ETIKA ADMINISTRASI PUBLIK NICHOLAS HENDR

ETIKA ADMINISTRASI PUBLIK ( NICHOLAS HENDRY )
Towards ethical bureaucracy
Public administrations have comparisons with other professions to slow in recognizing
unethical practices themselves. No reason was less to do with willpower among public
administrators to permit you and forgive unethical practices in their feld and more
common assumption held by the public (including public administrators) about what the
proper role of public administration and government. before leaving the dichotomy of
political / administrative and principles of administration (recall Chapter 2) that public
administrators needed morality is nothing more than a hotel clerk took aut his daily
tasks. after all what's the point of morality to the people who did nothing more than
carry out the will of the state in accordance with certain scientifc principles? provided
that public administrators achieve their assigned tasks efciently and economically,
they are, by defnition, in the sense that they are morally responsible. (in fact, the
original manager of the city code and the federal government puts stress on efciency
as anation famous-ethical concepts ethicists might fnd a lot of confusion) morality after
all, requires ethical choices, and the literature was wont to stress, not only ethical
choice become functionaries. As the scholars have observed, the experience of France
and Germany, especially in the mind, public bureaucrats "must be obedient and even
responded subserviently any political leader has come to power."
Menuju etika birokrasi
Administrasi publik, dibandingkan dengan profesi lain, lambat untuk mengenal

praktek-praktek etikanya. Ada beberapa alasan kelambatan tersebut, kurangnya tekad
di kalangan administrator publik untuk mengijinkan dan memaafkan praktek tidak etis
dalam bidang mereka, dan lebih dengan asumsi umum yang diselenggarakan oleh
masyarakat (termasuk administrator publik) tentang apa peran yang tepat dari
administrasi publik dan pemerintahan itu. sebelum meninggalkan dikotomi politik /
administrasi dan prinsip-prinsip administrasi (recall Bab 2) yang administrator publik
diperlukan moralitas tidak lebih dari petugas hotel membawa aut tugas sehari-hari nya.
setelah semua apa gunanya moralitas kepada orang yang melakukan tidak lebih dari
menjalankan kehendak negara sesuai dengan prinsip-prinsip ilmiah tertentu? asalkan
administrator publik dicapai tugas mereka diberikan secara efsien dan ekonomis,
mereka, menurut defnisi, moral dalam arti bahwa mereka bertanggung jawab. (pada
kenyataannya, kota manajer asli Dan pemerintah federal kode etik menempatkan stres
terkenal pada efsiensi sebagai anation konsep-etika yang ahli etika banyak mungkin
menemukan kebingungan) moralitas setelah semua, membutuhkan pilihan etis, dan
sebagai literatur itu wont terhadap stres, pilihan etis hanya tidak menjadi fungsionaris.
Seperti pada sarjana telah diamati, dengan pengalaman Perancis dan Jerman terutama
dalam pikiran, birokrat publik "harus patuh dan bahkan subserviently menanggapi
apapun pemimpin politik telah mendapatkan kekuasaan."
The Rise of Public Sector Ethics
This perspective began to change in the United States in the early twentieth

century, and it was the frst change was at the grassroots level, when what is now the
city / county management association international public sector adopted the frst code
of ethics in 1924, reflecting the anti-corruption code and values antipolitics city of the
reform movement of the period, and not really a statement ot professional ethics in the
tradition set by the feld of education, engineering, law and medicine, among ather
profession. But that breakthrough testmony importance of ethics in government
anyway.
Congress imposed a code of ethics ot the federal administrator in 1958, and
twenty years later expanded the code and the federal government established the
ofce of government ethics as part of the ethics in government ethis released the frst
set of comprehensive federal government ethical standards, consolidate, in the
process, a pile of code that has been announced by the federal agencles for years.
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Consuming about forty pages in the federal register, the standard include gifts,
conflicts of interst fnance, impartiality, malfeasance, looking for a joob outside, and
outdoor activities. more than 300 federal employees in the executive branch are
assigned full-time or "ethical duty" and another 14,000 "dabbled" in ethics
code frst state established in 197 and is now at least forty-seven states have
some form of code of conduct for government employees Witten them. Most of these

