EFEKTIVITAS SISTEM SARINGAN MULTIMEDIA D
Advertiser Pressure and the Personal Ethical
norms of newspaper Editors and Ad Directors
GERGELY nYILASY
newspaper journalists and advertising directors were surveyed to update and extend
university of Melbourne
research on advertising pressure. Results reveal that:
gnyilasy@unimelb.edu.au
LEOnARD n. REID
university of Georgia
lnreid@uga.edu
• advertiser pressure is widespread in newspapers; despite economic threats, however,
advertisers succeed with their inluence attempts relatively infrequently;
• smaller newspapers do not differ much from larger ones with regard to any forms of
advertiser pressure;
• advertising directors are more permissive in their personal ethical norms for handling
advertiser pressure than editors;
• employees of small newspapers are not much more permissive in their ethical norms
than those of large papers; and
• the amount of economic pressure a newspaper received (but not other forms of
pressure such as inluence attempts and acquiescence) is positively correlated with
the permissiveness of media workers’ personal ethical norms.
InTRODUCTIOn
the tactic is successful—represents a serious threat
Advertisers often attempt to inluence media by
to consumer interests and, as such, is a key (yet,
asking for special favors in exchange for their
often unrecognized) advertising-ethics issue.
advertising dollars. Abundant anecdotal (Atkin-
The separation between editorial and advertis-
son, 2004; Christians et al., 2009; Collins, 1992; Fine,
ing content belongs to the core of normative jour-
2004; Gorman, 2010; Gremillion and Yates, 1997;
nalistic and media ethics, and it is often compared
Hickey, 1998; Hoyt, 1990; Ives, 2010; Knecht, 1997;
to the fundamental political principle of the separa-
Rappleye, 1998; Sanders and Halliday, 2005; Sutel,
tion of “church and state” in modern democracies
2005; Underwood, 1998a, 1998b) and more limited
(Rappleye, 1998). Although the First Amendment
empirical evidence (An and Bergen, 2007; Hays
of the U.S. Constitution advocates freedom only
and Reisner, 1990; Howland, 1989; Just and Levine,
from state intervention, the notion of the “free
2000; Just, Levine, and Regan, 2001; Price, 2003;
media” often is understood in the sense of inde-
Reisner and Walter, 1994; Soley and Craig, 1992)
pendence from commercial interests (Shoemaker
suggest the existence of “advertiser pressure”—the
and Reese, 1991).
term introduced by Soley and Craig (1992).
538
In fact, some critics argue that “private entities in
Favors in exchange of advertising dollars are “on
general and advertisers in particular constitute the
top of” the scheduled media buy and can range
most consistent and the most pernicious ‘censors’
from special advertising placement to overt manip-
of media content” (Baker, 1992, p. 2099). Indeed,
ulation of editorial content including both favora-
the independent and free democratic press—which
ble stories supporting the campaign and avoidance
is not unduly inluenced by private or state inter-
of any voices critical of the advertiser or its busi-
ests—is perceived as a key political institution to
ness category. “Advertiser pressure”—especially if
most political convictions.
JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING RESEARCH
september 2011
DOI: 10.2501/JAR-51-3-538-552
ADvERTIsER PREssuRE AnD nEwsPAPERs
Advertiser pressure is widespread in newspapers;
millions of consumers. Perhaps surprisingly, despite the foremost importance of
despite economic threats, however, advertisers succeed
advertiser pressure, very little is known
about the phenomenon in an empirically
with their inluence attempts relatively infrequently.
rigorous manner.
The purpose of the research reported
in this article is to give a recent and com-
The second, more pragmatic, problem is
the potential for consumer deception. As
a chance for an accurate assessment of
prehensive update on the phenomenon, in
source credibility.
the context of the newspaper industry. The
Hoyt suggested in the Columbia Journalism
Advertising practitioners may not fully
Review (1990, “From the reader’s perspec-
appreciate these issues identiied by ethics
tive this conluence of advertising and edito-
scholars. There seems to be a gap between
• It takes a fresh look at both the extent
rial is confusing: Where does the sales pitch
the enthusiasm of the proponents of
to which advertiser pressure is present
end? Where does the editor take over?”
contribution of the study is threefold:
editorial/advertising intermingling and
in the newspaper business and the fre-
There is some evidence that original edi-
the vigilance of ethics researchers. What
quency by which it occurs today.
torial content is perceived as more trust-
is “economic censorship” (Baker, 1992),
• It incorporates the investigation of per-
worthy than advertisements provided by
“advertiser pressure” (Soley and Craig,
sonal ethical norms for handling adver-
third parties (Cameron, 1994). If, by using
1992) or “sponsor interference” (Just and
this perceptual difference, advertisers
Levine, 2000) for ethics academics seems
• It targets not only newspaper editors
actively manipulate editorial content—
to be value-neutral conceptualizations
but newspaper advertising directors.
and this inluence is not acknowledged—
of “product placement in print” (Atkin-
consumers are deceived in their search for
son, 1994; Fine, 2004), “entertainment/
Although advertiser pressure is present
reliable product information.
advertising convergence” (Donaton, 2004)
in all media, the authors selected the con-
tiser pressure.
In this latter sense, advertiser pressure
or “value-added media buy” (“Media
text of newspapers for the present research
falls under a larger ethical problem area:
Round Table,” 1990; Fahey, 1991; Hoyt,
because, arguably, newspapers represent
the increasing “blurring of advertising
1990) for some advertising practitioners.
the traditional elite of journalism. Thus, it
and editorial content” (Peeler and Guthrie,
2007).
The topic is all the more important
is in newspapers that the consequences of
today because media—especially tradi-
advertiser pressure are both the most sali-
product
tional print media—are undergoing radi-
ent and potentially the most severe.
placement, branded entertainment, cer-
cal transformation and are under severe
tain forms of public relations, and emerg-
economic pressure (Nyilasy, King, and
LITERATURE REvIEW: ADvERTISInG
ing digital forms of communication (viral
Reid, 2011). It has been argued that cer-
ETHICS AnD ADvERTISER PRESSURE
marketing,
marketing/seeding,
tain forms of media undergoing economic
Before a review of the targeted empirical
blogger outreach) all potentially are ethi-
hardship are more willing to compromise
literature on advertiser pressure, it makes
cally problematic because of consumers’
on ethical norms than economically pow-
sense to situate the subject in the broader
inability to identify whether the informa-
erful players within a market (Soley and
theoretical and empirical tradition of
tion is sponsored (and as such, subject to
Craig, 1992; An and Bergen, 2007). Print
advertising ethics.
appropriate attributions about intent and
media, particularly newspapers, therefore
Despite its importance, the topic of
information value) or “objective” (not
are prime candidates for increased acqui-
advertiser pressure on media, surpris-
intentionally furthering commercial inter-
escence to advertiser pressure.
ingly, does not appear very frequently on
Infomercials,
advertorials,
buzz
ests; Spence and van Heekeren, 2005).
The blurring of editorial and advertising content may deceive even the
For all these reasons, it is imperative
the agenda of advertising-ethics research.
that academic research give detailed and
It is telling that although advertiser inlu-
updated accounts of advertiser pressure.
ence on media editorial content has been
“informed, skeptical, sophisticated con-
The consequences of advertiser pressure
proposed as a high-priority research topic
sumer” (Preston, 2010), on whom much
are far-reaching; it has both ethical and
(Hyman, Tansey, and Clark, 1994), only
of modern consumer-interest regulation
managerial implications for both media
a handful of targeted studies on the sub-
is based, because he or she does not have
and advertising organizations, let alone
ject have been conducted to date. Further,
september 2011
JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING RESEARCH
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ADvERTIsER PREssuRE AnD nEwsPAPERs
the topic does not appear in more gen-
Despite its importance, the topic of advertiser pressure
eral accounts of advertising practitioners’ ethical views (Chen and Liu, 1998;
on media, surprisingly, does not appear very frequently
Drumwright and Murphy, 2004; Hunt
and Chonko, 1987; Rotzoll and Christians,
on the agenda of advertising-ethics research.
1980).
One possible explanation for this lack of
salience is that it is not advertising agen-
Fine, 2004; Gorman, 2010; Gremillion and
studied. The results were mixed. Some
cies—but rather the advertisers them-
Yates, 1997; Hickey, 1998; Hoyt, 1990;
studies found a strong correlation and
selves—that exert pressure on media.
Ives, 2010; Knecht, 1997; Rappleye, 1998;
deduced the existence of successful adver-
Because practitioner surveys/interviews
Sanders and Holliday, 2005; Sutel, 2005;
tiser pressure (Reuter and Zitzewitz, 2006;
in advertising ethics traditionally have
Underwood 1998a, 1998b), little system-
Rinallo and Basuroy, 2009; Williams, 1992).
focused on agencies, the topic remains
atic empirical evidence has been pub-
Others found no relationship (Rouner,
hidden from view.
lished in academe.
Slater, Long, and Stapel, 2009; Poitras and
The study of advertiser pressure also is
The authors undertook an extensive
dificult to situate within advertising eth-
search of research publications to identity
Direct evidence is supplied by surveys
ics’ classic typologies. Although the ield
studies on advertiser pressure on media.
among media workers. Soley and Craig’s
of advertising ethics traditionally deals
The step-by-step process started with
“Advertiser Pressures on Newspapers: A
with either the “advertising message” or
searching research databases (i.e., EBSCO
Survey” in the Journal of Advertising (1992)
the “advertising business” (Drumwright
Business Source Premier and Academic
proved that the phenomenon existed at
and Murphy, 2009), advertiser pressure
Research Premier, Emerald, Factiva) for
that time. That paper also provided an
falls somewhere between those two topics.
the keywords of “advertiser pressure,”
estimate of the phenomenon’s spread in
It clearly is an organizational ethics issue;
and “advertising” and “media” combined
U.S. newspapers. The survey investigated
however, it has an impact on consum-
with
its three facets:
ers through the manipulation of editorial
“self-censorship,” “ethics,” “corrupt prac-
content.
“social
pressure,”
“censorship,”
Sutter, 2009).
tices.” Next, the titles of papers in the con-
• Inluence attempts—advertisers try-
In the macro-meso-micro typology of
tents of the main advertising journals (i.e.,
ing to include positive and exclude or
marketing ethics’ levels of analysis (Brink-
Journal of Advertising, Journal of Advertising
mann, 2002; Victor and Cullen, 1988),
Research, International Journal of Advertising
• Economic pressure—the threat to with-
advertiser pressure has relevance on all
and Journal of Current Issues and Research in
draw and actual withdrawal of advertis-
layers. It is a larger societal issue in the
Advertising) were scanned for relevance.
ing from the medium
aggregate; it is inluenced by organiza-
Finally, the literature review sections and
• Acquiescence—the extent to which
tional climate (meso-level); it is enacted
references were read in the identiied
newspapers cede to advertiser pressure
by individual players on the micro-level
papers for further literature. The authors
through:
and, in this last sense, it is a “personal eth-
focused the literature review on the most
– complying
ics” problem (Shaver, 2003). Although the
important papers, as evidenced by their
authors recognize all these relevant layers
highest citation levels or inherent research
– internalizing the pressure, and
(also encompassed by Hunt and Vitell’s
interest.
