THE NINETEENTH CENTURY WESTERN TRAVELLERS’ CONCEPTION OF THE ARĪM: RESTORING THE CULTURAL COMPLEXITY OF THE IJĀB IN ARCHITECT

THE NINETEENTH CENTURY WESTERN TRAVELLERS’ CONCEPTION OF THE H HARĪĪĪĪM: RESTORING THE CULTURAL COMPLEXITY OF THE H H H H H HIJĀB IN ARCHITECTURE

This paper examines 19 th century Western travellers’ understanding of the ḥarīm. Focusing in particular on visual depictions, it investigates the misconception and misrepresentation of the ḥarīm in Orientalists’

paintings and Western culture, using thework of the artist John Frederick Lewis as a main case study. Arguing that such representations oversimplify and fantasise sacred Islamic cultural experience, this paper, as a counterpoint, restores a detailed understanding of the ḥarīm and defines its wider Islamic implication within Arabic culture. Applying etymology and Islamic scripture to the study of architectural design, this study explores the centrality of the concept of ḥijāb (veil) to the organisation of physical space for women in the Islamic home. Written from the perspective of an Arabic Muslim woman, this study seeks to explore the concept of the ḥarīm from the “Others” perspective.

Keyword: Western travellers, Orientalists, Muslim women, ḥarīm, Arabic culture

Abstrak

Makalah ini membahas pemahaman penjelajah Barat di abad ke019 Barat mengenai ḥarīm. Berfokus secara khusus pada penggambaran visual, makalah ini menyelidiki kesalahpahaman dan kekeliruan konseptual dari ḥ arīm di dalam lukisan Orientalis dan budaya Barat, menggunakan karya seniman John Frederick Lewis sebagai studi kasus utama. Dengan alasan bahwa semacam itu terlalu menggampangkan dan memfantasikan pengalaman budaya Islam yang suci, sebagai pembanding, tulisan ini mengembalikan pemahaman yang rinci tentang ḥarīm dan mendefinisikan implikasi islami yang lebih luas dari konsep ḥarīm di dalam budaya Arab. Dengan menerapkan etimologi dan kitab suci Islam untuk mempelajari desain arsitektur, penelitian ini mengeksplorasi sentralitas konsep ḥijāb (jilbab) ke organisasi ruang fisik bagi wanita di rumah islami. Ditulis dari perspektif seorang wanita Muslim Arab, studi ini berusaha untuk mengeksplorasi konsep ḥarīm dari perspektif “Lainnya”.

Kata kunci: Wanita Muslim, Orientalis, penjelajah Barat, ḥarīm, budaya Arab

Introduction: The Etymology of Ḥarīm and

embodies the two meaning of the women of the

Women

household and their exclusive apartments. 2 In Arabic, the word ḥarīm

For the West, the image of the ḥarīm remains a and hurma

means women,

, the singular, means woman. All delightfully shocking one of polygamy and seques0 such words derive from the verb haram

tration as Reina Lewis claims , which 3 , whereas, Alev Lytle means prohibited. Ḥarīm is a well0known term be0

Croutier states that ḥarīm, as a space, is the sepa0 yond the Arab world and popular among Western

rate, protected part of a household where women, travellers as well. It is also presented through travel

children and servants live in maximum seclusion and

narratives as a space of non0freedom, evil, and idle0 privacy . Most importantly, hurma means a ness 1 , simply as a world of fantasy packed with

woman and literally means sacredness. Hurma and women who are always kept indoors. In 1915

is a customary way of making Elizabeth Cooper states that:

its cognate haram

respectful reference to a man’s wife. She and the women in the house are the foremost repository of

The word ḥarīm is much misunderstood by the people of the Western world. The Arabic word ḥarīm simply

the house’s hurma (sanctity, sanctuary). Haram and means the women’s quarters while the ḥarīm0like are

hurma are still used in Arabic, among middle and the apartments reserved for the female members and

upper classes, as a respectful form of address to a children of the family. The literal meaning is exclusi0

married woman.

veness, seclusion, privacy. In its restricted sense it

Haram , then, means sacred, and the used to describe the same space, both ḥarīm or sanctuaries of Islamic cities Makkah and Madinah

haremlik were disseminated by Western travellers. are, appropriately, called Al0Haram Al0Sharif. Ḥarīm

In fact, ḥarīm is not just an enclosed space for women; it is a name for a group of women or any

is another noun derived from the same verb, which area which has been occupied by women without any means prohibited, forbidden and punishable, from a physical boundaries. Literally, it is a defined place religious point of view. Additionally, ihram is an0

other derived term that implies a state in which one for a specific gender, but it does not have to be an enclosed space.

is prohibited to practice certain deeds that are lawful at other times. The Muslim pilgrimages of