codes in pedestrian language, mention of conflicts of interest and prohibited practices
rather than promoting integrity and ideals of democracy at large. thirty-six states have
established agencies or commissions to oversee ethics issues. Some local governments
have also adopted a code of ethics and commissions.
it was only in 1984 that the association's head of public administrators at all
levels of government, the American public for public administration, saw ft to write and
adopt a code of conduct ot for professionals in the public sector, a decade later,
reorganized, rewritten, and reduced, but still covers the basic point: serving the public
interst, respect the constitution and the law, demonstrate personal integrity, promoting
ethical organization, and strive for professional excellence. the code of conduct has
been described as "much more than legalistic ban list. It was a day, although some of
the code of conduct of the public sector many fall short to achieve the sophistication of
a broad, codes of conduct, ethics boards and ethics training are now a fact of life in
government. nationwide association school of public afairs and administration require
ethics education if universities want accrdit public administration program and all
introductory textbooks include discussion ot public administration ethics. every majoor
professional associations public administrators actively ofering workshops and other
formats so that public managers can improve their sense ot ethical conduct.
Munculnya etika sektor publik
perspektif ini mulai berubah di Amerika Serikat pada awal abad kedua puluh,

dan itu adalah perubahan pertama terasa di tingkat akar rumput, ketika apa yang
sekarang kota / kabupaten internasional manajemen asosiasi mengadopsi kode
pertama sektor publik etika dalam 1924, kode mencerminkan antikorupsi dan nilai-nilai
antipolitics dari gerakan reformasi kota periode, dan tidak benar-benar pernyataan ot
etika profesional dalam tradisi yang ditetapkan oleh bidang pendidikan, teknik, hukum
dan kedokteran, di antara profesi ather. Tapi itu terobosan testmony pentingnya etika
pemerintahan tetap.
Kongres memberlakukan kode ot etik pada administrator federal di tahun 1958,
dan dua puluh tahun kemudian diperluas kode dan mendirikan kantor pemerintah
federal etik pemerintah sebagai bagian dari etika dalam ethis pemerintah yang dirilis
set pertama yang komprehensif pemerintah federal standar etika, mengkonsolidasikan
, dalam proses, suatu tumpukan kode etik yang telah diumumkan oleh agencles federal
selama bertahun-tahun. Mengkonsumsi sekitar empat puluh halaman dalam daftar
federal, standar meliputi hadiah, konfik interst keuangan, ketidakberpihakan,
penyalahgunaan jabatan, mencari pekerjaan luar, dan kegiatan luar. lebih dari 300
karyawan federal di cabang eksekutif ditugaskan penuh-waktu atau "tugas etika" dan
lain 14.000 "mencoba-coba" dalam etika
kode etik negara bagian pertama didirikan pada tahun 1967 dan sekarang
setidaknya empat puluh tujuh negara memiliki beberapa bentuk kode etik Witten bagi
karyawan pemerintah mereka. Sebagian besar dari kode-kode ini pejalan kaki dalam

bahasa, menyebutkan konfik kepentingan dan praktek dilarang daripada
mempromosikan integritas dan cita-cita demokrasi secara luas. tiga puluh enam negara
telah membentuk lembaga atau komisi untuk mengawasi isu-isu etika. Sejumlah
pemerintah daerah juga telah mengadopsi kode etik dan komisi.
itu hanya pada tahun 1984 bahwa hubungan kepala administrator publik di
semua tingkat pemerintahan, masyarakat Amerika untuk administrasi publik, melihat
cocok untuk menulis dan mengadopsi kode etik ot bagi para profesional di sektor
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publik, Satu dekade kemudian, direorganisasi, ditulis ulang, dan berkurang, namun
masih mencakup titik dasar: melayani interst publik, menghormati konstitusi dan
hukum, menunjukkan integritas pribadi, mempromosikan organisasi etika, dan
berusaha untuk keunggulan profesional. kode etik masyarakat telah digambarkan
sebagai "jauh lebih banyak daripada daftar larangan legalistik. Itu adalah hari,
meskipun beberapa kode etik sektor publik banyak jatuh pendek untuk mencapai
kecanggihan yang luas, kode etik, papan etika dan pelatihan etika sekarang fakta
kehidupan dalam pemerintahan. asosiasi nasional sekolah urusan publik dan
administrasi memerlukan pendidikan etika jika universitas ingin accrdit administrasi
publik program dan semua buku teks pengantar administrasi publik meliputi diskusi ot
etika. semua asosiasi profesional utama administrator publik secara aktif menawarkan

lokakarya dan format lain sehingga manajer publik dapat memperbaiki kepekaan
perilaku etis mereka.
Ethical practice of public administration
Writing code is one thing. Ethical practice is quite another, and likely more challenging.
Berlatih administrasi publik etis
Menulis kode etik adalah satu hal. Berlatih etika adalah hal lain, dan mungkin lebih
menantang.