– self-censorship.
manipulate negative stories
to
overt
inluence
attempts,
comprehensive marketing ethics model
Systematic scholarly evidence comes in
(2006), the present paper focuses on per-
two forms on the topic: indirect and direct.
Findings showed that the majority of
sonal ethical norms (Kohlberg, 1984) when
Indirect evidence is based on the compari-
newspaper editors (in the 70- to 90-percent
explaining how media workers confront
son of editorial and advertising content.
range) had experienced advertiser pres-
advertiser pressure.
Studies in this group investigated whether
sure in the form of both inluence attempts
Although there are numerous anec-
there was a correlation between the fre-
and threats of advertising withdrawal.
dotal accounts of advertiser pressure
quency/quality of editorial coverage and
Acquiescing to such overt pressure, how-
affecting all media forms (Atkinson,
the frequency of advertising (for the given
ever, seemed to be much less common
2004; Christians et al., 2009; Collins, 1992;
advertiser/industry) in the media/vehicle
among editors.
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JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING RESEARCH
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A more recent study (An and Bergen,
2007)
surveyed
advertising
coverage than attempting to prevent
• Smaller newspapers are subject to
directors
negative stories to appear. In contrast, a
more inluence attempts and economic
at daily newspapers using a scenario
survey of television news directors found
pressure.
approach. Although the study conirmed
no difference between the frequency of
the existence of ethical dilemmas around
pressure to report positive stories versus
• Smaller newspapers are more likely to
acquiesce to pressure.
advertiser pressure, because of its use of
not to report negative ones (Price, 2003).
hypothetical scenarios it did not directly
Uniformly, 93 percent of the respondents
The study had mixed results, con-
report on the extent of the phenomenon
said they had never felt the pressure to do
cluding that there was no evidence that
and, therefore, is not directly comparable
either of these.
smaller newspapers received more pres-
to Soley and Craig’s study (1992).
The aforementioned studies assessed
sure; however, at least on one measure
Magazines also have had their share of
the extent to which advertiser pressure was
of
advertiser pressure. A survey reported in
present in the media but left unanswered
newspapers tended to score higher.
Folio, a magazine for magazine manag-
the question regarding how often the phe-
ers, reported that more than 40 percent of
nomenon happened. The only study that
the editors surveyed had been instructed
reported how many times pressure was
by an advertising director or publisher to
exerted by advertisers on the medium is a
do something that they believed signii-
1994 survey of newspaper reporters cov-
are subject to more advertiser
cantly compromised editorial (Howland,
ering agricultural news (Reisner and Wal-
pressure (in the forms of inlu-
1989). Acquiescence on the part of those
ter, 1994). Results showed that advertiser
ence attempts and economic
editors, however, was signiicantly lower;
pressure was not as frequent as anecdo-
pressure) than large newspapers.
according to the study, 60 percent of the
tal sources would have suggested: Even
editors said “no” to the inluence attempts.
though prepublication threats to withdraw
Another survey among farm-magazine
advertising were received almost every
likely to acquiesce to advertiser
writers and editors found that both inlu-
month (M = 11.5 per year), other forms
pressure than large newspapers.
ence attempts and threats to withdraw
of advertiser pressure (such as demands
acquiescence—self-censorship—small
The authors’ irst two hypotheses are as
follows:
H1:
H2:
Small-circulation
newspapers
Small newspapers are more
advertising were common (Hays and Reis-
for coverage, M = 1.7; post-publication
Journalism
ner, 1990).
withdrawals, M = 0.1) occurred much less
have advocated the maintenance of an
frequently.
impenetrable wall between editorial and
A replication of Soley and Craig’s 1992
study among television reporters and
ethics
codes
traditionally
advertising content. With the increasing
editors showed that advertiser pressure
RESEARCH QUESTIOnS AnD HYPOTHESES
acceptance of the market-oriented news-
also was widespread in that medium
Based on the literature, the authors tested
paper, however, the separation between
(Soley, 1997). The majority of respond-
one research question and six hypotheses.
editorial and advertising department no
ents reported that they had experienced
The research question addressed both the
longer seems so absolute (Hoyt, 1990;
inluence attempts and threats to with-
extent and frequency with which advertis-
Underwood, 1998a, 1998b).
draw advertising; however, much less
ers pressure newspapers.
Although journalism associations stress
actual withdrawal (44 percent) or successful pressurizing (40 percent) was
the absolute imperatives of editorial integR1:
How widespread and how fre-
rity, independence, and accountability,
reported. Two surveys conducted as part
quent is advertiser pressure on
they do not provide speciic and detailed
of the Project for Excellence in Journal-
newspapers?
directives about how to handle pressure
ism offered further support that a signii-
in everyday practice (American Society of
cant number of television news directors
In 1992, Soley and Craig tested a com-
Magazine Editors [ASME], 2010; Ameri-
encountered advertiser pressures (Just
mon assumption of anecdotal sources:
can Society of Newspaper Editors [ASNE],
and Levine, 2000; Just, Levine, and Regan,
the proposition that smaller market news-
2010; Associated Press Managing Editors
2001). These surveys examined only
papers are more susceptible to advertiser
[APME], 2010; Society of Professional Jour-
the “inluence attempts” dimension of
pressure than large newspapers. They for-
nalists [SPJ], 2010). Thus, subjective ethical
advertiser pressure, stating that it was
mulated two hypotheses:
beliefs about appropriate advertiser/news-
much more common to ask for favorable
paper interaction are more informative
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ADvERTIsER PREssuRE AnD nEwsPAPERs
about how advertising pressure will be
of the advertiser pressure that the editorial
handled than written (but all too vague)
people are forced to handle. In fact, there
tisers threatened to withdraw or in fact
codes (Reisner and Walter, 1994). Indeed,
are a number of reasons why there may
withdrew their advertising from the
general media-ethics research guidelines
be a positive relationship between adver-
newspaper
advocate the study of both explicit, written
tiser pressure strength and personal policy
• Newspaper
codes and personal ethical criteria (Chris-
permissiveness.
tians, Rotzoll, and Fackler, 1991).
• Economic
pressure—whether
adver-
acquiescence—whether
advertisers succeeded in pressuring
On the one hand, it might be more dif-
the newspaper to modify its editorial
There was only one study in the litera-
icult for newspaper workers to maintain
content, or if the newspaper decided to
ture that dealt with such personal ethical
traditional ethical values in an environ-
exercise self-censorship.
norms in the context of advertiser pressure
ment that strongly discourages them to
(Howland, 1989). The Folio survey among
do so. Indeed, the pressures might be so
One item from the Soley and Craig
magazine editors and advertising directors
strong that employees would handle the
(1992) study (“Has there been pressure
contained a seven-item scale about per-
conlict by loosening some personal ethical
from within your paper to write or tailor
sonal ethical norms grounded in everyday
norms. On the other hand, the causal low
news stories to please advertisers?”) was
journalistic practice. The study found that
might work the other way, too: the percep-
omitted from the current research because
advertising directors seemingly were more
tion that newspaper workers are more per-
it was applicable to editors only, and thus
permissive about how they handled adver-
missive might encourage some advertisers
it did not suit the broader approach of
tiser pressure than editors. The authors’
to exert more pressure on those newspa-
extending the study by the inclusion of
third hypothesis is that the situation is the
pers. Further, as ethical norms—both per-
advertising directors. The option of ask-
same at modern newspapers:
sonal/implicit and explicitly stated—have
ing the question of editors and advertis-
the purpose of resisting some allegedly
ing directors in different ways also was
H3:
advertising
unethical behaviors, it follows that if these
rejected, because the intention was to
directors are more permissive in
At
newspapers,
ethical norms are less strict, the pressure
keep the questionnaire uniform, allow-
their personal ethical norms for
can be more successful.
ing consistent comparisons across the two
handling advertising pressure
than editors.
Therefore, the authors’ inal two hypotheses are as follows:
groups. Additional items were included
to assess the strength of the different facets of advertiser pressure, asking for the
As small newspapers are hypothesized to
The presence of advertiser pres-
frequency with which the phenomena
be more prone to advertiser pressure and
H5:
sures—both inluence attempts
occurred during the past year.
acquiescence, it is reasonable to assume
and economic pressure—is posi-
The concept of personal ethical norms
there is also a difference in the personal
tively related to more permis-
was measured by the scale developed by
ethical norms with which they handle
sive personal ethical norms.
Howland in Folio (1989). Open-end ques-
such pressure. As small newspapers are
considered economically more vulnerable
tions allowed respondents to include a
More permissive personal ethi-
more detailed description of their reac-
(Soley and Craig, 1992), our hypothesis is
H6:
cal norms are positively related
tions to advertiser pressure and to specify
that they are also more permissive in how
to acquiescence to advertiser
the advertiser groups from which they had
they handle advertiser pressure. This sug-
pressure.
received the most attempts to inluence
gests a fourth hypothesis:
editorial content.
METHODOLOGY
H4:
The instrument was pretested by asking
The employees of small news-
Questionnaire Construction and Pretest
four journalism professors who reviewed
papers are more permissive in
Three facets of advertiser pressure were
and evaluated the questionnaire items.
their subjective guidelines for
measured by scales developed by Soley
The four had signiicant professional jour-
handling advertising pressure
and Craig (1992):
nalistic experience and familiarity with
than those of large newspapers.
survey methodologies. No serious issues
• Inluence attempts—whether advertis-
were identiied by the pretest, but the
Personal ethical norms for advertiser rela-
ers attempted to inluence the inclusion,
questionnaire was slightly modiied in
tions are not independent of the strength
exclusion, and content of stories
two ways:
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JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING RESEARCH
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• The timeframe for measuring the rate
1993; Cook, Heath, and Thompson, 2000).
the inter-quartile range (20 percent–46
of recurrence of advertiser pressure was
Internet surveys also can be administered
percent) of mail business sample response
expanded from a 2-month window to a
much faster than mail surveys because of
rates, as evidenced by a recent meta-anal-
year to allow greater variance.
instantaneous distribution and very high
ysis in organizational research (Cycyota
• The visual layout of the questionnaire as
response speed, two factors in achiev-
and Harrison, 2006). Ethics topics are also
posted on the Web site was simpliied,
ing higher response rates (Illieva, Baron,
known for lower response rates, with
making the completion of the question-
and Healey, 2002). Internet-based surveys
Hunt and Chonko (1987) reporting 17 per-
naire easier for respondents.
have been shown to be especially effective
cent. Non-response error was checked by
with audiences that have near-universal
comparing early and late responses on key
Sampling
Internet-access (Couper, 2001). News-
variables (Armstrong and Overton, 1977).