In Hindi, ḥarīm derives from the Arabic haram, umra 5

whereas ḥarīm is applied to the women of the family and Hajj are performed during such a state, and their apartments. This word is not now common0 and special clothes need to be worn to participate in ly used in India; zenana is the current word for the such events. Mahram is also derived from the verb

haram; it means a person whom a woman cannot same description, and it is used in English literature during the 1700s to describe women’s sections in

marry due to the close familial relationship (blood

relatives such as a father, a brother, etc.) 6 or refers

palaces . Zenana, from Farsi zanana, is derived from zan, that is, ‘women’; and designates the apart0

to her own husband as a mahram. The mahram ought to travel with the woman for her protection and so

ments of a house in which the women of the family are secluded. This Islamic rule of female seclusion

she will not to be alone. All of these terms – and many more derived

has been largely adopted by the Hindus of Bengal and by the Mahrattas. Zanana is also the term used

from the same verb haram – embody the concepts of sacredness, protection and respect, as well as

for the women of the family themselves 10 . Zanana is

a Mughal term used to describe the women’s religious restrictions and rules to be performed and

acknowledged. In the Muslim world, houses are the quarters in a palace or house . It is also written as zenana, which means the same as harem 12 . Consi0

most respected of places and have their own hurma. This includes the houses of Allah (masjid), the

dering the Persian cultural impact on the Islamic Mughal, this term is used to describe segregation

Prophet’s house in Madinah and ordinary houses. Sacredness is the common factor, indicating owner0

which is evident in whichever language is used among Muslims. That is, both terms ḥarīm and

ship and privacy, restricted access and the obser0 vance of rules. Rules govern the houses of Allah,

zanana mean women and are used to describe women’s quarters. Zenane is commonly used in the

especially in Makkah and Madinah where non0Muslims cannot enter. However, the Prophet’s house has its

Sind (southern Pakistan) and in the Indian subcon0 tinent, where strict rule of purdah (ḥijāb) is applied,

own rules for access, which are discussed in detail in

the Qur’an. Similarly, ordinary houses are respected and thus develops gender segregation . Partha Mitter warns against the misuse of old

as territories belonging to their occupants who also have the right to set their own rules within the

terms, as he states, “The zanana (women’s quar0 ters), misleadingly called the Jahangiri Mahall, im0

boundaries of Islam. Overall, women are the main consideration in

pressed us with its red sandstone and marble work and deeply carved surfaces” 15 . An example might be

the broader concept of the ḥarīm. The term hurma (woman), embodying the literal meaning of sacred0

the use of the term zenana to describe the lattice wooden projected window in the upper floor of the

ness, obliges the drawing of a screen or a curtain in order to convey respect. Privacy is insisted upon as a

Arab Hall in London, by Daniel Robbins, the curator of Leighton House 16 . Although Robbins claims that

means of protecting the Hurma and its several dimensions, the Hurma of the masjid, the Hurma of

the origin of the lattice window is from Cairo, he refers to an Indian term which has the same meaning

the tomb and mainly the hurma of the house and its households. Therefore, the concept of the Hurma

of the screened and secluded place for women. This misleading usage of terms changes the fact that this

and the presence of ḥarīm (women) play a crucial part in the ḥijāb 7 (concealing and veiling) and the

window was actually brought from the Middle East, ḥ

Cairo in particular, and not from India. This paper arīm as an interior space. The most common use of

the word ḥarīm is to denote the space in the family argues that the misuse of subtle but etymologically important cultural descriptors guarantees the

home reserved for women, suggesting a clear idea of disappearance of authentic Islamic and Arabic terms segregation. The ḥarīm, as a space, is a zone within and lessens their impact on other cultures. the house that is governed by the concept of the

ḥ ijāb, once more for the ḥarīm (women) as the main Zenana is used in Persia and Turkey; however, in India the notion of being behind a screen can be

occupiers. ḥarīm, from Arabic, is an architectural term used to define a space utilised by women and

expressed by saying: ‘She is purdah0nashim, or sim0 ply purdah.’ The purdah is the screen that shuts the

the family of the house. Haremlik, as a Turkish term, woman away from the outside world. A similar commonly referred to the same space, during the

8 Ottoman period expression with a similar meaning is used in Egypt: . Regardless of the different words

‘Yes, my daughters go to school’ a mother will say,

The Ḥijāb within the ḥarīm

Graham0Brown in 1988 stated that: parda is a term from Persian ‘parda’, meaning a

‘but they are kept ḥarīm’ 17 . In Hindi, purdah or

‘curtain’, especially a curtain screening women from The majority of westerners […] took little account of social nuances in practice of veiling. They were simply being seen by men. A woman of position who

fascinated or shocked by the sight of veiled women in observes such rules of seclusion is termed parda0

city streets, visible yet invisible. For western men in

particular, the veil presented a challenge to the in Hindi and Farsi has an interwoven and a imagination. Writers, artists and photographers dwelt on the ‘mysteries’ which lay behind this piece of metaphorical meaning: a curtain, hanging, screen,

nishin, or ‘one who sits behind a curtain’ 18 . The term

cloth. 27

partition or blind. It also means veil, lid (of the eye), The fantasy and mystery surrounding veiled thin covering, layer, veneer, film, seclusion (especially of a Muslim woman) and privacy 19

women extends to involve the ḥarīm quarter, which

is intensively used as an arena for imagining and is also known as an area for women which is screened from the sight of men by a curtain 20

. Purda

staging Arabian Nights characters by the Orientalists.