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Public administration and the importance of ethics
A survey of 1,000 graduates of the program on public administration in the united
states found that "maintaining ethical standards" was ranked as the most important
skill for success of a possible thirteen. No orther skills even comes close, and this was
the case regardless of where the graduates work-federal, state, or local governments,
the private sector, or non-proft sector
without question, the government public administrators take ethics seriously.
The national survey of public administrators at all levels of government in the United
States found that more than two-thirds believe that the interest in ethical issues among
public administrators seem "steadly growing from time to time" 70 percebt disagree

that ethics is a "means for cultural organizations Machiavelli's philosophy encourages
power, survival, and wisdom "about two-thirds thought that ethical concerns can be
emprowering in the organization" (only 7 percent disagree) and rejoected the position
that the "expression of concern raises ethical cynicism, self-joustifcation. paranoia, and /
or laughter "and more than 90 percent of take issue with the statement that" there is
no real need for a code of ethics in the organization of work. Tanggapa This appears to
support the proposition that the code of conduct and ethical behavior in the profession
they needed, well, and thriving. public administrators are more critical to business
ethics rather than the government (85 percent of the nation's morality kick tha
government in America is lower than the morality business) and one review ethics
survey concluded that public employees seem to have a higher sense of ethical
behavior than did employees in the private sector
sector more surprising, perhaps is that the public seems admininstrators refrain higher
standard of ethics than even people who pay their salaries. for example, more than 90
percent of the public administrators believe that corruption is involved in overcharging
the Pentagon by a private contractor in 1988 was a scandal joust waiting to happen
campered to 82 percent of the general public more than three-quarters of the public
administration that administration of ronald reagent " do a good joob in enforcing ethical
standards "compared to only 43 percent of residents who refuse this statement.
in the sun, visible public administrators believe that ethics in government is

incredibly important. Compared with businesses, government agencies seem to be
more ethical, and public administrators are more important than ethical lapses in the
administration of the taxpayers themselves. perspective among public administrators
are encouraging sign ethics.
Administrasi publik dan pentingnya etika
Sebuah survei dari 1.000 lulusan program administrasi atas publik di negara-negara
bersatu menemukan bahwa "standar etika mempertahankan" menduduki peringkat
sebagai keterampilan yang paling penting untuk mencapai keberhasilan dari
kemungkinan tiga belas. Tidak ada keterampilan orther bahkan datang dekat, dan ini
adalah kasus terlepas dari di mana lulusan yang bekerja-federal, negara bagian, atau
pemerintah daerah, sektor swasta, atau sektor nirlaba
tanpa pertanyaan, administrator publik mengambil etika pemerintah serius.
Survei nasional administrator publik di semua tingkat pemerintahan di Amerika Serikat
menemukan bahwa lebih dari dua pertiga percaya bahwa minat pada isu-isu etika di
kalangan administrator publik tampaknya "steadly berkembang dari waktu ke waktu"
tidak setuju 60 percebt bahwa etika adalah "berarti karena organisasi budaya
mendorong flsafat Machiavelli kekuasaan, kelangsungan hidup, dan kebijaksanaan
"sekitar dua pertiga berpikir bahwa etika kepedulian dapat menjadi emprowering dalam
organisasi" (hanya 6 persen tidak setuju) dan menolak posisi bahwa "ekspresi dari
keprihatinan etis menimbulkan sinisme, pembenaran diri . paranoia, dan / atau tawa

