214 Input: Tree Constr: Penult
Length: F F
\ \ w s w s
¹ u n a ¹g a r a ¹ u n a ¹g a r a
NA Stress
Shift: Output: F F
\ \ s w s w
¹ u n a ¹g a r a ¹úna¹gára
Although Hayes’ analysis produces the correct surface forms, it is suspect in that the rule of Stress Shift applies globally. Normally, rules of stress shift are local, i.e., they have a single
trigger typically another stress which is adjacent to the stress that is being shifted.
115
In this case, however, Stress Shift applies throughout the word as though it were another foot-building
rule, and yet Hayes does not formalize it as a foot-building rule. In contrast, the autosegmental analysis in the preceding section appealed to the Uniform Linking Constraint in order to
override the default direction of linking in the same context where Hayes’ rule of Stress Shift applies. Unlike Stress Shift, the autosegmental analysis is not subject to the charge of globality
because the Uniform Linking Constraint is presumably innate, i.e., it holds in all languages. Consequently, it would not impose any burden on the language learner. Stress Shift, on the
other hand, is a language-particular rule which must be learned.
In summary, Hayes’ 1982b claim that feet have inherent heads forces him to posit a rule of Stress Shift which changes the headedness of all feet in the middle of the derivation just in
case the dominant node of any foot branches. This rule should be rejected because, unlike most stress shift rules, it applies globally. The autosegmental analysis is able to avoid this problem
precisely because it rejects Hayes’ implicit claim that feet have inherent heads.
Next, I review the analysis of Yidin
y
that is proposed in Halle and Vergnaud 1987b.
4.3.2. Halle and Vergnaud’s 1987b Analysis
As mentioned in chapter 2, the possibility of headless metrical feet is built into the theory of Halle and Vergnaud 1987a, 1987b. Even so, Halle and Vergnaud 1987b do not fully
exploit this aspect of their theory in their analysis of Yidin
y
stress. Rather than simply leaving feet headless and, consequently, stressless until after the application of Penultimate
Lengthening, Halle and Vergnaud choose to construct two parallel metrical grids in every word. The feet in one of these grids are left-headed while the feet in the other grid are right-headed.
115
Indeed, it is widely held that all phonological rules must be local. See Howard 1972, Steriade 1987, and Archangeli and Pulleyblank 1987, 1994.
After Penultimate Lengthening has applied, one of these grids is deleted. This is formalized in 215 and illustrated in 216.
116
215 Yidin
y
Stress and Length Halle and Vergnaud 1987b: a. Line 0 parameter settings are [+BND, left to right], and right-headed on
plane P1, left-headed on plane P2. b. Construct constituent boundaries on line 0.
c. Locate the heads of line 0 constituents on line 1. d. Penultimate
Lengthening. e. Delete P2 if on P1 there is a constituent head dominating a long vowel;
otherwise delete P1. f. Delete a line 1 asterisk if it is directly preceded by a stress-bearing
element with a line 1 asterisk. 216 Input: Steps
a–c: Step d:
P1: gudagudaga
guda guda ga guda guda:ga
P2:
Step e: Step
f: Output: P1:
guda guda:ga guda guda:ga
gudágudá:ga As was observed regarding Hayes’ analysis, Halle and Vergnaud’s analysis contains some
theoretical complications even though it derives the correct forms. Specifically, the above analysis builds two parallel metrical structures in every word, and yet each word ends up
utilizing only one of those metrical structures. In other words, the grammar is forced to build twice as many feet as it actually needs. This requirement follows only from the assumption that
feet have to be assigned heads as soon as they are built. Ironically, Halle and Vergnaud do not cite any empirical basis for this assumption. On the contrary, as was mentioned earlier, their
theory admits the possibility of headless feet.
As a further consequence of building two sets of feet, Halle and Vergnaud are forced to include rule 215e, which is ad hoc. To my knowledge, no such rule has been proposed
elsewhere.
116
Halle and Vergnaud discuss three other rules involving vowel length. Since these rules shed no further light on the points being made, I do not discuss them here.
Notice that Halle and Vergnaud could avoid building feet on two separate planes simply by delaying the assignment of heads to feet until after Penultimate Lengthening has applied. This
would be equivalent to what I proposed earlier, for the issue of whether or not feet can have heads is not relevant in this case.
117
Such an analysis would not be possible, however, in a theory such as that of Hayes 1991, where constituency and stress are truly inseparable.
Next, I consider Hammond’s 1990b analysis of Yidin
y
stress.
4.3.3. Hammond’s 1990b Analysis