Despite these imaginative interpretations, some Arabic, purd or purda means a black square narrow dress 21

. In

images link the ḥijāb to women, in instance where a , or a garment with strips for wrapping or

screen, veiled women and a guard would have been clothing the body 22 . In Persia, enderun or zenane

a common scene in the Islamic world. Jean0Lean reflects the exact concept of a secluded space

Gerome depicted these elements when women are within the house 23,24 . This reflects the metaphorical

outside as in Harem in the Kiosk, 1875–80 (Figure 1), concept of the ḥijāb as it is written in the Qur’an:

and in the Harem Outing, 1869 (Figure 2). Such ‘behind a screen’. However, the physical form of

paintings reflect the double sense of the ḥijāb of this concept can be seen in the construction of the

women as a veil and a space and the connection Islamic house layout that focuses on gender

between both, in reality and in the mind of the segregation.

artists alike.

As a term, the ḥijāb is known in the Arab and

the Islamic world alike; however, in some regions local terminology substitutes the Arabic term while the concept remains the same. Accordingly, ḥijāb is not restricted to the house, where segregation is needed, but it can be seen everywhere. Once a screen is draped, the sense of women’s presence is evident and substantial. Anywhere in the Islamic world, even today, it is easily spotted. The ḥijāb (screen) follows women wherever they go as a shield for protection, more for privacy, and to enable to move with ease and comfort without coming to

harm. The dual meaning of the term ḥarīm, encom0 passes both a space and its occupants, and is parallel

Figure 1. Harem in the Kiosk, 1875–80. Jean Lean Gerome, Oil on canvas, 76.2 x 111.7 cm. The Najd

to the connection existing between women and the

Collection. (Source: Benjamin, 103)

ḥ ijāb as a concept. Although the ḥarīm as a space is mainly for the family and the women of the house, it has been constantly claimed as a world of fantasy, as Cooper puts it:

One hears the word ḥarīm and instantly conjures up Arabian Nights scenes of rare hangings, subdued lights, and beautiful odalisques lounging on soft divans, slaves, incense, and a general air of sensuousness pervading

the entire place. 25 In conclusion, the conflation of the terms and

forms of the ḥijāb and the ḥarīm is evidently a misrepresentation by the 19th century Orientalists, as it is reflected in this paper argument. Considering that the Orientalist is a term used for someone who

is knowledgeable about the Orient, its people,

Figure 2. Harem Outing, 1869. JeanCLean Gérôme. Oil on

languages, history, customs, religion and literature.

canvas, 120 x 178 cm. Chrysler Museum of Art, Norfolk,

It also applies to Western painters of the Oriental

Virginia. (Source: Lemaires, 239–241)

world of the 19th century who used Eastern themes in their works 26 .

Orientalists’ projection and imagination have

The Experience of the ḥarīm

resulted in the distribution of enormous quantities of Alev Lytle Croutier, who experienced being representations of the ḥijāb in clothing and archi0

within a secluded ḥarīm in Turkey during the early tecture outside the Islamic world. The widespread

19 th century, said ‘Our private lives must be consumption of these images in the West suggests

walled’ 31 . This refers to a Turkish proverb that is that the ‘East’ existed solely for the pleasure of the

also common in Arabic, as well as Islamic cultures. Orientalists, and that they might invent it as they

Women’s lives, their private lives in particular, must saw fit. The seclusion of the ḥarīm has always been a

be ‘walled in’ by every means. This includes seg0 challenge for travellers who lack the understanding

regation within the house, as ḥijāb is another form of Islamic culture. This misapprehension applies to

of being walled in, to keep their beauty intact. It is female and male travellers alike. Thus, images from

believed, in Islam, that women are like jewels inside the house show the ḥarīm and women in

needing to be treasured and hidden away from unrealistic scenes. The ḥarīm and its lattice wooden

others’ sight and away from strangers. This aspect window become a stage for the Orientalists

has long been practiced within the Islamic house a0 imagination and fantasy, a stage for their daydreams

cross the Islamic world, for example, Mary Walker 32 , of their own version and interpretation of the

a female artist who depicted women in their ḥarīm Arabian Nights 28 . Such scenes are to be seen in

in Turkey in the 1880s, stressed that the central Eugène Giraud’s paintings: Interior of an Egyptian

priority for the ḥarīm women was to conceal any Harem , n.d. (Figure 3) and Lord of the Harem, n.d.

portrayals of themselves. She noted that in the ḥ arīm of Sultana Zeineb 33 , the daughter of Muham0

mad Ali Pasha, the large three0quarter0length image of Zeineb was hung in the sitting room of her summer palace on the Bosphorus; but it was veiled by a curtain of white silk. The restricted visibility of the portrait reflects the Islamic necessity for the veil to protect even representations of females from the

gaze of the male workers of the house 34 . If this was the case in Turkey, a Muslim counterpart in other parts of the Islamic world acted similarly, as Elizabeth Cooper quoted a Muslim woman in Hyderabad, India in the 1900s:

Figure 3. Interior of an Egyptian Harem. Eugene Giraud. (Source: Thornton, Women, 28)

She laughed apologetically and said: “I know what you think, but I cannot sit here with any degree of comfort