"dan lebih dari 90 persen mengambil masalah dengan pernyataan bahwa" tidak ada
kebutuhan nyata untuk kode etik dalam organisasi kerja. Tanggapa ini muncul untuk
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mendukung dalil bahwa kode etik dan perilaku etis dalam profesi mereka diperlukan,
baik, dan berkembang.
administrator publik yang lebih kritis terhadap etika bisnis
daripada pemerintah (85 persen sepakan moralitas bangsa pemerintah tha di Amerika
lebih rendah dari moralitas bisnis) dan satu review survei etika menyimpulkan bahwa
pegawai publik tampaknya memiliki rasa lebih tinggi dari perilaku etis dari melakukan
pegawai di sektor swasta mengejutkan sektor lebih, mungkin adalah bahwa
admininstrators publik tampaknya menahan diri untuk standar yang lebih tinggi
daripada etika bahkan masyarakat yang membayar gaji mereka. misalnya, lebih dari 90
persen dari administrator publik percaya bahwa korupsi yang terlibat dalam pengisian
yang berlebihan pentagon oleh kontraktor swasta pada tahun 1988 adalah skandal
hanya menunggu untuk terjadi campered menjadi 82 persen dari masyarakat umum
lebih dari tiga perempat dari administrasi publik bahwa pemberian ronald reagen
"melakukan pekerjaan yang baik dalam menegakkan standar etika" dibandingkan
hanya 43 persen dari warga yang menolak pernyataan ini.
Singkatnya, administrator publik terlihat percaya bahwa etika di pemerintah

adalah luar biasa penting. Dibandingkan dengan bisnis, pemerintah tampaknya menjadi
lembaga yang lebih etis, dan administrator publik yang lebih penting
dari
penyimpangan etika dalam pemerintahan dari pada para pembayar pajak itu sendiri.
perspektif di kalangan administrator publik yang mendorong pertanda etika.
Public Administrator and the perception of ethical behavior
In light of these fndings, it may be no surprise that public administrators are
less than tolerant of perceived ethical violations. nearly half of the public administrator
reported that "supervisors are under pressure to compromise personal standards" and
almost all public administrators agreed that they "encouner ethical dilemmas in the
workplace" that one lower down through the strata of civil society organizations, and
the younger and liberal politics of public administrators, the stronger the belief
becomes. A federal survey work found that, during the preceding twelve months 13 per
cent stated that they had personally witnessed or obtained direct evidence of serious
violations of the laws or regulations in their institutions, and 12 percent said so about
the unauthorized use of position to gain private. One-ffth of federal employees in
another poll said that their institution promoting high standars of integrity, conduct,
and concern for the public interest among agency employees is a "big deal" A survey of
local employees in Florida found that nearly a third had "observed one or more acts of
unethical behavior "in their government during the previous twelve months

