purposes of this paper, White’s (2002) characterisation of a gang is the most functional definition. This illustrates the basic characteristics of a gang – a formalised structure, identifiable leadership, distinctive geographic territory, designation of a specific name and associated symbols or colours which identify them from other groups. There is a specific and purposeful rationale and apparent group norms, including a structured and continuous engagement with criminal behaviour. For the ‘gang of 49’, there is no identifiable leadership, criminal activity is sporadic and spontaneous and the ‘members’, while connected by kinship, live in suburbs all over the city of Adelaide. There is no apparent specific rationale For the purposes of this paper, White’s (2002) characterisation of a gang is the most functional definition. This illustrates the basic characteristics of a gang – a formalised structure, identifiable leadership, distinctive geographic territory, designation of a specific name and associated symbols or colours which identify them from other groups. There is a specific and purposeful rationale and apparent group norms, including a structured and continuous engagement with criminal behaviour. For the ‘gang of 49’, there is no identifiable leadership, criminal activity is sporadic and spontaneous and the ‘members’, while connected by kinship, live in suburbs all over the city of Adelaide. There is no apparent specific rationale

It is clear that there are numerous difficulties when attempting to research and understand the number and dynamics of gangs and specifically the ‘gang of 49’. Complicating this analysis are the competing discourses surrounding this group. Participants admit amusement and a kind of enjoyment of the notoriety that the media attention brings, however this is in conflict with the consistent denials from this group of the existence of the ‘gang of 49’. Further, some discussed their membership to other gangs, primarily formed for street fighting. ‘Crazy After Dark’, ‘Black Scorpions’ and ‘West Side Bloods’ appear to have a more formalised membership, engage in a form of initiation ceremony, have identifiable American style gothic gang tattoos and have on occasion recruited members. Moreover, these groups do fit more closely with traditional definitions of gang behaviour and culture. Papachristos (2005) has observed that American style gangs such as the ‘Crips’, ‘Bloods’ and ‘Latin Kings’ have potent images that are transmitted, exploited and glamorised across the world. The escalating mobility of information through the internet, music and films has meant that the outward display of gang culture such as style of dress, tattoos and language is open to be duplicated and appropriated.

However, merely appropriating certain elements from American gangs to create a ‘hybrid Indigenous gang culture’ does not accurately depict this groups’ experience. There are many possible and significant meanings. For some Indigenous offenders, criminal activity is seen as a necessity and becomes a means of gaining peer approval and enhancing self esteem (Beresford & Omaji 1996). Participants reported collecting newspaper reports on themselves and engaged in a form of competition with each other to see who could receive the most news coverage. It was common knowledge amongst the group that one of the participants suggested that he was the ‘no 1’ of the police list of ‘49 person’s of interest’ and enjoyed the infamy this gave him. The notoriety gained from publicised crime can provide one of the few sources of pride, and to some, this overrides the fear of being apprehended (Beresford & Omaji 1996).

A common experience for the Indigenous community is a steadily intensified process of marginalisation from society (Beresford & Omaji 1996). The ten participants all reported continued unemployment, limited education, low numeracy and literacy skills, periods of homelessness and an overwhelming sense

of anger and frustration with their situation. Significantly, all 10 participants reported that their parents identified as being a part of the Stolen Generations. White (2009) argues that many of the determinants for Indigenous gang activity stems from their systematic dispossession and their ongoing repression by the criminal justice system. Similarly, Beresford and Omaji (1996) note that the assimilation policies that sanctioned the removal of Indigenous children from their families in the past have contributed to the criminalisation of young people today. Cunneen (1994) surmises: “there is little doubt that there is a direct association between removal and the likelihood of criminalisation and further instances of removal” (1994:12). He stresses that it is important to recognise the continuities with previous policies that legitimised the removal of Indigenous children from their families. He states that “the process of criminalisation has replaced the previously overt genocidal doctrine of ‘breeding out’ Aboriginality. Aboriginal youth are no longer institutionalised because they are Aboriginal but rather because they are criminal” (Cunneen 1994:135). White (2009) explains that these social elements are worsened further by the continuing intrusion of colonial relationships. This is apparent in the discriminatory practices of the state through diminished educational, vocational and life opportunities. Facing these overwhelming conditions, Indigenous gangs may perform an attractive and supportive environment that simultaneously provides both emotional and material foundation with an outlet for aggression and resistance.

The disempowerment associated with being institutionalised at a young age has manifest in later life in many ways, particularly in the ability to effectively parent. Indigenous people affected by policies of forced removal and institutionalisation report numerous damaging effects with regards to constructing and maintaining family life (Beresford & Omaji 1996). Moreover, the disruption of cultural parenting knowledge can lead to the replication of a confused sense of identity for future generations. For the research participants, this dislocation is evident in the way they locate the differences in life experiences between their parents and themselves. In interviews they spoke of being angry towards white society for the treatment of their parents, and more specifically that “I won’t be victimised by anyone, especially the cops” (research participant, January 2009). Like Omaji (2003) who found an emerging pattern of resistance in Indigenous youth as a response to the treatment of elders in their community, this preliminary research suggests that crime for this group has become a symbol of freedom and power. To The disempowerment associated with being institutionalised at a young age has manifest in later life in many ways, particularly in the ability to effectively parent. Indigenous people affected by policies of forced removal and institutionalisation report numerous damaging effects with regards to constructing and maintaining family life (Beresford & Omaji 1996). Moreover, the disruption of cultural parenting knowledge can lead to the replication of a confused sense of identity for future generations. For the research participants, this dislocation is evident in the way they locate the differences in life experiences between their parents and themselves. In interviews they spoke of being angry towards white society for the treatment of their parents, and more specifically that “I won’t be victimised by anyone, especially the cops” (research participant, January 2009). Like Omaji (2003) who found an emerging pattern of resistance in Indigenous youth as a response to the treatment of elders in their community, this preliminary research suggests that crime for this group has become a symbol of freedom and power. To

Concluding Remarks This research is still in its preliminary stages however significant themes have begun to emerge. While the

participants deny its existence, it has been revealed that tensions and conflict exist amid the notoriety of the ‘gang of 49’. In addition, resistant practices have been uncovered in the way that new generations of the Indigenous community avoid replicating existing hierarchies. It is imperative to go beyond the sensationalised and fictionalised media images of gangs and gang problems to effectively understand the complexities of Indigenous offender’s interactions with the criminal justice system.

In completing this paper, the ‘gang of 49’ has attained national media attention following the South Australian Attorney General’s pronouncement that “these people are pure evil” (Owen & Nason 2009). It seems that a new wave of racialised demonisation of Indigenous offenders has emerged that posits them as the ‘worst of the worst’. In short, there is a significant and increasing need for qualitative and reflexive research regarding Indigenous criminal justice issues overall, especially in light of recent government led intervention strategies.

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