The image distributed was of the oppression if I think someone, a servant or any one of my hus0 band’s guests, might pass by. It is instinct; my mother

and incarceration of ‘Eastern’ women and the ḥarīm as a space of non0freedom, idleness and evil 29

and my mother’s mother were ‘purdah’ women, and it

. The

is in the blood.” 35

veiled ḥarīm (women) captivates both the sight and The speaker was about to sit in a room when the imagination, as does the ḥarīm, as a space for

she noticed that one of the blinds of the window was segregation which conceals the inner of the house.

open. Despite the fact that the windows opened Instead of the ḥijāb principle being demonstrated as

onto a garden, she wanted to ensure that the

a major core of the ḥarīm, it is wrongly exposed, windows were securely closed so that no one could rather than concealed, and the hurma of this sacred

look into the room. This example shows that the place is thus aggressively broken and neglected.

physical practice of the ḥijāb is performed in India Meyda Yegenoglu agrees that it is this trope of

and throughout the Islamic world. It is in the blood; concealment which led many male travellers in the

it is exactly as described above 36 . 19th century to denounce the "hateful" mystery of

the ḥarīm and the veil. However, despite this over0 representation, the Orientalist's desire is always left

The Ḥarīm in the Islamic House

unsatisfied. In fact the hurma of this sacred place The aim of the Islamic house is to fulfill the ensures that the space of the Oriental woman is not

Islamic rule of the ḥijāb, where the veil is drawn to only "hermetically sealed," in Yegenoglu’s words,

clad façades, and zones are secluded to achieve pri0 that is, preventing actual observation, but also that

vacy. That is, the lattice wooden projected windows the inhabitant of the harem is resistant to give any

30 information regarding this "inner" space as screens and the ḥarīm as segregation quarters are . forms of the ḥijāb. The most fascinating connections

between the ḥijāb, women and textiles are drawn by Western travellers in the nineteenth and early twen0 tieth centuries. There is an evident role for fabric and textiles in Islamic cities, which perform many functions both indoors and outdoors. The significant use of textiles is still obvious today in Muslim societies, especially during ceremonies.

Ḥ ijāb within the house is identified with seg0 regation and not just screening. Segregation in zones within the house, regardless of the varieties in terms of the Islamic regions, also fulfils the ḥijāb concept. However, screening can be seen in the entrance hall when a curtain is hung to break any direct view from the outside. This rule is observed in Islamic domestic architecture, since no direct view or entrance openings are allowed. A barrier is always provided to screen the inner house from direct view. This could

be a wall, a curtain or even a courtyard. The guarding of the Caliph’s entrance and the women’s quarters shows a similar situation as in Entering the Harem, 1870s (Figure 4). Under Islamic moral codes

a man, even the master of the house, should make some noise when he enters the house, as there may

be female visitors or neighbours in the vicinity. Therefore, to avoid any awkward situations arising within the home, upon entering a room a respectful and considerate man should make some kind of noise (a cough or even a formal announcement of his intention to enter) to alert the women inside of his presence and imminent entrance.

Figure 4. Entering the Harem, 1870s. Georges Clairin. Oil on canvas 82 x 65 cm. The Walter Art Gallery, Baltimore,

Maryland. (Source: Benjamin, 123)

The need for the ḥijāb, as a means of secluding men and women in Islamic societies, is a phenome0 non that is applied according to the circumstances of each region. This is one of the strengths of Islamic architecture, where flexibility in crafts and mate0 rials considers the climate, and leaves room for creativity and identity when designing buildings similar to the variety of ways in which women

conceal themselves across the Islamic world. The unity of the application of the Islamic law is reflected within the Islamic house. The practice of the ḥijāb inside the house is discussed in detail in the Qur’an and the Sunnah, including the obligation of asking for permission before entering. The Qur’an governs every aspect in Muslims’ daily life, and defines Islamic etiquette inside the house. Obeying the rules of the ḥijāb as a garment reflects the concealment of women’s physiques when they go out of the house. Similarly, architectural ḥijāb, such as screens and ḥarīm quarters, demonstrate conceal0 ment within the house. This architectural conceal0 ment gives women their own freedom and privacy, as they cannot remain veiled outside and inside. The house is a women’s haven, as they are the main occupants.

This notion of privacy is a wider Islamic concern; the geographical spread of the application of the ḥijāb ranges beyond the Arab world. The presence of women plays an important role in the design of Islamic houses. This results in plans where privacy can be enhanced and gender identity preserved, where each sex can be at ease in each one’s world. Gender identity is still a significant feature in some regions of the Islamic world. Privacy is one facet of this hurma, which includes inha0 bitants’ respect of each other’s needs and prevents intrusions, but not for the sake of individuals. On the contrary, Lloyd Llewellyn0Jones claim that ‘privacy’ as a noun does not exist in Latin, and did not come into common use until the sixteenth century, and that the concept remained ambiguous until the 1890s 37,38 .