A random sample of U.S. newspapers
paper workers are a good it because they
No signiicant differences were found.
was drawn from the Editor and Publisher
are savvy Internet users who often check
International Yearbook. “Large” newspa-
e-mail and browse websites (Garrison,
FInDInGS
pers were deined operationally as the
2004).
The majority of respondents were from
“Top 100” daily newspapers listed by
To maximize response rate, a tailored
the editorial side (managing editors 46.9
the Yearbook; all these newspapers were
design to survey administration was uti-
percent; national and news editors, 11.1
included in the sample. Further, a simple
lized (Dillman, 2000). An endorsement
percent; regional and city editors, 16.0 per-
random sample of smaller newspapers
e-mail from a well-known veteran journal-
cent), while 25.9 percent of the respond-
(n = 100) was drawn from the rest of the
ist—who was also the head of a credible
ents were advertising directors (See Table
listed newspapers (the cutoff point for
newspaper management research center—
1). Nearly three-quarters (71.6 percent) of
the inclusion in the small category was
was sent out to every respondent in the
the responses were from large newspapers
101,598 daily circulation). A similar sepa-
sample. The letter emphasized the impor-
(top 100, above 101,598 daily circulation).
ration of large and small newspapers at
tance of participating in the study and
the 100,000 mark was used by Underwood
notiied the respondents that the research-
Advertiser Pressure: Inluence Attempts,
and Stamm in their “Balancing Business
ers will soon contact them through e-mail.
Economic Pressure, and Acquiescence
with Journalism: Newsroom Policies at
The invitation e-mail was sent out a few
The different aspects advertiser pres-
12 West Coast Newspapers” in Journalism
days after the endorsement letter and
sure—the primary focus of R1—showed
Quarterly (1992).
asked the recipients to participate in the
wide variation (See Table 2). Although
From the staff of each large newspaper,
survey. The letter contained a hyperlink to
the managing editor, the national news
the opening webpage of the survey, which
editor, the regional editor, and the adver-
had been placed on UGA’s website prior
tising director were selected. In the case of
to the mailings. The webpages included a
small papers, the managing editor and the
brief introduction, a consent form, and the
advertising director were identiied. The
survey instrument itself. Complete ano-
sampling procedures yielded 392 e-mail
nymity was promised, aiming at minimiz-
addresses for large newspapers and 173
ing social desirability bias. A follow-up
for small dailies.
e-mail was sent 3 weeks later reminding
the recipients to participate in the sur-
TABLE 1
Proile of national newspaper
Respondents
Percent
Frequency
46.9
38
national Editor/
news Editor
11.1
9
Position (n = 81)
Managing Editor
Data Collection Procedures
vey. Finally, a thank you note followed
Data were collected through a multimodal
3 weeks later, asking non-respondents
13
to visit the study website and ill out the
Regional/Metro/
city Editor
16.0
survey; respondents were invited through
e-mails to go to a Web site and ill out the
questionnaire.
Advertising Director
25.9
21
Circulation Size (n = 81)
Above 101,598
71.6
58
Below 101,598
23
questionnaire. The Internet platform was
One hundred and one questionnaires
chosen because it is an effective method
were returned, of which 81 were com-
to reach respondents who might be over-
pleted and useable. After excluding unde-
burdened by other, more traditional con-
liverable mailings, the adjusted response
tact attempts (Schaefer and Dillman,
rate was 23.4 percent. This igure is within
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28.4
JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING RESEARCH
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ADvERTIsER PREssuRE AnD nEwsPAPERs
TABLE 2
Advertiser Pressure: Inluence Attempts, Economic Pressure,
and Acquiescence†
valid
percent Frequency
number
of times
last year
(mean)
number of
times last
year (standard
deviation)
M = 1.0, SD = 1.38). In contrast, whereas few
newspapers acquiesced to advertiser pressure, those that did seem to have given in
relatively frequently (M = 1.9, SD = 1.87)
compared to the number of attempts.
Personal Ethical norms for Advertiser
Relations
Personal ethical norms for newspaper-
Inluence Attempts
Attempt to inluence story selection
64.2
52
3.8
8.69
advertiser
some variation (See Table 3). Although
Attempt to inluence content
70.9
56
3.7
7.49
Attempt to kill story
37.2
29
0.7
1.67
Economic Pressure
interaction
also
showed
the majority of the respondents (64.2 percent) said that they thought that there
was nothing wrong with the advertising
Threat to withdraw advertising
80.0
64
2.2
3.01
director delivering a press release to
withdrawal of advertising
78.2
61
1.0
1.38
the editor, asking the editor to have
Has any advertiser succeeded in
inluencing news or features in your
newspaper?
23.4
18
1.9
1.87
Our newspaper seldom runs stories
which our advertisers would ind critical
or harmful.
19.8
Acquiescence
†
lunch with advertisers (37.0 percent) or
to use advertisers as sources for stories
are considered much less acceptable (38.3
percent).
A request for a story by the advertising
16
—
—
director was adequate, according to 20 percent of the respondents. Preference over
non-advertisers (8.6 percent) and advertis-
Percentages and frequencies in table relect respondents who answered “Yes” or “Agree.”
ing-director access to stories before printing (3.7 percent) were even less favored.
attempts to inluence the selection of stories (reported by 64.2 percent of respondents), to inluence the content of stories
TABLE 3
Personal Ethical norms for Advertiser Relations†
(70.9 percent), and both threatening to
valid percent
Frequency
withdraw advertising from the newspa-
It’s appropriate for an ad director …
per (80.0 percent) and actual withdrawal
… to ask an editor to have lunch with an advertiser?
37.0
30
… to deliver personally a press release from the advertiser
to the editor?
64.2
52
… to ask the editor to consider using advertisers as sources
for stories?
38.3
31
8.6
7
20.0
16
0.0
0
year, SD = 8.69; on story content: M = 3.7, SD
… to ask the editor to avoid writing anything negative about
advertisers?
= 7.49) seem to take place more frequently
… to ask to see any story that mentions an advertiser?
3.7
3.7
(78.2 percent) were widespread, many
fewer cases were reported about advertisers attempting to kill stories (37.2 percent)
or newspapers giving in to overt pressure
(23.4 percent) or practicing self-censorship
(19.8 percent).
The number of times advertisers exert
pressure on newspapers yearly also varied.
Although equally widespread, inluence
attempts (on story selection: M = 3.8 per
… to ask the editor to give advertisers preference over
non-advertisers in stories?
… to ask the editor to write a story about an advertiser?
than the use of economic pressure (threat to
withdraw: M = 2.2, SD = 3.01; withdrawal:
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JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING RESEARCH
†
Percentages and frequencies in table relect respondents who answered “Yes.”
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ADvERTIsER PREssuRE AnD nEwsPAPERs
The biggest taboo seemed to be asking the
prone to acquiescing to advertiser pres-
editor to avoid negative reporting about
sure. There was some support for this
showed a difference between advertising
advertisers. No respondent considered it
hypothesis (See the bottom part of
directors and editors (See Table 5). Adver-
appropriate.
Table 4). Direct acquiescence was sig-
tising directors were more likely to think
niicantly related to circulation size for
that it is acceptable:
All
interpretable
signiicance
tests
The Effect of Circulation Size on Advertiser
the self-censorship outcome of “seldom
Pressure
running stories advertisers would ind
• to ask the editor to have lunch with the
The irst hypothesis (H1) suggested that
critical or harmful” (39.1 percent of small
advertiser (ad directors: 71.4 percent
smaller newspapers were more likely
newspapers
vs. editors: 25.0 percent; Z value = 3.53,
to be subject to advertiser pressure than
vs. 12.1 percent of large newspapers, Z
larger ones. A Z-test of proportions indi-
value = 2.449), though circulation size was
• to deliver a press release personally
cated there was limited support for the
not related to advertiser’s perceived suc-
from advertiser to editor (ad directors:
hypothesized relationship (See Table 4).
cess in inluencing news coverage. Thus,
90.5 percent vs. editors: 55.0 percent;
The only variable that might be related
there again was only partial support for
to circulation size was threats of advertis-
H2.
reported
self
censorship
df = 1, p < 0.05);
Z value = 2.654, df = 1, p < 0.05);
• to consider using advertisers as sources
ing withdrawal (73.7 percent of the large
for stories (ad directors: 81.0 percent vs.
newspaper respondents reporting threat
Predictors of Personal Ethical norms:
vs. 95.7 percent of small newspapers)
Employee Position and Circulation Size
as indicated by a Z value of 2.013. Thus,
The third hypothesis (H3) predicted that
• to ask the editor to write a story about
there was only partial support for the
advertising directors were more lenient in
an advertiser (ad directors: 42.9 percent
hypothesis.
their approach to advertisers than editors
vs. editors: 11.9 percent; Z value = 2.771,
and the authors’ data shows strong sup-
df = 1, p < 0.05).
According to the second hypothesis
(H2), smaller newspapers were more
editors: 23.3 percent; Z value = 4.415,
df = 1, p < 0.05); and
port for that prediction.
The rest of the differences could be
interpreted only qualitatively owing to the
TABLE 4
newspaper circulation size as an Indicator of Advertiser
Pressure Outcomes†
low cell counts; all but one relationship
(one item showing zero variance), however, were in the expected direction. H3 is
Large newspapers Small newspapers
(%) (n = 23)
Z value
(%) (n = 58)
Outcome variable
accepted.
The authors also hypothesized (H4) that
employees of small newspapers (both editors and advertising directors) were more
Attempt to inluence story selection
58.6 (34)
78.3 (18)
1.46
permissive in their personal ethical norms
Attempt to inluence content
71.9 (41)
68.2 (15)
0.214
prescribing normative behaviors with
Attempt to kill story
41.8 (23)
26.1 (6)
0.892
advertisers than large ones. And there was
Threat to withdraw advertising
73.7 (42)
95.7 (22)
2.013*
withdrawal of advertising
74.5 (41)
87.0 (20)
1.245
Has any advertiser succeeded in
inluencing news or features in your
newspaper?
20.4 (11)
30.4 (7)
0.822
Our newspaper seldom runs stories
which our advertisers would ind
critical or harmful.
12.1 (7)
limited support for the hypothesis (See
Table 6).
There were two items that were related
to
employee
position;
employees
of
small newspapers thought it was more
acceptable to consider using advertisers
39.1 (9)
2.449*
as sources for stories than large newspaper employees (small: 60.9 percent vs.
large: 29.3 percent; Z value = 2.382, df = 1,
* p < 0.05
†
Percentages and frequencies in table relect respondents who answered “Yes” or “Agree.” Percentages are within-group.
Within-group frequencies are in parentheses.
p < 0.05) and also to ask the editor to write
a story about an advertiser (small: 39.1
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JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING RESEARCH
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ADvERTIsER PREssuRE AnD nEwsPAPERs
TABLE 5
Employee Position as an Indicator of Personal Policies for Advertiser Relations†
Editors (%) Advertising Directors
(%) (n = 21)
(n = 60)
Z value
… to ask an editor to have lunch with an advertiser?