Perceptions of ethical behavior is, to some extent, entangled in the ongoing
tension between career and non-career executive public, described in Chapter Fifty-fve
percent of the career civil servant in one national survey doubted that "ethical
standards of elected ofcials as high andappointed owned by sevants civilian career
"(only four accepted notion that ethical standars of both gorups comparable) and
almost nine out of ten public administrator was ofended at the idea that senior
management has a strong set of ethical standards than I do" senior managers,
however, seems to be quiet in the belief that they not only have high ethical standars,
but according to one survey of city and county employees, it appears that the higher
the government's progress up the ladder, less one is likely to see the ethical lapses in
their government.
Public administrator perceptions of ethical behavior may also reflect their
depression deepens over public corruption. in 19
a poll of federal administrators
found that more than 70 per cent of respondents disagreed with the view that the
current government practice sufer "moral numbness" after a decade of strife and only
28 percent of public administrators in 1990 do not agree with the statement that
"sufer the moral numbness" after a decade of scandal "although the survey is slightly
diferent professional opinions seems clear trend of public administrator nation grew
increasingly concerned about the ethics of nation
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status of any non-career or senior or jounior career, public administratators
experienced or inexperienced increasingly willing to act on their perception of unethical
behavior. fully half of federal employees who observe illegal or wasteful in their bodies
report to the appropriate authorities. This is "a fairly dramatic increase" from only ten
years earlier, when only three out of ten federal workers reported illegality or
wastefulness. Public administrators are not only talking the ethical talk, but walking it,
too
Publik Administrator dan persepsi perilaku etis
Dalam terang temuan ini, mungkin tidak mengherankan bahwa administrator
publik kurang dari toleran terhadap pelanggaran etika dirasakan. hampir setengah dari
administrator publik melaporkan bahwa "pengawas berada di bawah tekanan untuk
berkompromi standar pribadi" dan hampir semua administrator publik setuju bahwa
mereka "encouner dilema etika di tempat kerja" yang lebih rendah yang satu turun
melalui strata dari organisasi masyarakat, dan semakin muda dan politik liberal
adminstrator publik, semakin kuat keyakinan menjadi. Sebuah survei karya federal
yang menemukan bahwa, selama mendahului dua belas bulan 13 persen menyatakan
bahwa mereka telah secara pribadi menyaksikan atau diperoleh bukti langsung dari
pelanggaran serius terhadap hukum atau peraturan di lembaga mereka, dan 12 persen
mengatakan begitu mengenai penggunaan yang tidak resmi posisi untuk keuntungan
pribadi. Seperlima dari karyawan federal dalam jajak pendapat lain mengatakan bahwa
lembaga mereka promosi standars tinggi integritas, perilaku, dan kepedulian untuk
kepentingan umum di kalangan pegawai badan adalah "masalah besar" Sebuah Survei
karyawan lokal di Florida menemukan bahwa hampir sepertiga memiliki "diamati secara
satu atau lebih tindakan perilaku yang tidak etis "dalam pemerintahan mereka selama
dua belas bulan sebelumnya
Persepsi perilaku etis adalah, pada tingkat tertentu, terjerat dalam ketegangan
yang sedang berlangsung antara karir dan eksekutif karir non publik, dijelaskan dalam
bab Lima puluh lima persen dari pegawai karir sipil di salah satu survei nasional
meragukan bahwa "standar etika dari pejabat terpilih andappointed setinggi yang
dimiliki oleh sevants karir sipil "(hanya keempat menerima anggapan bahwa standars
etis dari kedua gorups sebanding) dan hampir sembilan dari sepuluh administrator
publik merasa tersinggung pada gagasan bahwa manajemen senior memiliki
seperangkat kuat etis standar daripada yang saya lakukan "manajer senior,
bagaimanapun, tampaknya tenang dalam keyakinan mereka bahwa mereka tidak
hanya memiliki standars etika yang tinggi, tetapi menurut salah satu survei karyawan
kota dan kabupaten, tampak bahwa semakin tinggi kemajuan menaiki tangga
pemerintah, kurang satu kemungkinan adalah untuk melihat penyimpangan etika
dalam pemerintahan mereka.
Publik administrator persepsi perilaku etis juga mungkin mencerminkan depresi
mereka memperdalam atas korupsi publik. pada tahun 1977 sebuah jajak pendapat
dari administrator federal mendapati bahwa lebih dari 60 persen responden tidak setuju
dengan pandangan bahwa praktek pemerintah saat ini menderita "mati rasa moral"
setelah satu dekade perselisihan dan hanya 28 persen dari administrator publik pada
tahun 1990 tidak setuju dengan pernyataan bahwa "masyarakat menderita mati rasa
moral "setelah satu dekade skandal" meskipun survei sedikit berbeda kecenderungan
pendapat profesional tampak jelas administrator publik bangsa tumbuh semakin
khawatir tentang etika bangsa
apapun status-karir atau karir non senior atau junior, administratators publik
berpengalaman atau tidak berpengalaman semakin bersedia untuk bertindak atas
persepsi mereka tentang perilaku yang tidak etis. sepenuhnya setengah dari karyawan
federal yang mengamati tindakan ilegal atau boros dalam badan mereka
melaporkannya kepada pihak yang berwenang. ini adalah "peningkatan yang cukup
dramatis" dari hanya sepuluh tahun sebelumnya, ketika hanya tiga dari sepuluh pekerja
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federal melaporkan ilegalitas atau watefulness administrator publik tidak hanya
berbicara pembicaraan etika, tetapi berjalan itu, terlalu.
Do Ethics Matter? Ethics and Efective Organization
doing it ethical? is an organization, whether private or public, the more
efective because they ethical?
Data from the private sector appears to support the idea that good ethics is good
business. in a careful study of twenty retail stores in the United States, the researchers
found that when non-supervisory employees "reported the lack of organizational
climate is called soft areas (ethical behavior, ie, trust, honesty, integrity and fairness),
the comany can look forward to bear the cost of the bottom line was signifcantly higher
in the areas of disease and the cost of accident compensation employeee striking
clears out the data in joustice psychology experiment that makes a diference.
Data from the public sector supporting the conclusion that the practice of
ethical behavior to make the organization more efective. a large study of city
managers and chief administrative ofcers in all 544 U.S. cities with populations of
50,000 or more, found that 'responsible risk taking "by senior managers was positively
correlated with both a high sense of ethics and cities better managed. It is risk takers
town (which is about a third of the sample) who are responsible have little legal claims,
a better bond ratings, and more likely to impplement state of the art productivity
improvements than cities that are managed by the "at-risk entrepreneurs" at-risk
employers (1 percent of the sample) rank low on the scale of research ethics than risk
takers responsible for their "innovation chaser but ignoring accountability and
responsiveness to employers are also risks associated with low level of education and
professionalism rather than risk takers responsible.
ethics, briefly, is a better business and good governance.
Lakukan hal etika? etika dan organisasi yang efektif
lakukan hal etika? adalah organisasi, baik swasta atau publik, lebih efektif
karena
mereka
etis?
Data dari sektor swasta muncul untuk mendukung gagasan bahwa etika yang baik
adalah bisnis yang baik. dalam studi yang cermat dari dua puluh toko ritel di Amerika
Serikat, para peneliti menemukan bahwa ketika karyawan pengawasan non
"melaporkan iklim organisasi kekurangan ini disebut daerah lunak (perilaku etis, yaitu,
kepercayaan, kejujuran, integritas dan keadilan), yang comany dapat berharap untuk
menanggung biaya bottom line secara signifkan lebih tinggi di bidang penyakit
employeee dan biaya kecelakaan kompensasi data mencolok membersihkan keluar
dalam keadilan eksperimen psikologi yang membuat perbedaan.
Data dari sektor publik menopang kesimpulan bahwa berlatih perilaku etis
membuat organisasi lebih efektif. sebuah studi besar dari manajer kota dan petugas
administrasi kepala di semua 544 kota Amerika dengan populasi 50.000 atau lebih,
ditemukan bahwa 'risiko yang bertanggung jawab mengambil "oleh manajer senior
berkorelasi positif dengan kedua rasa tinggi etika dan kota-kota dikelola lebih baik. Itu
adalah risiko pengambil kota (yang merupakan sekitar sepertiga dari sampel) yang
bertanggung jawab memiliki sedikit tuntutan hukum, peringkat obligasi yang lebih baik,
dan lebih mungkin untuk negara impplement dari perbaikan produktivitas seni daripada
kota-kota yang dikelola oleh "di wiraswasta berisiko" di pengusaha berisiko (17 persen
dari sampel) peringkat rendah pada skala etika peneliti daripada pengambil risiko
bertanggung jawab mereka "inovasi pengejar tetapi mengabaikan akuntabilitas dan
responsivitas pada pengusaha risiko juga terkait dengan rendahnya tingkat pendidikan
dan profesionalisme daripada pengambil risiko bertanggung jawab.
etika, secara singkat, adalah bisnis yang lebih baik dan pemerintahan yang baik.
Deeper Flow: Bureaucracy and the Public Interest
7