The sense of privacy within the Islamic house is important, and it is noticeable even from the façade. Homes in most Islamic cities have blank walls facing the street, or have lattice windows and screens from which the inhabitants can look out into the street without being seen. For travellers, these walls and screens appear as definitive boundaries between the public and the private sphere, and reinforce the notion that this boundary marks off the domain of women 39,40 . There is very often a lack of awareness and understanding when discussing the link between Islam and domestic life. The practice of the Muslim daily life is interwoven within religion. Islam is absorbed and administrated as part of the daily routine. Observing and studying aspects of Muslim daily life, including architecture and inhabi0 tation, cannot be excluded from Islam as the domi0 nating factor. In dealing with domestic life where the ḥarīm plays a part of activity within the house, the same is true.

However, the religious practice within the Muslim domestic space has been neglected in Orien0 talists’ descriptions and representations. Edward William Lane (1801–1876), who first travelled to

Cairo in 1825 and stayed for three years, either over0 JF. Lewis lived in Cairo as a Turkish Bey (chief0 looked this issue and reduced it to the status of

tain), and his way of living and appearance may have superstition, or pushed it to one side to leave room

given the impression of him being treated like a Bey. for negative remarks. Consequently, what is written

He could well have entered masjid (mosques) under in relation to domestic daily life practices, including

this disguise with the authorities’ protection, as his the ḥarīm inhabitation, was taken for granted and

painting of Interior of Mosque or Afternoon Prayer generalised as the stereotype. This produced a

(n.d.) suggests. JF. Lewis was accepted by Cairene biased conclusion that reverberated even more

society, and his way of life allowed him to sketch strongly in works produced by Orientalist scholars

people and scenes without hindrance 45 . It is notable after EW. Lane, such as in the work of Lane’s great

that JF. Lewis chose to live as a noble Bey among grand0nephew Stanley Lane0Poole who took what his

Turkish Beys and the upper classes, and not as an

ordinary local person as Lane did. Such experience talist bias was not only evident during Stanley Lane0

great grandfather wrote for granted 41 . This Orien0

reflects another slice of the Cairene fabric of life, Poole’s time (1854–1931). Mark Crinson, writing in

and the ḥarīm s of the Mamluk house in particular. 1996 also claims that Lane’s book, An Account of the Manners and Customs of the Modern Egyptians , can

be used as an authoritative reference work of Islamic

The Artist’s House

architecture 42 . Perhaps this is the key reason why J. F. Lewis lived in a Mamluk0style house Lane insisted on going ‘native’ in describing the

situated in the Ezbekiya 46 quarter in Cairo, not far domestic daily life in Cairo.

from Masjid Sultan Hassan and Bab el0luq. The area contained the palaces of Ibrahim and Abbas Pasha, some of the finest buildings in this quarter, as well

John Frederick Lewis and the Experience of

as the new Hotel d’Orient. Therefore, the area was

the Ḥarīm

full of palaces of ruling emirs and merchants’ Lewis was the first, and for many years the only, British

houses, even before Napoleon’s expedition in 1798. artist to spend an extended period in the Near East as a

Living in this quarter indicates that the house was resident. From 1841 to 1851, he lived in one of the old

Cairo houses, as he went completely native, he appears not one typical of local people, but of wealthy to have made a deliberate effort to loosen the ties of

inhabitants. In fact, the house is believed to have his culture. He has a little contact with his com0

originally belonged to Kiani [Qiani] Bey 47 from the patriots, despite the presence of many English tourists

Mamluk period (1250–1517). This gives an indication in Cairo in the 1840s. Only a few English visitors allow

glimpses of Lewis’s life in Cairo. His numerous of the history of the house. Knowing this fact is a sketches, some inscribed and dated, indicate some of

crucial factor in documenting the history of the his activities, the rest must remain speculation based

ḥ arīm and its existence in the Mamluk time, as Miles on what is known of Cairene society in the mid0

Danby indicates:

nineteenth century. 43 Under the Mamlouks, the domestic architecture of the While Briony Llewellyn’s claim focuses on the

growing merchant class was to reach a high degree of assumption that JF. Lewis went completely ‘native’

sophistication and the Mamlouk house was to remain or had little contact with his peers, other evidence

the standard type in Cairo until the late nineteenth indicates the opposite. In fact, JF. Lewis attended

century, in spite of Ottoman rule and influence. The typical two or three0storey courtyard house was

the British Consul dinner in 1842, as claimed by Sir developed to accommodate the extended family and Thomas Phillips who reportedly met JF. Lewis there.

the business needs of the merchant. These interiors Llewellyn herself states that Colonel Burnett

were later to fascinate European visitors, especially recorded this at the time in a letter to his brother.

those who spent a long period living in Cairo. In the In the same year, James Wild, the Orientalist and early nineteenth century EW. Lane described in graphic prose the houses and the way of life in the urban

British architect, visited JF. Lewis in his house. In middle class. Similarly, the painter Frederick Lewis addition, JF. Lewis was host to various friends,

depicted the luxurious interiors and streetscapes of

Cairo, in glowing watercolours and oils. Interior scenes John Elphinstone, the governor of Madras, who was a

including William Makepeace Thackeray in 1844 44 .

of families, with graceful ladies reclining on rich coloured textiles before alcoves lit through elaborate

friend of JF. Lewis’s brother, FC. Lewis, also visited mashrabiyya windows, attracted enthusiastic crowds JF. Lewis in 1845 and noted that JF. Lewis was living

when they were exhibited in the 1850s at the Old in the most Ottoman quarter. Most importantly, JF.