25.0 (15)
71.4 (15)
3.53*
… to deliver personally a press release from the advertiser to the editor?
55.0 (33)
90.5 (19)
2.654*
… to ask the editor to consider using advertisers as sources for stories?
23.3 (14)
81.0 (17)
4.415*
5.0 (3)
19.0 (4)
—‡
11.9 (7)
42.9 (9)
2.771*
… to ask the editor to avoid writing anything negative about advertisers?
0.0 (0)
0.0 (0)
—‡
… to ask to see any story that mentions an advertiser?
1.7 (1)
9.5 (2)
—‡
Outcome variable
It’s appropriate for an ad director …
… to ask the editor to give advertisers preference over nonadvertisers in stories?
… to ask the editor to write a story about an advertiser?
*p < 0.05
†
Percentages and frequencies in table relect respondents who answered “Yes.” Percentages are within-group. Within-group frequencies are in parentheses. All tests have 1 degree of freedom.
‡
The Z statistic cannot be interpreted because cells have counts of less than 5.
TABLE 6
newspaper circulation size as an Indicator of Personal Policies for Advertiser Relations†
Large
newspapers (%)
(n = 58)
Small
newspapers (%)
(n = 23)
Z value
… to ask an editor to have lunch with an advertiser?
31.0 (18)
52.2 (12)
1.521
… to deliver personally a press release from the advertiser to the editor?
58.6 (34)
78.3 (18)
1.406
… to ask the editor to consider using advertisers as sources for stories?
29.3 (17)
60.9 (14)
2.382*
3.4 (2)
21.7 (5)
—‡
12.3 (7)
39.1 (9)
2.449*
… to ask the editor to avoid writing anything negative about advertisers?
0.0 (0)
0.0 (0)
—‡
… to ask to see any story that mentions an advertiser?
3.4 (2)
4.3 (1)
—‡
Outcome variable
It’s appropriate for an ad director …
… to ask the editor to give advertisers preference over nonadvertisers in stories?
… to ask the editor to write a story about an advertiser?
*p < 0.05
†
Percentages and frequencies in table relect respondents who answered “Yes.” Percentages are within-group. Within-group frequencies are in parentheses. All tests have 1 degree of freedom.
‡
The Z statistic cannot be interpreted because cells have counts of less than 5.
percent vs. large: 12.3 percent; Z value =
qualitatively. Thus, H4 had only limited
Most scales reached an acceptable level of
2.449, df = 1, p < 0.05).
support.
reliability (inluence attempts, α = 0.75;
Other aspects of the personal ethi-
To test the inal two hypotheses (H5
economic pressure, α = 0.76; personal
cal norms concept were independent
and H6), the authors created scales for
ethical norms, α = 0.62). Acquiescence to
of newspaper size, including the rela-
inluence attempts, economic pressure,
overt pressure and self-censorship had
tionships that can be interpreted only
acquiescence, and personal ethical norms.
to be kept separate because of low scale
546
JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING RESEARCH
september 2011
ADvERTIsER PREssuRE AnD nEwsPAPERs
reliability. Pearson correlations were cal-
Smaller newspapers do not differ greatly
culated to test the hypotheses.
The analyses yielded mixed support
from their larger counterparts with regard
for H5. There was a signiicant correlation between economic pressure and per-
to any aspects of advertiser pressure.
sonal policy permissiveness (r = 0.309, p
< 0.05), but inluence attempts were not
related to personal ethical norms. Finally,
more likely to occur than others. In accord-
Similarly,
H6 suggested that the more permissive
ance with the Soley and Craig (1992)
increasing willingness to try to merge
newspaper workers are, the more likely
study, inluence attempts on content and
advertising and editorial content through
advertisers will be successful with their
selection are more likely than attempts
advertorials, product placements, branded
inluence attempts. The hypothesis was
to kill stories. Similarly, advertisers do
entertainment, and other forms of cross-
rejected; neither success of overt attempts,
not always succeed with their inluence
over would suggest a contradictory pre-
nor the degree of self-censorship is related
attempts; in fact, more often than not, they
diction (Atkinson, 2004; Donaton, 2004;
to personal policy permissiveness.
fail. Soley and Craig’s inding that adver-
Fine, 2004; Gorman, 2010).
the
advertising
industry’s
tiser pressure is to some extent independ-
There are a number of possible reasons
SUMMARY, DISCUSSIOn, AnD
ent of circulation size also is replicated by
why the authors have found these some-
IMPLICATIOnS
the present study.
what surprising results. One possibility is
From the results, the following conclusions can be drawn:
The authors’ data showed decreased
that advertiser pressure truly decreased,
levels of advertiser pressure (with the
perhaps because newspapers have real-
exception of one variable) when compared
ized (and have also made their advertisers
• Advertiser pressure is widespread in
to the 1992 numbers. Overall, newspapers
understand) that, even if in the short run
the newspaper business; despite eco-
reported less pressure in the current study
it pays to allow some conluence of adver-
nomic threats to withdraw advertising,
than their counterparts did nearly two
tising and editorial content, the long-term
however, the extent and frequency of
decades ago, with an average negative dif-
interest of the newspaper industry is edi-
advertisers succeeding with their inlu-
ference of 15.7 percent. The largest drop
torial integrity.
ence attempts is relatively low.
was in overt attempts to kill stories (34.2
It is also possible that advertisers have
• Smaller newspapers do not differ
percent). Self-censorship was the only var-
become subtler in their inluence attempts
greatly from their larger counterparts
iable that shows a higher value compared
(this may be supported by the inding that
with regard to any aspects of advertiser
to the 1992 data (a 4.8-percent increase).
there is a large drop in overt attempts to
pressure.
All
personal
policy
permissiveness
kill stories) and instead they chose to let
• Advertising directors are more permis-
scores were lower in the present study
the newspapers censor themselves. This
sive in their personal ethical norms
than what Howland (1989) reported 21
possibility is corroborated by the fact that
for handling advertiser pressure than
years ago (an 18-percent decrease). It is
self-censorship was the only measure
editors.
important to note, however, that the Folio
that increased compared to the 1992 data.
• Employees of small newspapers are not
study was conducted in the context of
Reported self-censorship, however, still
much more permissive in their personal
magazines, which are usually considered
was much lower (19.8 percent) than other
measures of advertiser pressure.
ethical norms than those of large papers.
more prone to advertiser pressure than
• The more economic pressure a news-
newspapers (Soley, 2002). Nevertheless,
Finally, it is also possible that news
paper receives (but not other forms of
the negative difference offers further sup-
people have become more cautious when
pressure), the more likely it is that the
port for the conclusion that advertiser
discussing advertiser pressure. Moreover,
employees will have more permissive
pressure is decreasing.
as it is socially undesirable to admit to
ethical norms for handling pressures.
This decrease in advertiser pressure
what traditionally is considered as some-
might seem counterintuitive, especially
thing opposing fundamental advertising
Overall, these indings are in line with
when one considers anecdotal sources
and media ethics, they paint a rosier pic-
previous studies; advertiser pressure is
suggesting an actual increase (Ives, 2010;
ture than what reality is like. Although
widespread, but some of its forms are
Sanders and Halliday, 2005; Sutel, 2005).
this explanation is possible, the fact that
september 2011
JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING RESEARCH
547
ADvERTIsER PREssuRE AnD nEwsPAPERs
the authors granted complete anonymity
One aspect of the successful manage-
should have reduced that social desirabil-
ment of advertiser pressure is the devel-
ity bias, if not eradicated it altogether.
opment of better corporate-, “meso-level”
Claims about featured or “embedded”
newspapers, between “hard” news and
“lighter” feature stories.
ethical norms and matching ethical cli-
products and/or marketers are of a dif-
IMPLICATIOnS FOR PRACTICE
mate (Brinkmann, 2002; Victor and Cul-
ferent sort in each media case. “Prod-
The implications of this study for media
len, 1988). And, in fact, there seems to be
uct placement in print” (Atkinson, 1994;
and advertising are far-reaching. Wide-
a wide disagreement between editors and
Fine, 2004)—if print means news media
spread advertiser pressure—and even
advertising directors about what is sub-
allegedly reporting objective evaluations
a limited extent of acquiescence to such
jectively acceptable when interacting with
of products and services (featured)—is
pressures—has
advertisers and advertising pressure.
different from product placement in ic-
serious
ethical
conse-
quences for newspapers.
Closing the gap between the newsroom
tional/entertainment contexts (embedded
Journalism’s special claim for elevated,
and the advertising department, in this
or placed); and the expectations of objec-
professional status hinges on the idea of
sense, may be a step forward. Making
tivity might even differ in the case of hard
objective information dissemination and
the personal ethical norms explicit can
news versus features.
the altruistic ideal of serving the pub-
clarify what is acceptable. Clear and com-
The advertising industry must develop
lic’s right to know. If this ideal were to be
mon understanding of advertiser pressure
speciic guidelines—much more detailed
curtailed by economic interests beyond
guidelines within newspapers or other
than the foregoing distinctions—in coop-
acceptable ethical standards, the newspa-
media organizations can make resistance
eration with the various media forms to
per industry would have to face a loss of
against ethically questionable advertiser
avoid the specter of an entire new species
its special status.
requests easier. Although explicit poli-
of commercial manipulation.
How managers at newspapers deal with
cies, in themselves, are not suficient—as
In short, advertiser pressure is no longer
advertising pressure, however, is much
evidence shows, individuals are far too
an ethical issue for only the media but for
more than an ethical issue. Advertisers’
willing to violate company policy when
the advertising industry as well.
controversial requests also have economic
incentives are present (Beltramini, 1986)—
ramiications for the future of newspapers,
they can be a way forward.
both directly and indirectly.
FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIOnS
The current study also has implications
One potential future research direction
If newspapers can sell their advertising
for advertisers and advertising agencies.
could clarify hypothesized differences
space only by also selling their editorial
Although merging editorial and advertis-
between media in terms of the extent and
content to a certain extent, it evidently leads
ing content has signiicant appeal for an
frequency of advertiser pressure: the con-
to the devaluation of their primary com-
advertising industry haunted by decreas-
tention that magazines are more prone to
modity. It is an ethical concern for newspa-
ing advertising effectiveness, consumer
advertiser pressure and especially acqui-
pers to preserve not only the integrity of the
cynicism,
and
escence should be tested (Zachary, 1992).
editorial content but economic self-interest.
media fragmentation, advocates of blur-
Previous academic studies of advertiser
advertising
avoidance,
Further, the perception that a newspa-
ring editorial and advertising content
pressure on television showed that the
per is biased in favor of certain advertis-
need to realize that serious ethical issues
phenomenon was less common than it
ers—or that it has “sold out” to advertisers
are also involved in these practices.
was in print; the use of different question-
in general—very quickly can undermine
It is in the adverti
norms of newspaper Editors and Ad Directors
GERGELY nYILASY
newspaper journalists and advertising directors were surveyed to update and extend
university of Melbourne
research on advertising pressure. Results reveal that:
gnyilasy@unimelb.edu.au
LEOnARD n. REID
university of Georgia
lnreid@uga.edu
• advertiser pressure is widespread in newspapers; despite economic threats, however,
advertisers succeed with their inluence attempts relatively infrequently;
• smaller newspapers do not differ much from larger ones with regard to any forms of
advertiser pressure;
• advertising directors are more permissive in their personal ethical norms for handling
advertiser pressure than editors;
• employees of small newspapers are not much more permissive in their ethical norms
than those of large papers; and
• the amount of economic pressure a newspaper received (but not other forms of
pressure such as inluence attempts and acquiescence) is positively correlated with
the permissiveness of media workers’ personal ethical norms.
