has a limited stress window. Hayes’ 1991 analysis utilizes an unprecedented rule in which extrametricality applies only in case of a stress clash.
In contrast to each of these approaches, the autosegmental analysis of Turkish utilizes a simple set of rules which capture the observation that exceptional stress assignment makes use
of a moraic foot while regular stress assignment does not. This analysis is superior to one which utilizes an iambic foot to account for place names and loan words, for only a moraic foot is
able to account for the stress pattern of the former as well as the stress pattern of adverbials derived with -en; an iambic foot cannot be used for the latter. Moreover, the stress pattern of
Turkish place names and loan words has been shown to instantiate the existence of the right- stressed moraic foot, which is predicted by the autosegmental theory of stress but not by Hayes’
theory.
3.1.2.3. Summary of Moraic Stress Systems
The foregoing discussion utilized data from Cairene Arabic and Turkish to instantiate the two logically possible surface combinations of a stress autosegment with a moraic foot. It was
shown that Cairene Arabic has left-stressed moraic feet in surface representation, and the evidence from secondary stress supports the claim that this language does not allow degenerate
feet. Certain Turkish words i.e., place names and loan words were shown to contain right- stressed moraic feet, and the remaining facts of Turkish stress support the claim that stress is
autosegmental. It was argued that each of the alternative proposals for Turkish stress has theoretical complications associated with it, whereas the autosegmental analysis employs only
independently required principles and devices.
Next, I examine the implications of asymmetric stress systems for the autosegmental theory of stress.
3.1.3. Asymmetric Stress Systems
Section 2.3.3.2 claimed that the independence of the directionality parameter and foot type is overruled by the Weight-to-Stress Principle in the case of asymmetric feet. Specifically,
canonical i.e., asymmetric iambic stressed feet behave as though they had inherent heads because of the tendency for stress to be attracted to heavy syllables. Thus, my proposal makes
no new empirical predictions about the properties of asymmetric stress systems, other than the claim that heads are not needed and that stress does not have to be assigned at the time of foot
construction. But whenever stress autosegments are assigned, they have to link to the heavier member if the grammar has defined the foot as asymmetric.
In order to complete the instantiation of the typology of binary stressed feet, this section illustrates how the autosegmental theory of stress may be used to derive the iambic stress
pattern of Hixkaryana that was discussed in chapter 1. Sample data are repeated in 174.
96
96
Notice that all stresses are written as primary. In fact, both Derbyshire 1985 and Hayes 1991 state that all of a words stresses except one are secondary, and that primary stress is determined not by metrical structure but by intonation.
174 Hixkaryana Derbyshire 1985; Hayes 1991: khaná:nîhno
I taught you mðhá:nanîhno
you taught him ówtohó:na
to the village tóhkur
y
é:hona to Tohkurye
tóhkur
y
é:honá:ha™á:ka finally to Tohkurye
As chapter 1 pointed out, Hayes 1991 derives this stress pattern by constructing iambic feet iteratively from left to right. He attributes the absence of final stress to a rule which marks the
final syllable extrametrical. The only difference between Hayes’ account and the one proposed here is that the autosegmental theory of stress requires that the building of feet and the
assignment of stress be stated as separate rules, whereas Hayes needs only one rule because his feet have inherent heads. My proposed rules are formalized in 175.
175 Hixkaryana Stress
Assignment: a. Make the final syllable extrametrical.
b. Construct iambic feet iteratively from left to right. c. Insert into each foot and link.
Before presenting sample derivations, two points need to be clarified regarding the rules in 175. First, I follow Hayes in assuming that the lengthening of stressed vowels in open
syllables follows automatically from the fact that the grammar calls for iambic feet. Second, the direction of linking does not need to be stated in 175c because the Weight-to-Stress Principle
forces the stress autosegment to link to the heavier member of the foot.
With these two points in mind, the application of 175 to the underlying form khananhno produces the following derivation in 176.
176 Input: Extrametricality: Build Feet:
õ õ õ õ õ õ õ
õ õ õ õ õ
| | |\ | | | |\ |
| |\ |\ | μ μ μ μ μ
μ μ μ μ μ μ μ μ μ μ μ
| | | | | | | | | |
| | | | | kha na nð h no
kha na nð h no kha na nð h no
Insert Link : Output: | |
õ õ õ õ | |\ |\ |
μ μ μ μ μ μ | | | | |
kha na nð h no khaná:nîhno
The foregoing analysis crucially assumes that a lone light syllable cannot form a degenerate foot. If it could, then one would expect to find forms such as tóhkur
y
é:hó:na instead of the
observed tóhkur
y
é:hona. The derivation of this word is illustrated in 177.
177 Input: Extrametricality: Build Feet:
õ õ õ õ õ õ õ õ õ
õ õ õ õ õ õ |\ | | | |
|\ | | | | |\ | |\ | |
μ μ μ μ μ μ μ μ μ μ μ μ
μ μ μ μ μ μ μ | | | | | |
| | | | | | | | | | | |
to h ku r
y
e ho na to h ku r
y
e ho na to h ku r
y
e ho na Insert Link : Output:
| | õ õ õ õ õ
|\ | |\ | | μ μ μ μ μ μ μ
| | | | | | to h ku r
y
e ho na tóhkuryé:hona
To summarize, the grammar of Hixkaryana constructs iambic feet iteratively from left to right and inserts into each foot. The fact that feet are right-stressed is attributed to the
Weight-to-Stress Principle. Since feet are iambic, the heavier syllable is on the right, and this is the syllable that has to be stressed.
This concludes the instantiation of the predicted typology of binary stressed feet. Next, I instantiate the various ways in which a grammar may apply the Weight-to-Stress Principle
using the word rather than the foot as the domain in which stress is inserted and linked.
3.2. Deriving “Unbounded Feet” via the Weight-to-Stress Principle
Prince’s Weight-to-Stress Principle was invoked in the preceding section in order to reconcile the claim that feet are inherently headless with the observed asymmetric distribution
of stress in languages with asymmetric feet. This section uses this same principle to account for stress systems in which stress is assigned to heavy syllables without regard for how close they