Watercolour Society in London. 48 Lewis met Marian Harper 0 a British woman 0 and

JF. Lewis’s house played a major role in most married her in 1847. Therefore, he was not as cut off

of his paintings; several of his works evoke its from other Orientalists as it is sometimes claimed.

interior court and its large rooms decorated with the Such a claim may well have been manufactured to

trellis0like wood screens. The house has also been persuade readers ‘back home’ about the authenticity

depicted in images by James Wild and in text by of J. F. Lewis’s experiences and observations.

Thackeray. Wild drew some interiors in JF. Lewis’s house; the mandarah and the bath of the house were Thackeray. Wild drew some interiors in JF. Lewis’s house; the mandarah and the bath of the house were

This analysis focuses on the ḥijāb as the main scribes his experience of being in this recessed room

1842 (Crinson, 101–103) 49 . However, Thackeray de0

function of the ḥarīm, therefore this criterion will be thus:

used to examine whether these scenes behind lattice He conducted me into a great hall, where there was a

screens are authentic and could be seen in Muslim great, large Saracenic oriel window. He seated me on a

cultures. JF. Lewis’s paintings of the ḥarīm seem divan … Opposite the divan is a great bay window, with

a divan likewise round the niche. It looks out upon a imaginary, and give the idea of the artist’s garden about the size of Fountain0court, Temple;

speculation of what was behind these screens. JF. surrounded by the tall houses of the quarter. The

Lewis may understand some of the main concepts of garden is full of green. A great palm0tree springs up the

Islamic society, regarding the ḥijāb and segregation midst, with plentiful shrubberies, and a talking

fountain ... 50 between genders in relation to the Islamic archi0 tecture. This may justify his tendency to link the

JF. Lewis depicted the same scene shown in wooden screens with the ḥarīm or family sections in The Recess in a Chamber of the Painter’s House in most of his paintings. He imagined the pattern of Cairo , in the 1840s (Figure 5). This chamber scene inhabitation of the ḥarīm as he could have that Thackeray also described is inscribed as ‘Man' experienced it himself. For instance, the first darah of my house at Cairo ’ of 1840–51. This study is domestic scene of the ḥarīm was captured in detail believed to be developed into another painting ‘The in 1849. Although The Hareem is inspired by JF. Reception ’ in 1873. Although the painting of this Lewis’s house in Cairo, the setting is repeated in chamber is believed to be a study of JF. Lewis’s own many of JF. Lewis’s imaginary ḥarīm. house in Cairo, the painting could also be seen as an JF. Lewis was interested in sketching Islamic amalgam of the studies of Cairene domestic inte0 architecture and studying the impact of light and riors. The house could be the same house which was shadow; but after his marriage, he added figures to later occupied by another British resident in Cairo, this architectural background. It would have been Mr Lockwood. It was visited and drawn by Thomas Seddon 51 in 1854 as Interior of the Deewan 52 . difficult to draw people in action outside, as living in an Arab quarter with the aim of building trust with

native people would have made it difficult to get models to pose. JF. Lewis may have understood women’s status in Islamic culture and modelled his household to play this role instead.

The two important paintings in JF. Lewis’s collection that reflect the sense of the ḥarīm are The Hareem and The Reception, the former is sometimes spelled in some references The

Hhareem 53 . Lewis may try to write the correct spelling of the ḥarīm, as the first letter ‘ح’ cannot

be pronounced as ‘ه’ that is ‘H’ in Latin. The Hhareem was the first painting executed in Cairo in 1849–50 (Figure 7), however; there are at least four

major ḥarīm paintings 54 . Perhaps JF. Lewis relied on

Figure 5. The Recess in a Chamber of the Painter’s House in Cairo. 1840s. (Source: Victoria & Albert Museum,

the account of ḥarīm visits by women travellers or by

prints room)

stories he could have been told by his wife who, as a woman, might have visited ḥarīm sections in Cairo. JF. Lewis often used his wife as a model for his ḥ arīm paintings and may well have done so in this

instance 55 . The ḥarīm as a space is depicted to narrate different stories of inhabitation behind screens. The story of The Hhareem of 1849 is believed to have been written by the artist himself, as the spectacle of an Abyssinian slave being

introduced into the ḥarīm of a MamlUk Bey 56 . The scene gives the viewer some idea of the cultural hierarchy contained in JF. Lewis’s paintings, as he assumes the character of a Turkish Bey with his wife or wives, children, a slave and a servant. JF. Lewis may have come across stories or was perhaps aware

Figure 6. The Reception, JF. Lewis, 1873.

of gossip about Pashas and Beys, and he tried to put

(Source: Danby, 66)

these stories onto canvas for exhibition back home.