InTRODUCTIOn
the tactic is successful—represents a serious threat
Advertisers often attempt to inluence media by
to consumer interests and, as such, is a key (yet,
asking for special favors in exchange for their
often unrecognized) advertising-ethics issue.
advertising dollars. Abundant anecdotal (Atkin-
The separation between editorial and advertis-
son, 2004; Christians et al., 2009; Collins, 1992; Fine,
ing content belongs to the core of normative jour-
2004; Gorman, 2010; Gremillion and Yates, 1997;
nalistic and media ethics, and it is often compared
Hickey, 1998; Hoyt, 1990; Ives, 2010; Knecht, 1997;
to the fundamental political principle of the separa-
Rappleye, 1998; Sanders and Halliday, 2005; Sutel,
tion of “church and state” in modern democracies
2005; Underwood, 1998a, 1998b) and more limited
(Rappleye, 1998). Although the First Amendment
empirical evidence (An and Bergen, 2007; Hays
of the U.S. Constitution advocates freedom only
and Reisner, 1990; Howland, 1989; Just and Levine,
from state intervention, the notion of the “free
2000; Just, Levine, and Regan, 2001; Price, 2003;
media” often is understood in the sense of inde-
Reisner and Walter, 1994; Soley and Craig, 1992)
pendence from commercial interests (Shoemaker
suggest the existence of “advertiser pressure”—the
and Reese, 1991).
term introduced by Soley and Craig (1992).
538
In fact, some critics argue that “private entities in
Favors in exchange of advertising dollars are “on
general and advertisers in particular constitute the
top of” the scheduled media buy and can range
most consistent and the most pernicious ‘censors’
from special advertising placement to overt manip-
of media content” (Baker, 1992, p. 2099). Indeed,
ulation of editorial content including both favora-
the independent and free democratic press—which
ble stories supporting the campaign and avoidance
is not unduly inluenced by private or state inter-
of any voices critical of the advertiser or its busi-
ests—is perceived as a key political institution to
ness category. “Advertiser pressure”—especially if
most political convictions.
JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING RESEARCH
september 2011
DOI: 10.2501/JAR-51-3-538-552
ADvERTIsER PREssuRE AnD nEwsPAPERs
Advertiser pressure is widespread in newspapers;
millions of consumers. Perhaps surprisingly, despite the foremost importance of
despite economic threats, however, advertisers succeed
advertiser pressure, very little is known
about the phenomenon in an empirically
with their inluence attempts relatively infrequently.
rigorous manner.
The purpose of the research reported
in this article is to give a recent and com-
The second, more pragmatic, problem is
the potential for consumer deception. As
a chance for an accurate assessment of
prehensive update on the phenomenon, in
source credibility.
the context of the newspaper industry. The
Hoyt suggested in the Columbia Journalism
Advertising practitioners may not fully
Review (1990, “From the reader’s perspec-
appreciate these issues identiied by ethics
tive this conluence of advertising and edito-
scholars. There seems to be a gap between
• It takes a fresh look at both the extent
rial is confusing: Where does the sales pitch
the enthusiasm of the proponents of
to which advertiser pressure is present
end? Where does the editor take over?”
contribution of the study is threefold:
editorial/advertising intermingling and
in the newspaper business and the fre-
There is some evidence that original edi-
the vigilance of ethics researchers. What
quency by which it occurs today.
torial content is perceived as more trust-
is “economic censorship” (Baker, 1992),
• It incorporates the investigation of per-
worthy than advertisements provided by
“advertiser pressure” (Soley and Craig,
sonal ethical norms for handling adver-
third parties (Cameron, 1994). If, by using
1992) or “sponsor interference” (Just and
this perceptual difference, advertisers
Levine, 2000) for ethics academics seems
• It targets not only newspaper editors
actively manipulate editorial content—
to be value-neutral conceptualizations
but newspaper advertising directors.
and this inluence is not acknowledged—
of “product placement in print” (Atkin-
consumers are deceived in their search for
son, 1994; Fine, 2004), “entertainment/
Although advertiser pressure is present
reliable product information.
advertising convergence” (Donaton, 2004)
in all media, the authors selected the con-
tiser pressure.
In this latter sense, advertiser pressure
or “value-added media buy” (“Media
text of newspapers for the present research
falls under a larger ethical problem area:
Round Table,” 1990; Fahey, 1991; Hoyt,
because, arguably, newspapers represent
the increasing “blurring of advertising
1990) for some advertising practitioners.
the traditional elite of journalism. Thus, it
and editorial content” (Peeler and Guthrie,
2007).
The topic is all the more important
is in newspapers that the consequences of
today because media—especially tradi-
advertiser pressure are both the most sali-
product
tional print media—are undergoing radi-
ent and potentially the most severe.
placement, branded entertainment, cer-
cal transformation and are under severe
tain forms of public relations, and emerg-
economic pressure (Nyilasy, King, and
LITERATURE REvIEW: ADvERTISInG
ing digital forms of communication (viral
Reid, 2011). It has been argued that cer-
ETHICS AnD ADvERTISER PRESSURE
marketing,
marketing/seeding,
tain forms of media undergoing economic
Before a review of the targeted empirical
blogger outreach) all potentially are ethi-
hardship are more willing to compromise
literature on advertiser pressure, it makes
cally problematic because of consumers’
on ethical norms than economically pow-
sense to situate the subject in the broader
inability to identify whether the informa-
erful players within a market (Soley and
theoretical and empirical tradition of
tion is sponsored (and as such, subject to
Craig, 1992; An and Bergen, 2007). Print
advertising ethics.
appropriate attributions about intent and
media, particularly newspapers, therefore
Despite its importance, the topic of
information value) or “objective” (not
are prime candidates for increased acqui-
advertiser pressure on media, surpris-
intentionally furthering commercial inter-
escence to advertiser pressure.
ingly, does not appear very frequently on
Infomercials,
advertorials,
buzz
ests; Spence and van Heekeren, 2005).
The blurring of editorial and advertising content may deceive even the
For all these reasons, it is imperative
the agenda of advertising-ethics research.
that academic research give detailed and
It is telling that although advertiser inlu-
updated accounts of advertiser pressure.
ence on media editorial content has been
“informed, skeptical, sophisticated con-
The consequences of advertiser pressure
proposed as a high-priority research topic
sumer” (Preston, 2010), on whom much
are far-reaching; it has both ethical and
(Hyman, Tansey, and Clark, 1994), only
of modern consumer-interest regulation
managerial implications for both media
a handful of targeted studies on the sub-
is based, because he or she does not have
and advertising organizations, let alone
ject have been conducted to date. Further,
september 2011
JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING RESEARCH
539
ADvERTIsER PREssuRE AnD nEwsPAPERs
the topic does not appear in more gen-
Despite its importance, the topic of advertiser pressure
eral accounts of advertising practitioners’ ethical views (Chen and Liu, 1998;
on media, surprisingly, does not appear very frequently
Drumwright and Murphy, 2004; Hunt
and Chonko, 1987; Rotzoll and Christians,
on the agenda of advertising-ethics research.
1980).
One possible explanation for this lack of
salience is that it is not advertising agen-
Fine, 2004; Gorman, 2010; Gremillion and
studied. The results were mixed. Some
cies—but rather the advertisers them-
Yates, 1997; Hickey, 1998; Hoyt, 1990;
studies found a strong correlation and
selves—that exert pressure on media.
Ives, 2010; Knecht, 1997; Rappleye, 1998;
deduced the existence of successful adver-
Because practitioner surveys/interviews
Sanders and Holliday, 2005; Sutel, 2005;
tiser pressure (Reuter and Zitzewitz, 2006;
in advertising ethics traditionally have
Underwood 1998a, 1998b), little system-
Rinallo and Basuroy, 2009; Williams, 1992).
focused on agencies, the topic remains
atic empirical evidence has been pub-
Others found no relationship (Rouner,
hidden from view.
lished in academe.
Slater, Long, and Stapel, 2009; Poitras and
The study of advertiser pressure also is
The authors undertook an extensive
dificult to situate within advertising eth-
search of research publications to identity
Direct evidence is supplied by surveys
ics’ classic typologies. Although the ield
studies on advertiser pressure on media.
among media workers. Soley and Craig’s
of advertising ethics traditionally deals
The step-by-step process started with
“Advertiser Pressures on Newspapers: A
with either the “advertising message” or
searching research databases (i.e., EBSCO
Survey” in the Journal of Advertising (1992)
the “advertising business” (Drumwright
Business Source Premier and Academic
proved that the phenomenon existed at
and Murphy, 2009), advertiser pressure
Research Premier, Emerald, Factiva) for
that time. That paper also provided an
falls somewhere between those two topics.
the keywords of “advertiser pressure,”
estimate of the phenomenon’s spread in
It clearly is an organizational ethics issue;
and “advertising” and “media” combined
U.S. newspapers. The survey investigated
however, it has an impact on consum-
with
its three facets:
ers through the manipulation of editorial
“self-censorship,” “ethics,” “corrupt prac-
content.
“social
pressure,”
“censorship,”
Sutter, 2009).
tices.” Next, the titles of papers in the con-
• Inluence attempts—advertisers try-
In the macro-meso-micro typology of
tents of the main advertising journals (i.e.,
ing to include positive and exclude or
marketing ethics’ levels of analysis (Brink-
Journal of Advertising, Journal of Advertising
mann, 2002; Victor and Cullen, 1988),
Research, International Journal of Advertising
• Economic pressure—the threat to with-
advertiser pressure has relevance on all
and Journal of Current Issues and Research in
draw and actual withdrawal of advertis-
layers. It is a larger societal issue in the
Advertising) were scanned for relevance.
ing from the medium
aggregate; it is inluenced by organiza-
Finally, the literature review sections and
• Acquiescence—the extent to which
tional climate (meso-level); it is enacted
references were read in the identiied
newspapers cede to advertiser pressure
by individual players on the micro-level
papers for further literature. The authors
through:
and, in this last sense, it is a “personal eth-
focused the literature review on the most
– complying
ics” problem (Shaver, 2003). Although the
important papers, as evidenced by their
authors recognize all these relevant layers
highest citation levels or inherent research
– internalizing the pressure, and
(also encompassed by Hunt and Vitell’s
interest.
