Reduplication in Accented Stems

238 PREFIX: õ μ BASE: y u + yuke → yú-yuke it rains often | | \ μ its raining \ õ STEM There are actually three reduplicative morphemes in Mayo, but one of these described in Hagberg 1989c is not relevant to the present discussion. Both of Mayo’s remaining reduplicative morphemes are prefixes, and both are applicable to nearly all verbs and adjectives regardless of stress category. Most exceptions may be attributed to semantic considerations. One of these prefixes is an empty monomoraic syllable and the other is an empty bimoraic syllable. Escalante 1990 demonstrates that these two prefixes have different meanings in the closely related language, Yaqui. In Mayo, however, the semantic distinction between these two reduplicative prefixes has been all but lost. A few older speakers attribute different meanings to the two reduplicative prefixes, but this distinction seems to be lacking for virtually all younger speakers. For the latter, both prefixes carry the general meaning of habitual or repetitive and sometimes distributive or iterative aspect, and many speakers seem to vary freely in their use of the two prefixes. Thus, the semantic distinction between these two prefixes is not relevant to the present study. All that matters here is the phonological form of each prefix and its interaction with the base of reduplication. Consequently, I do not attempt to distinguish the respective meanings of the two prefixes in the glosses that are provided. In what follows I show that the prosodic form of the base, from which the reduplicative prefixes receive their melodic content, is always determined by the stress class of the stem. Specifically, it is argued that the base of an accented stem is limited to the first syllable, but that the base of an unaccented stem has to include more than just the first syllable of the stem. In order to account for these apparently disjoint facts in a uniform manner, it is concluded that the unit corresponding to the base for both types of stems is prosodic, not morphological, and that it consists of the foot. This conclusion is possible, of course, only if the foot in accented words is degenerate. In keeping with the analysis given in the preceding section, the former option is selected; i.e., it is concluded that feet are always degenerate in accented words. In order to argue for these conclusions, I examine the effects of reduplication first with accented stems and then with unaccented stems.