Staging these stories from the ḥarīm reflects the By comparing the sketch and the painting of painter’s stay in Cairo, especially as he does not

the ḥarīm and its study, some different details can maintain any form of written documentation. His

be identified. The final painting is in oil, which sketches and paintings reflect what he experienced

means that the painting could have been executed there 0 or wished to. Therefore these stories of the

sometime after 1858, when the painter changed ḥ arīm reflect his interpretation of his own expe0

from watercolour medium to oil. The proportion of rience of being in a Mamluk house, living as a Bey.

some of the architectural elements varies in the Another JF. Lewis painting of the ḥarīm, which

sketch; for example, the wall beside the wardrobe is believed to be a fragment of the previous one, is

works as a background for the standing woman and in the Victoria & Albert Museum (see Figure 8). It is

as a space before the entrance arch. More similar to a portion of the original painting of The

importantly, the scene demonstrates that the lattice Hareem 57 . The same scene is depicted, for the third

wooden window within the ḥarīm is big enough to time, in oil with a different message to that of 1849.

accommodate a group of women within. Through the An Intercepted Correspondence , 1869 (Figure 9) has

arch there is another view of the lattice window almost the same setting as The Hareem, with some

from the front. This painting, and the other of the other architectural details of the room in a wider

ḥ arīm shows that the house is full of these lattice perspective, though the Bey is older. The Study of

windows which are depicted from different views, at the Hareem (Figure 10) is more like an incomplete

close range and at a distance. These paintings are watercolour painting or a sketch. This coloured

clear indications of J. F. Lewis’s passion for these sketch is now in Australia, and is believed to date

wooden screens and their impact on the interior from 1850. The finished painting, of almost the same

both architecturally and socially. Doubtless, such scene of the study, is in the Birmingham Museum,

screens are indications of the importance role of the called The Hareem 58 , and is undated (Figure 11).

ḥ ijāb in the Islamic house, and in the ḥarīm in However, the painting seems to be the reverse of

particular.

the previous one of The Hhareem, unless it is the Another small detail, which is rarely seen in other side of the same room in J. F. Lewis’s house.

domestic scenes in the Islamic world, is of a dog The scene shows the entrance of the room, which

lying down in the same seating area as the could be another part of the artist’s house. This

inhabitants. So that the place could be kept clean portion of the painting is also depicted in many of J.

and ready for people to perform their prayers

F. Lewis’s paintings. anywhere, dogs have never been kept inside the house 59 . The depiction of the dog indoors is an entirely different issue for J. F. Lewis as an animal lover. It seems that he did not consider the Islamic perspective before depicting this ḥarīm scene; or he included a dog in order to please the public, in this case, the Victorian viewers. In this ḥarīm painting, and in the first painting of 1849, there is a curtain which could be interpreted in a similar way to the use of curtains with the lattice window in Cairo. The curtain in this scene is light and translucent in comparison to the heavy one in the first ḥarīm

painting.

Figure 7. The Hareem, Cairo. 1849. (Source: Benjamin, 79)

Figure 8. The Hareem 1850, the fragment version in the Figure 9. An Intercepted Correspondence, 1869. Victoria & Albert Museum. (Source: Benjamin, 81)

(Source: Thornton, Women, 131)

Jennifer Scarce claims that the wealthy people Cairo 1840–51, a sketch of his house, together with in Cairo furnished their homes with handsome

studio props, costumes, vases and other objects. The textiles, but that the use of carved wooden lattice

setting of the painting, the architectural atmosphere screens across the wide and deep windows left no

and its furniture, could be the one described by space for velvet and brocaded silk hangings and

Thackeray in his visit. However, the proportions curtains, which would have been too thick and heavy

seem different, or, at least, the view of the per0

spective in the painting is different to that of the contrary, describes windows furnished with muslin

for the climate of Cairo 60 . Sophia Lane0Poole, on the

sketch. The massive lattice window in the mandarah curtains in white with coloured fringes, including

is claimed to be a depiction of a visit of ladies from some pinks and blue in one of the Pasha’s ḥarīm, but

another ḥarīm 62,63 . Danby claims that the screened she describes no curtains in the house which the

windows are painted with meticulous accuracy, Lanes occupied 61 . Curtains may have been used to

showing diffused light from the lower turned wood obscure figures, to prevent dust, or to weaken direct

sections compared with clear0cut shadows from the light and, more importantly, for the purposes of this

coloured glass patterns set in the higher panels 64 . argument, to provide privacy. But in the case of JF.

What is certain in this painting is JF. Lewis’s admira0 Lewis’s painting, they probably would have

tion for the geometric and organic designs of his represented luxury. In fact, JF. Lewis depicts these

Cairene house and their ability to subordinate the kinds of screens with curtains in another painting,

human figures on canvas as Yeazell asserts 65 . Doubt0 Life in the ḥarīm, Cairo , 1858 (Figure 13). This could

less, the admiration of the ḥarīm and the ḥijāb

be an indication of the status of the inhabitants, and concepts is well depicted and highly captivated by in this might be included JF. Lewis’s house in Cairo

Western travellers.

as an example of wealthy housing. Llewellyn claims that the setting and the costumes of The Reception are authentic, where JF. Lewis depicts women not in the upper rooms of the house but in the mandarah or men’s reception. The scene resembles an everyday occurrence in Cairo,

which could parallel an ordinary Victorian one 66 . The mandarah could be used by women in the absence of the men of the house and their visitors. However, the use of extra screens for the opening of the projected lattice windows or curtains in this area would be essential, in order for women to be secured and secluded. Such a setting, with its lack of privacy for women, raises questions of authenticity.