– self-censorship.
manipulate negative stories
to
overt
inluence
attempts,
comprehensive marketing ethics model
Systematic scholarly evidence comes in
(2006), the present paper focuses on per-
two forms on the topic: indirect and direct.
Findings showed that the majority of
sonal ethical norms (Kohlberg, 1984) when
Indirect evidence is based on the compari-
newspaper editors (in the 70- to 90-percent
explaining how media workers confront
son of editorial and advertising content.
range) had experienced advertiser pres-
advertiser pressure.
Studies in this group investigated whether
sure in the form of both inluence attempts
Although there are numerous anec-
there was a correlation between the fre-
and threats of advertising withdrawal.
dotal accounts of advertiser pressure
quency/quality of editorial coverage and
Acquiescing to such overt pressure, how-
affecting all media forms (Atkinson,
the frequency of advertising (for the given
ever, seemed to be much less common
2004; Christians et al., 2009; Collins, 1992;
advertiser/industry) in the media/vehicle
among editors.
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JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING RESEARCH
september 2011
ADvERTIsER PREssuRE AnD nEwsPAPERs
A more recent study (An and Bergen,
2007)
surveyed
advertising
coverage than attempting to prevent
• Smaller newspapers are subject to
directors
negative stories to appear. In contrast, a
more inluence attempts and economic
at daily newspapers using a scenario
survey of television news directors found
pressure.
approach. Although the study conirmed
no difference between the frequency of
the existence of ethical dilemmas around
pressure to report positive stories versus
• Smaller newspapers are more likely to
acquiesce to pressure.
advertiser pressure, because of its use of
not to report negative ones (Price, 2003).
hypothetical scenarios it did not directly
Uniformly, 93 percent of the respondents
The study had mixed results, con-
report on the extent of the phenomenon
said they had never felt the pressure to do
cluding that there was no evidence that
and, therefore, is not directly comparable
either of these.
smaller newspapers received more pres-
to Soley and Craig’s study (1992).
The aforementioned studies assessed
sure; however, at least on one measure
Magazines also have had their share of
the extent to which advertiser pressure was
of
advertiser pressure. A survey reported in
present in the media but left unanswered
newspapers tended to score higher.
Folio, a magazine for magazine manag-
the question regarding how often the phe-
ers, reported that more than 40 percent of
nomenon happened. The only study that
the editors surveyed had been instructed
reported how many times pressure was
by an advertising director or publisher to
exerted by advertisers on the medium is a
do something that they believed signii-
1994 survey of newspaper reporters cov-
are subject to more advertiser
cantly compromised editorial (Howland,
ering agricultural news (Reisner and Wal-
pressure (in the forms of inlu-
1989). Acquiescence on the part of those
ter, 1994). Results showed that advertiser
ence attempts and economic
editors, however, was signiicantly lower;
pressure was not as frequent as anecdo-
pressure) than large newspapers.
according to the study, 60 percent of the
tal sources would have suggested: Even
editors said “no” to the inluence attempts.
though prepublication threats to withdraw
Another survey among farm-magazine
advertising were received almost every
likely to acquiesce to advertiser
writers and editors found that both inlu-
month (M = 11.5 per year), other forms
pressure than large newspapers.
ence attempts and threats to withdraw
of advertiser pressure (such as demands
acquiescence—self-censorship—small
The authors’ irst two hypotheses are as
follows:
H1:
H2:
Small-circulation
newspapers
Small newspapers are more
advertising were common (Hays and Reis-
for coverage, M = 1.7; post-publication
Journalism
ner, 1990).
withdrawals, M = 0.1) occurred much less
have advocated the maintenance of an
frequently.
impenetrable wall between editorial and
A replication of Soley and Craig’s 1992
study among television reporters and
ethics
codes
traditionally
advertising content. With the increasing
editors showed that advertiser pressure
RESEARCH QUESTIOnS AnD HYPOTHESES
acceptance of the market-oriented news-
also was widespread in that medium
Based on the literature, the authors tested
paper, however, the separation between
(Soley, 1997). The majority of respond-
one research question and six hypotheses.
editorial and advertising department no
ents reported that they had experienced
The research question addressed both the
longer seems so absolute (Hoyt, 1990;
inluence attempts and threats to with-
extent and frequency with which advertis-
Underwood, 1998a, 1998b).
draw advertising; however, much less
ers pressure newspapers.
Although journalism associations stress
actual withdrawal (44 percent) or successful pressurizing (40 percent) was
the absolute imperatives of editorial integR1:
How widespread and how fre-
rity, independence, and accountability,
reported. Two surveys conducted as part
quent is advertiser pressure on
they do not provide speciic and detailed
of the Project for Excellence in Journal-
newspapers?
directives about how to handle pressure
ism offered further support that a signii-
in everyday practice (American Society of
cant number of television news directors
In 1992, Soley and Craig tested a com-
Magazine Editors [ASME], 2010; Ameri-
encountered advertiser pressures (Just
mon assumption of anecdotal sources:
can Society of Newspaper Editors [ASNE],
and Levine, 2000; Just, Levine, and Regan,
the proposition that smaller market news-
2010; Associated Press Managing Editors
2001). These surveys examined only
papers are more susceptible to advertiser
[APME], 2010; Society of Professional Jour-
the “inluence attempts” dimension of
pressure than large newspapers. They for-
nalists [SPJ], 2010). Thus, subjective ethical
advertiser pressure, stating that it was
mulated two hypotheses:
beliefs about appropriate advertiser/news-
much more common to ask for favorable
paper interaction are more informative
september 2011
JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING RESEARCH
541
ADvERTIsER PREssuRE AnD nEwsPAPERs
about how advertising pressure will be
of the advertiser pressure that the editorial
handled than written (but all too vague)
people are forced to handle. In fact, there
tisers threatened to withdraw or in fact
codes (Reisner and Walter, 1994). Indeed,
are a number of reasons why there may
withdrew their advertising from the
general media-ethics research guidelines
be a positive relationship between adver-
newspaper
advocate the study of both explicit, written
tiser pressure strength and personal policy
• Newspaper
codes and personal ethical criteria (Chris-
permissiveness.
tians, Rotzoll, and Fackler, 1991).
• Economic
pressure—whether
adver-
acquiescence—whether
advertisers succeeded in pressuring
On the one hand, it might be more dif-
the newspaper to modify its editorial
There was only one study in the litera-
icult for newspaper workers to maintain
content, or if the newspaper decided to
ture that dealt with such personal ethical
traditional ethical values in an environ-
exercise self-censorship.
norms in the context of advertiser pressure
ment that strongly discourages them to
(Howland, 1989). The Folio survey among
do so. Indeed, the pressures might be so
One item from the Soley and Craig
magazine editors and advertising directors
strong that employees would handle the
(1992) study (“Has there been pressure
contained a seven-item scale about per-
conlict by loosening some personal ethical
from within your paper to write or tailor
sonal ethical norms grounded in everyday
norms. On the other hand, the causal low
news stories to please advertisers?”) was
journalistic practice. The study found that
might work the other way, too: the percep-
omitted from the current research because
advertising directors seemingly were more
tion that newspaper workers are more per-
it was applicable to editors only, and thus
permissive about how they handled adver-
missive might encourage some advertisers
it did not suit the broader approach of
tiser pressure than editors. The authors’
to exert more pressure on those newspa-
extending the study by the inclusion of
third hypothesis is that the situation is the
pers. Further, as ethical norms—both per-
advertising directors. The option of ask-
same at modern newspapers:
sonal/implicit and explicitly stated—have
ing the question of editors and advertis-
the purpose of resisting some allegedly
ing directors in different ways also was
H3:
advertising
unethical behaviors, it follows that if these
rejected, because the intention was to
directors are more permissive in
At
newspapers,
ethical norms are less strict, the pressure
keep the questionnaire uniform, allow-
their personal ethical norms for
can be more successful.
ing consistent comparisons across the two
handling advertising pressure
than editors.
Therefore, the authors’ inal two hypotheses are as follows:
groups. Additional items were included
to assess the strength of the different facets of advertiser pressure, asking for the
As small newspapers are hypothesized to
The presence of advertiser pres-
frequency with which the phenomena
be more prone to advertiser pressure and
H5:
sures—both inluence attempts
occurred during the past year.
acquiescence, it is reasonable to assume
and economic pressure—is posi-
The concept of personal ethical norms
there is also a difference in the personal
tively related to more permis-
was measured by the scale developed by
ethical norms with which they handle
sive personal ethical norms.
Howland in Folio (1989). Open-end ques-
such pressure. As small newspapers are
considered economically more vulnerable
tions allowed respondents to include a
More permissive personal ethi-
more detailed description of their reac-
(Soley and Craig, 1992), our hypothesis is
H6:
cal norms are positively related
tions to advertiser pressure and to specify
that they are also more permissive in how
to acquiescence to advertiser
the advertiser groups from which they had
they handle advertiser pressure. This sug-
pressure.
received the most attempts to inluence
gests a fourth hypothesis:
editorial content.
METHODOLOGY
H4:
The instrument was pretested by asking
The employees of small news-
Questionnaire Construction and Pretest
four journalism professors who reviewed
papers are more permissive in
Three facets of advertiser pressure were
and evaluated the questionnaire items.
their subjective guidelines for
measured by scales developed by Soley
The four had signiicant professional jour-
handling advertising pressure
and Craig (1992):
nalistic experience and familiarity with
than those of large newspapers.
survey methodologies. No serious issues
• Inluence attempts—whether advertis-
were identiied by the pretest, but the
Personal ethical norms for advertiser rela-
ers attempted to inluence the inclusion,
questionnaire was slightly modiied in
tions are not independent of the strength
exclusion, and content of stories
two ways:
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JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING RESEARCH
september 2011
ADvERTIsER PREssuRE AnD nEwsPAPERs
• The timeframe for measuring the rate
1993; Cook, Heath, and Thompson, 2000).
the inter-quartile range (20 percent–46
of recurrence of advertiser pressure was
Internet surveys also can be administered
percent) of mail business sample response
expanded from a 2-month window to a
much faster than mail surveys because of
rates, as evidenced by a recent meta-anal-
year to allow greater variance.
instantaneous distribution and very high
ysis in organizational research (Cycyota
• The visual layout of the questionnaire as
response speed, two factors in achiev-
and Harrison, 2006). Ethics topics are also
posted on the Web site was simpliied,
ing higher response rates (Illieva, Baron,
known for lower response rates, with
making the completion of the question-
and Healey, 2002). Internet-based surveys
Hunt and Chonko (1987) reporting 17 per-
naire easier for respondents.
have been shown to be especially effective
cent. Non-response error was checked by
with audiences that have near-universal
comparing early and late responses on key
Sampling
Internet-access (Couper, 2001). News-
variables (Armstrong and Overton, 1977).