5.1.2.1. Reduplication in Accented Stems

This section examines the alternations that occur with respect to reduplication in accented stems, arguing that the first syllable functions as the base of reduplication in each case. Recall that the reduplication process copied only the first syllable in 234 through 237, and notice that the copied syllable was monomoraic. This means that each of these examples utilizes the monomoraic reduplicative prefix, which copies the onset and first mora of the first syllable regardless of whether the stem is accented or unaccented. Recall that there are two reduplicative prefixes in Mayo; one is monomoraic and the other, which has not yet been illustrated, is bimoraic. Now consider what happens when the first syllable of an accented stem is bimoraic. Each of the stems in 239 through 243 is accented, and each happens to begin with a closed syllable. The free variation in each of the habitual forms is due to the fact that there are actually two different target prefixes. The monomoraic prefix copies only the first onset-vowel sequence of the stem, while the bimoraic prefix copies the entire first syllable, including the coda. Initial Syllable is Bimoraic: Stem: Prefix = õμ ~ Prefix = õμμ Gloss: 239 nókwa nó-nokwa ~ nók-nokwa known language 240 tíwnake tí-tiwnake ~ tíw-tiwnake will be ashamed 241 wómte wó-womte ~ wóm-womte be frightened 242 búyte bú-buyte ~ búy-buyte run SG 243 wáttiawa wá-wattiawa ~ wát-wattiawa put collective For each of the stems in 239 through 243, the size of the prefix is less than or equal to the size of the initial syllable of the stem. Since the larger of the two reduplicative prefixes is able to copy the initial syllable in its entirety, it must be the case that the reduplicative base consists of at least the entire first syllable of the stem. But can the reduplicative base be larger than a syllable? In order to answer this question, consider the forms that result when the prefix is larger than the first syllable of the stem. This situation is exemplified in 244 through 248, where each of the stems is again accented, but in this case each stem begins with a monomoraic syllable. If it should be the case that the reduplicative base is limited to of the first syllable of the stem, then it would follow that the base in each of these examples is monomoraic. For each stem, consequently, the monomoraic prefix would be expected to achieve a one-to-one mapping with the base, but the bimoraic prefix would still have one mora waiting to be filled after it has exhausted the base. Initial Syllable is Monomoraic: Stem: Prefix = õμ ~ Prefix = õμμ Unattested: Gloss: 244 nóka nó-noka ~ nón-noka nók-noka know language 245 tíwe tí-tiwe ~ tít-tiwe tíw-tiwe be ashamed 246 chíke chí-chike ~ chít-chike chík-chike comb 247 híma hí-hima ~ híh-hima hím-hima throw 248 yúke yú-yuke ~ yúy-yuke yúk-yuke rain Notice, from the “Unattested” forms, that the bimoraic prefix fails to copy anything beyond the first syllable of the stem. Rather, I conclude that the bimoraic prefix’s “stranded” mora obtains its melody from the initial segment of the stem via Leftward Spread 249. 249 Leftward Spread: Spread the root node leftward to an unassociated mora. 127 250 μ → μ \ R R The application of Leftward Spread to 244 is illustrated in 251. 251 PREFIX: õ |\ | μ μ STEM: | | \ BASE: n o n o k a nón-noka This rule follows from the assumption that the mora is part of the reduplicative target, which is a template. All elements of a template must be satisfied in order to exist in the representation, and Leftward Spread is one of the mechanisms available to grammars by which template satisfaction may be achieved. The other two possibilities are rightward spread and epenthesis. The former is instantiated in section 5.2.1; Mayo’s use of the latter is discussed in Hagberg 1990. To summarize thus far, the rule of Leftward Spread means that a root node spreads leftward to a mora that is not already associated to a root node. The environment for Leftward Spread is created whenever the reduplicative target is larger than the reduplicative base, which has been argued to consist of the first syllable of the stem in the case of accented words. Another means of creating this same environment is discussed in section 5.2. A comparison of the unattested forms in 244 through 248 with their attested counterparts in 239 through 243 repeated as 252 through 256 makes it clear that the base of each of these stems consists of only the first syllable. If the base were assumed to consist of more than the first syllable, then there would be no way to explain, for example, why nók-nok-wa is attested but nók-nok-a is unattested. The difference cannot be attributed to morphology, for the root nók is the same in each case. 127 There are constraints which prohibit certain segments from being moraic see Hagberg 1990, but these constraints are independent of Leftward Spread and so are not stated in the rule. Whenever Leftward Spread is thus blocked, the direction of spread is rightward, i.e., the vowel lengthens. This is described and illustrated in section 5.2. Stem: Prefix = õμ ~ Prefix = õμμ Unattested: Gloss: 252 nókwa nó-nokwa ~ nók-nokwa nón-nokwa known language 253 tíwnake tí-tiwnake ~ tíw-tiwnake tít-tiwnake will be ashamed 254 wómte wó-womte ~ wóm-womte wów-womte be frightened 255 búyte bú-buyte ~ búy-buyte búb-buyte run SG 256 wáttiawa wá-wattiawa ~ wát-wattiawa wáw-wattiawa put collect. Furthermore, spreading is unattested in 252 through 256. This is precisely because the base i.e., the first syllable of each of these stems is bimoraic, so the bimoraic prefix will be exhausted when it is applied to the base. This is illustrated in 257. 257 Prefix Prefix: õμ õμμ Base = õμμ nókwa → nó-nokwa ~ nók-nokwa → Spreading cannot apply. Thus far, I have demonstrated that the reduplicative base for stems with lexical accent is the first syllable. Spreading applies whenever the prefix cannot obtain all of its melody from the base, as in 258. Spreading cannot apply, however, whenever the base is as large as the prefix, as in 257. 258 Prefix: Prefix: õμ õμμ Base = õμ nóka → nó-noka ~ nó -noka → Spreading can apply. Next, I examine reduplication in unaccented stems. It is demonstrated that, unlike accented stems, the base of reduplication in unaccented stems consists of more than the first syllable of the stem.

5.1.2.2. Reduplication in Unaccented Stems