In the ḥarīm, as a women’s section, privacy is

Figure 10. Study of the Hareem, Cairo. 1850.

strictly required, but the scene does not reflect this

(Source: Benjamin, 82)

necessity. In fact, the lattice screens in most of JF. Lewis’s scenes remain open, and the outside scenery

is clear from the inside. Although JF. Lewis paints a curtain to indicate screening, the setting is not authentic in this sense. In these paintings the artist demonstrates the link between the inside and the outside through the lattice window and how the occupier can experience this notion. He sometimes succeeds in giving the impression of the lattice screen as a link between the inner house and the outer space; but not when it comes to the lattice window as a screen and a ḥijāb device.

The area within the recess window illustrates the sitting area and the interior furnishing. In JF. Lewis’s scenes, the seating area and furniture of the ḥ arīm is depicted with features of an Arabic interior.

Either high or low seating is common in a lattice

Figure 11. The Hareem, Cairo. n.d.

projected window; both styles are furnished with

(Souce: Benjamin, 82)

mattresses and side cushions covered with white

was executed in 1873 (Figure 6), lace. JF. Lewis depicts similar seating in Life of the The Reception

, in 1857 (Figure 12), and

a decade after JF. Lewis’s return to England. The

arīm, Constantinople

painting is mainly based on Mandarah of my House at again in Oriental Interior (n.d.). This seating painting is mainly based on Mandarah of my House at again in Oriental Interior (n.d.). This seating

fabric perhaps used to save the fine material from other parts of the Arab world. This style of seating

fading in the light 69 . In fact, this is the traditional has been used in the Arab world and has been

way of dressing such cushions with white lace or distributed throughout the Islamic world; it is

transparent muslin in order to unify the row and hide known, mistakenly, as ‘divan’. The style of arranging

the edges of each cushion; but not, as claimed mattresses and back or side cushions and the way of

earlier, as protection from the light. clothing them is called ‘Jalsa Arabi’ or Arabic seating. The Jalsa may be adjacent to a lattice window, or may just surround the room on three sides, as shown in Oriental Interior and some Orientalists’ paintings. Lady Montagu also described this style in Turkey, in 1717:

[t]he rooms are all spread with Persian carpets, and raised at one end (my chamber is raised at both ends) about two feet. This is the sofa, and is laid with a richer sort of carpet, and all around it a sort of couch, raised half a foot, covered with rich silk according to the fancy or magnificence of the owner. Mine is of scarlet cloth, with a gold fringe; round this are placed, standing against the wall, two rows of cushions, the first very large, and the next little ones; ... They are generally brocade, or embroidery of gold wire upon white satin:0 nothing can look more gay and splendid. These seats are so convenient and easy, I shall never

endure chairs as long as I live. 67

Figure 13. Life in the Ḥarīm, Cairo, 1858

This style of furnishing of the ḥarīm does not exist solely in Turkey. It was common in the Arab world by the nineteenth century, and has remained a fashionable trend until recently. JF. Lewis depicted

a similar scene from Cairo in The Hareem (1851). He also depicts this type of seating with the same fabric in another picture with the same title An Oriental Interior, Constantinople , painted in 1863. However,

he drew the same seating in the sketch of The Hareem , in 1850 (Figure 10). Malcolm claims that JF. Lewis painted his ḥarīm as a religious painting that elevates the status of the ḥ arīm women and makes a statement for the tolerance of Islam as an equal spiritual and civilised

70 faith . John Mackenzie also argues that JF. Lewis was impressed by the manner in which religion

Figure 12. Ḥarīm Life in Constantinople, 1857

entered the fabric of everyday life 71 . This may indi0

cate JF. Lewis’s awareness of the role of Islam in the with the same cloth as the mattress and the

The high seating, or the inner dakka 68 covered

fabric of the domestic life, which he attempted to cushions, can be seen in most of the artist’s

demonstrate through his paintings; perhaps to paintings. The floral golden fabric is also repeated in

introduce manners that could be adopted back most, if not all, of JF. Lewis’s work, especially his

home. Héléne Gill agrees that the wooden lattices, earliest ḥarīm scenes, such as Life in the ḥarīm,

mashrabiyyah , are lovingly portrayed, not only be0 Cairo of 1858 (Figure 13). This fabric is likely to be

cause they presented technical problems of pattern, authentic, as JF. Lewis may have brought it home

texture and light for JF. Lewis, but also because with the other artefacts that he imported from

they represented architectural adornments that

Cairo. The same fabric is repeated in Hareem Life, could be, and were being adopted in the West . So, Constantinople , which Elizabeth Malcolm describes

it is more than admiration of the ḥarīm and the as follows: “the sofa itself is a golden yellow with

screening phenomena, it is rather a genuine atten0 patterns of green leaves, yet this is only seen in a

tion to adopt such a concept.