A random sample of U.S. newspapers
paper workers are a good it because they
No signiicant differences were found.
was drawn from the Editor and Publisher
are savvy Internet users who often check
International Yearbook. “Large” newspa-
e-mail and browse websites (Garrison,
FInDInGS
pers were deined operationally as the
2004).
The majority of respondents were from
“Top 100” daily newspapers listed by
To maximize response rate, a tailored
the editorial side (managing editors 46.9
the Yearbook; all these newspapers were
design to survey administration was uti-
percent; national and news editors, 11.1
included in the sample. Further, a simple
lized (Dillman, 2000). An endorsement
percent; regional and city editors, 16.0 per-
random sample of smaller newspapers
e-mail from a well-known veteran journal-
cent), while 25.9 percent of the respond-
(n = 100) was drawn from the rest of the
ist—who was also the head of a credible
ents were advertising directors (See Table
listed newspapers (the cutoff point for
newspaper management research center—
1). Nearly three-quarters (71.6 percent) of
the inclusion in the small category was
was sent out to every respondent in the
the responses were from large newspapers
101,598 daily circulation). A similar sepa-
sample. The letter emphasized the impor-
(top 100, above 101,598 daily circulation).
ration of large and small newspapers at
tance of participating in the study and
the 100,000 mark was used by Underwood
notiied the respondents that the research-
Advertiser Pressure: Inluence Attempts,
and Stamm in their “Balancing Business
ers will soon contact them through e-mail.
Economic Pressure, and Acquiescence
with Journalism: Newsroom Policies at
The invitation e-mail was sent out a few
The different aspects advertiser pres-
12 West Coast Newspapers” in Journalism
days after the endorsement letter and
sure—the primary focus of R1—showed
Quarterly (1992).
asked the recipients to participate in the
wide variation (See Table 2). Although
From the staff of each large newspaper,
survey. The letter contained a hyperlink to
the managing editor, the national news
the opening webpage of the survey, which
editor, the regional editor, and the adver-
had been placed on UGA’s website prior
tising director were selected. In the case of
to the mailings. The webpages included a
small papers, the managing editor and the
brief introduction, a consent form, and the
advertising director were identiied. The
survey instrument itself. Complete ano-
sampling procedures yielded 392 e-mail
nymity was promised, aiming at minimiz-
addresses for large newspapers and 173
ing social desirability bias. A follow-up
for small dailies.
e-mail was sent 3 weeks later reminding
the recipients to participate in the sur-
TABLE 1
Proile of national newspaper
Respondents
Percent
Frequency
46.9
38
national Editor/
news Editor
11.1
9
Position (n = 81)
Managing Editor
Data Collection Procedures
vey. Finally, a thank you note followed
Data were collected through a multimodal
3 weeks later, asking non-respondents
13
to visit the study website and ill out the
Regional/Metro/
city Editor
16.0
survey; respondents were invited through
e-mails to go to a Web site and ill out the
questionnaire.
Advertising Director
25.9
21
Circulation Size (n = 81)
Above 101,598
71.6
58
Below 101,598
23
questionnaire. The Internet platform was
One hundred and one questionnaires
chosen because it is an effective method
were returned, of which 81 were com-
to reach respondents who might be over-
pleted and useable. After excluding unde-
burdened by other, more traditional con-
liverable mailings, the adjusted response
tact attempts (Schaefer and Dillman,
rate was 23.4 percent. This igure is within
september 2011
28.4
JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING RESEARCH
543
ADvERTIsER PREssuRE AnD nEwsPAPERs
TABLE 2
Advertiser Pressure: Inluence Attempts, Economic Pressure,
and Acquiescence†
valid
percent Frequency
number
of times
last year
(mean)
number of
times last
year (standard
deviation)
M = 1.0, SD = 1.38). In contrast, whereas few
newspapers acquiesced to advertiser pressure, those that did seem to have given in
relatively frequently (M = 1.9, SD = 1.87)
compared to the number of attempts.
Personal Ethical norms for Advertiser
Relations
Personal ethical norms for newspaper-
Inluence Attempts
Attempt to inluence story selection
64.2
52
3.8
8.69
advertiser
some variation (See Table 3). Although
Attempt to inluence content
70.9
56
3.7
7.49
Attempt to kill story
37.2
29
0.7
1.67
Economic Pressure
interaction
also
showed
the majority of the respondents (64.2 percent) said that they thought that there
was nothing wrong with the advertising
Threat to withdraw advertising
80.0
64
2.2
3.01
director delivering a press release to
withdrawal of advertising
78.2
61
1.0
1.38
the editor, asking the editor to have
Has any advertiser succeeded in
inluencing news or features in your
newspaper?
23.4
18
1.9
1.87
Our newspaper seldom runs stories
which our advertisers would ind critical
or harmful.
19.8
Acquiescence
†
lunch with advertisers (37.0 percent) or
to use advertisers as sources for stories
are considered much less acceptable (38.3
percent).
A request for a story by the advertising
16
—
—
director was adequate, according to 20 percent of the respondents. Preference over
non-advertisers (8.6 percent) and advertis-
Percentages and frequencies in table relect respondents who answered “Yes” or “Agree.”
ing-director access to stories before printing (3.7 percent) were even less favored.
attempts to inluence the selection of stories (reported by 64.2 percent of respondents), to inluence the content of stories
TABLE 3
Personal Ethical norms for Advertiser Relations†
(70.9 percent), and both threatening to
valid percent
Frequency
withdraw advertising from the newspa-
It’s appropriate for an ad director …
per (80.0 percent) and actual withdrawal
… to ask an editor to have lunch with an advertiser?
37.0
30
… to deliver personally a press release from the advertiser
to the editor?
64.2
52
… to ask the editor to consider using advertisers as sources
for stories?
38.3
31
8.6
7
20.0
16
0.0
0
year, SD = 8.69; on story content: M = 3.7, SD
… to ask the editor to avoid writing anything negative about
advertisers?
= 7.49) seem to take place more frequently
… to ask to see any story that mentions an advertiser?
3.7
3.7
(78.2 percent) were widespread, many
fewer cases were reported about advertisers attempting to kill stories (37.2 percent)
or newspapers giving in to overt pressure
(23.4 percent) or practicing self-censorship
(19.8 percent).
The number of times advertisers exert
pressure on newspapers yearly also varied.
Although equally widespread, inluence
attempts (on story selection: M = 3.8 per
… to ask the editor to give advertisers preference over
non-advertisers in stories?
… to ask the editor to write a story about an advertiser?
than the use of economic pressure (threat to
withdraw: M = 2.2, SD = 3.01; withdrawal:
544
JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING RESEARCH
†
Percentages and frequencies in table relect respondents who answered “Yes.”
september 2011
ADvERTIsER PREssuRE AnD nEwsPAPERs
The biggest taboo seemed to be asking the
prone to acquiescing to advertiser pres-
editor to avoid negative reporting about
sure. There was some support for this
showed a difference between advertising
advertisers. No respondent considered it
hypothesis (See the bottom part of
directors and editors (See Table 5). Adver-
appropriate.
Table 4). Direct acquiescence was sig-
tising directors were more likely to think
niicantly related to circulation size for
that it is acceptable:
All
interpretable
signiicance
tests
The Effect of Circulation Size on Advertiser
the self-censorship outcome of “seldom
Pressure
running stories advertisers would ind
• to ask the editor to have lunch with the
The irst hypothesis (H1) suggested that
critical or harmful” (39.1 percent of small
advertiser (ad directors: 71.4 percent
smaller newspapers were more likely
newspapers
vs. editors: 25.0 percent; Z value = 3.53,
to be subject to advertiser pressure than
vs. 12.1 percent of large newspapers, Z
larger ones. A Z-test of proportions indi-
value = 2.449), though circulation size was
• to deliver a press release personally
cated there was limited support for the
not related to advertiser’s perceived suc-
from advertiser to editor (ad directors:
hypothesized relationship (See Table 4).
cess in inluencing news coverage. Thus,
90.5 percent vs. editors: 55.0 percent;
The only variable that might be related
there again was only partial support for
to circulation size was threats of advertis-
H2.
reported
self
censorship
df = 1, p < 0.05);
Z value = 2.654, df = 1, p < 0.05);
• to consider using advertisers as sources
ing withdrawal (73.7 percent of the large
for stories (ad directors: 81.0 percent vs.
newspaper respondents reporting threat
Predictors of Personal Ethical norms:
vs. 95.7 percent of small newspapers)
Employee Position and Circulation Size
as indicated by a Z value of 2.013. Thus,
The third hypothesis (H3) predicted that
• to ask the editor to write a story about
there was only partial support for the
advertising directors were more lenient in
an advertiser (ad directors: 42.9 percent
hypothesis.
their approach to advertisers than editors
vs. editors: 11.9 percent; Z value = 2.771,
and the authors’ data shows strong sup-
df = 1, p < 0.05).
According to the second hypothesis
(H2), smaller newspapers were more
editors: 23.3 percent; Z value = 4.415,
df = 1, p < 0.05); and
port for that prediction.
The rest of the differences could be
interpreted only qualitatively owing to the
TABLE 4
newspaper circulation size as an Indicator of Advertiser
Pressure Outcomes†
low cell counts; all but one relationship
(one item showing zero variance), however, were in the expected direction. H3 is
Large newspapers Small newspapers
(%) (n = 23)
Z value
(%) (n = 58)
Outcome variable
accepted.
The authors also hypothesized (H4) that
employees of small newspapers (both editors and advertising directors) were more
Attempt to inluence story selection
58.6 (34)
78.3 (18)
1.46
permissive in their personal ethical norms
Attempt to inluence content
71.9 (41)
68.2 (15)
0.214
prescribing normative behaviors with
Attempt to kill story
41.8 (23)
26.1 (6)
0.892
advertisers than large ones. And there was
Threat to withdraw advertising
73.7 (42)
95.7 (22)
2.013*
withdrawal of advertising
74.5 (41)
87.0 (20)
1.245
Has any advertiser succeeded in
inluencing news or features in your
newspaper?
20.4 (11)
30.4 (7)
0.822
Our newspaper seldom runs stories
which our advertisers would ind
critical or harmful.
12.1 (7)
limited support for the hypothesis (See
Table 6).
There were two items that were related
to
employee
position;
employees
of
small newspapers thought it was more
acceptable to consider using advertisers
39.1 (9)
2.449*
as sources for stories than large newspaper employees (small: 60.9 percent vs.
large: 29.3 percent; Z value = 2.382, df = 1,
* p < 0.05
†
Percentages and frequencies in table relect respondents who answered “Yes” or “Agree.” Percentages are within-group.
Within-group frequencies are in parentheses.
p < 0.05) and also to ask the editor to write
a story about an advertiser (small: 39.1
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JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING RESEARCH
545
ADvERTIsER PREssuRE AnD nEwsPAPERs
TABLE 5
Employee Position as an Indicator of Personal Policies for Advertiser Relations†
Editors (%) Advertising Directors
(%) (n = 21)
(n = 60)
Z value
… to ask an editor to have lunch with an advertiser?
25.0 (15)
71.4 (15)
3.53*
… to deliver personally a press release from the advertiser to the editor?
55.0 (33)
90.5 (19)
2.654*
… to ask the editor to consider using advertisers as sources for stories?
23.3 (14)
81.0 (17)
4.415*
5.0 (3)
19.0 (4)
—‡
11.9 (7)
42.9 (9)
2.771*
… to ask the editor to avoid writing anything negative about advertisers?
0.0 (0)
0.0 (0)
—‡
… to ask to see any story that mentions an advertiser?
1.7 (1)
9.5 (2)
—‡
Outcome variable
It’s appropriate for an ad director …
… to ask the editor to give advertisers preference over nonadvertisers in stories?
… to ask the editor to write a story about an advertiser?
*p < 0.05
†
Percentages and frequencies in table relect respondents who answered “Yes.” Percentages are within-group. Within-group frequencies are in parentheses. All tests have 1 degree of freedom.
‡
The Z statistic cannot be interpreted because cells have counts of less than 5.
TABLE 6
newspaper circulation size as an Indicator of Personal Policies for Advertiser Relations†
Large
newspapers (%)
(n = 58)
Small
newspapers (%)
(n = 23)
Z value
… to ask an editor to have lunch with an advertiser?
31.0 (18)
52.2 (12)
1.521
… to deliver personally a press release from the advertiser to the editor?
58.6 (34)
78.3 (18)
1.406
… to ask the editor to consider using advertisers as sources for stories?
29.3 (17)
60.9 (14)
2.382*
3.4 (2)
21.7 (5)
—‡
12.3 (7)
39.1 (9)
2.449*
… to ask the editor to avoid writing anything negative about advertisers?
0.0 (0)
0.0 (0)
—‡
… to ask to see any story that mentions an advertiser?
3.4 (2)
4.3 (1)
—‡
Outcome variable
It’s appropriate for an ad director …
… to ask the editor to give advertisers preference over nonadvertisers in stories?
… to ask the editor to write a story about an advertiser?
*p < 0.05
†
Percentages and frequencies in table relect respondents who answered “Yes.” Percentages are within-group. Within-group frequencies are in parentheses. All tests have 1 degree of freedom.
‡
The Z statistic cannot be interpreted because cells have counts of less than 5.
percent vs. large: 12.3 percent; Z value =
qualitatively. Thus, H4 had only limited
Most scales reached an acceptable level of
2.449, df = 1, p < 0.05).
support.
reliability (inluence attempts, α = 0.75;
Other aspects of the personal ethi-
To test the inal two hypotheses (H5
economic pressure, α = 0.76; personal
cal norms concept were independent
and H6), the authors created scales for
ethical norms, α = 0.62). Acquiescence to
of newspaper size, including the rela-
inluence attempts, economic pressure,
overt pressure and self-censorship had
tionships that can be interpreted only
acquiescence, and personal ethical norms.
to be kept separate because of low scale
546
JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING RESEARCH
september 2011
ADvERTIsER PREssuRE AnD nEwsPAPERs
reliability. Pearson correlations were cal-
Smaller newspapers do not differ greatly
culated to test the hypotheses.
The analyses yielded mixed support
from their larger counterparts with regard
for H5. There was a signiicant correlation between economic pressure and per-
to any aspects of advertiser pressure.
sonal policy permissiveness (r = 0.309, p
< 0.05), but inluence attempts were not
related to personal ethical norms. Finally,
more likely to occur than others. In accord-
Similarly,
H6 suggested that the more permissive
ance with the Soley and Craig (1992)
increasing willingness to try to merge
newspaper workers are, the more likely
study, inluence attempts on content and
advertising and editorial content through
advertisers will be successful with their
selection are more likely than attempts
advertorials, product placements, branded
inluence attempts. The hypothesis was
to kill stories. Similarly, advertisers do
entertainment, and other forms of cross-
rejected; neither success of overt attempts,
not always succeed with their inluence
over would suggest a contradictory pre-
nor the degree of self-censorship is related
attempts; in fact, more often than not, they
diction (Atkinson, 2004; Donaton, 2004;
to personal policy permissiveness.
fail. Soley and Craig’s inding that adver-
Fine, 2004; Gorman, 2010).
the
advertising
industry’s
tiser pressure is to some extent independ-
There are a number of possible reasons
SUMMARY, DISCUSSIOn, AnD
ent of circulation size also is replicated by
why the authors have found these some-
IMPLICATIOnS
the present study.
what surprising results. One possibility is
From the results, the following conclusions can be drawn:
The authors’ data showed decreased
that advertiser pressure truly decreased,
levels of advertiser pressure (with the
perhaps because newspapers have real-
exception of one variable) when compared
ized (and have also made their advertisers
• Advertiser pressure is widespread in
to the 1992 numbers. Overall, newspapers
understand) that, even if in the short run
the newspaper business; despite eco-
reported less pressure in the current study
it pays to allow some conluence of adver-
nomic threats to withdraw advertising,
than their counterparts did nearly two
tising and editorial content, the long-term
however, the extent and frequency of
decades ago, with an average negative dif-
interest of the newspaper industry is edi-
advertisers succeeding with their inlu-
ference of 15.7 percent. The largest drop
torial integrity.
ence attempts is relatively low.
was in overt attempts to kill stories (34.2
It is also possible that advertisers have
• Smaller newspapers do not differ
percent). Self-censorship was the only var-
become subtler in their inluence attempts
greatly from their larger counterparts
iable that shows a higher value compared
(this may be supported by the inding that
with regard to any aspects of advertiser
to the 1992 data (a 4.8-percent increase).
there is a large drop in overt attempts to
pressure.
All
personal
policy
permissiveness
kill stories) and instead they chose to let
• Advertising directors are more permis-
scores were lower in the present study
the newspapers censor themselves. This
sive in their personal ethical norms
than what Howland (1989) reported 21
possibility is corroborated by the fact that
for handling advertiser pressure than
years ago (an 18-percent decrease). It is
self-censorship was the only measure
editors.
important to note, however, that the Folio
that increased compared to the 1992 data.
• Employees of small newspapers are not
study was conducted in the context of
Reported self-censorship, however, still
much more permissive in their personal
magazines, which are usually considered
was much lower (19.8 percent) than other
measures of advertiser pressure.
ethical norms than those of large papers.
more prone to advertiser pressure than
• The more economic pressure a news-
newspapers (Soley, 2002). Nevertheless,
Finally, it is also possible that news
paper receives (but not other forms of
the negative difference offers further sup-
people have become more cautious when
pressure), the more likely it is that the
port for the conclusion that advertiser
discussing advertiser pressure. Moreover,
employees will have more permissive
pressure is decreasing.
as it is socially undesirable to admit to
ethical norms for handling pressures.
This decrease in advertiser pressure
what traditionally is considered as some-
might seem counterintuitive, especially
thing opposing fundamental advertising
Overall, these indings are in line with
when one considers anecdotal sources
and media ethics, they paint a rosier pic-
previous studies; advertiser pressure is
suggesting an actual increase (Ives, 2010;
ture than what reality is like. Although
widespread, but some of its forms are
Sanders and Halliday, 2005; Sutel, 2005).
this explanation is possible, the fact that
september 2011
JOURNAL OF ADVERTISING RESEARCH
547
ADvERTIsER PREssuRE AnD nEwsPAPERs
the authors granted complete anonymity
One aspect of the successful manage-
should have reduced that social desirabil-
ment of advertiser pressure is the devel-
ity bias, if not eradicated it altogether.
opment of better corporate-, “meso-level”
Claims about featured or “embedded”
newspapers, between “hard” news and
“lighter” feature stories.
ethical norms and matching ethical cli-
products and/or marketers are of a dif-
IMPLICATIOnS FOR PRACTICE
mate (Brinkmann, 2002; Victor and Cul-
ferent sort in each media case. “Prod-
The implications of this study for media
len, 1988). And, in fact, there seems to be
uct placement in print” (Atkinson, 1994;
and advertising are far-reaching. Wide-
a wide disagreement between editors and
Fine, 2004)—if print means news media
spread advertiser pressure—and even
advertising directors about what is sub-
allegedly reporting objective evaluations
a limited extent of acquiescence to such
jectively acceptable when interacting with
of products and services (featured)—is
pressures—has
advertisers and advertising pressure.
different from product placement in ic-
serious
ethical
conse-
quences for newspapers.
Closing the gap between the newsroom
tional/entertainment contexts (embedded
Journalism’s special claim for elevated,
and the advertising department, in this
or placed); and the expectations of objec-
professional status hinges on the idea of
sense, may be a step forward. Making
tivity might even differ in the case of hard
objective information dissemination and
the personal ethical norms explicit can
news versus features.
the altruistic ideal of serving the pub-
clarify what is acceptable. Clear and com-
The advertising industry must develop
lic’s right to know. If this ideal were to be
mon understanding of advertiser pressure
speciic guidelines—much more detailed
curtailed by economic interests beyond
guidelines within newspapers or other
than the foregoing distinctions—in coop-
acceptable ethical standards, the newspa-
media organizations can make resistance
eration with the various media forms to
per industry would have to face a loss of
against ethically questionable advertiser
avoid the specter of an entire new species
its special status.
requests easier. Although explicit poli-
of commercial manipulation.
How managers at newspapers deal with
cies, in themselves, are not suficient—as
In short, advertiser pressure is no longer
advertising pressure, however, is much
evidence shows, individuals are far too
an ethical issue for only the media but for
more than an ethical issue. Advertisers’
willing to violate company policy when
the advertising industry as well.
controversial requests also have economic
incentives are present (Beltramini, 1986)—
ramiications for the future of newspapers,
they can be a way forward.
both directly and indirectly.
FUTURE RESEARCH DIRECTIOnS
The current study also has implications
One potential future research direction
If newspapers can sell their advertising
for advertisers and advertising agencies.
could clarify hypothesized differences
space only by also selling their editorial
Although merging editorial and advertis-
between media in terms of the extent and
content to a certain extent, it evidently leads
ing content has signiicant appeal for an
frequency of advertiser pressure: the con-
to the devaluation of their primary com-
advertising industry haunted by decreas-
tention that magazines are more prone to
modity. It is an ethical concern for newspa-
ing advertising effectiveness, consumer
advertiser pressure and especially acqui-
pers to preserve not only the integrity of the
cynicism,
and
escence should be tested (Zachary, 1992).
editorial content but economic self-interest.
media fragmentation, advocates of blur-
Previous academic studies of advertiser
advertising
avoidance,
Further, the perception that a newspa-
ring editorial and advertising content
pressure on television showed that the
per is biased in favor of certain advertis-
need to realize that serious ethical issues
phenomenon was less common than it
ers—or that it has “sold out” to advertisers
are also involved in these practices.
was in print; the use of different question-
in general—very quickly can undermine
It is in the adverti