While it is comforting to know that ethics and public administrators take their practice
seriously, and that the government conduct can equate to more efective government,
we have not dealt with some of the more ethical currents that are unique to the
government. They certainly flow around the question of public interest. What is the
public interest, and how should public administrators make decisions that are in the
public interest? "A little of the public administration literature reflects the nature of the
public interest."
Other branches of democratic government have addressed these questions are far
more efective than having the executive branch. In the legislature, the operational
concept for determining the public interest is a majoority as a basic prerequisite of
democracy. In joustice, the concept of stare decisis is, or joudicial precedent, whereby
evolutionary development of legal principles is considered as the basic method for
obtaining joustice system that reflects the public interest in both of these examples,
there are, of course, drawbacks. The myth of majoority rule and stare decisis may be, in
the words of one critic, "serves several functions to meet the needs of the community
and psycho emotional to protect and defend both legislators and joudges." Nevertheless,
the point stands that these concepts do not pretend to be value-neutral, and they go a
long way toward defning the abstract notion of the public interest in the things you can
do that meets the needs of the legislative and joudicial branches.
Not so in the executive branch, where there is little operational guidance to public
administrators who want to make decisions-often far-decisions in the public interest.
This is not to say, however, that public administration scholars have tried to develop
such guidelines.
One of the mayor's efort represented by the large literature on administrative
accountability, and the other is the idea of humanism organization. We review here the
efort.
Deeper Arus: Birokrasi dan Kepentingan Umum
Sementara itu adalah menghibur untuk mengetahui bahwa administrator publik
mengambil etika dan praktek mereka secara serius, dan bahwa pemerintah etik dapat
menyamakan dengan pemerintah yang lebih efektif, kita belum menangani beberapa
arus yang lebih etis yang unik untuk pemerintah. Mereka tentu saja arus sekitar
pertanyaan dari kepentingan publik. Apa kepentingan umum, dan bagaimana
seharusnya administrator publik membuat keputusan yang berada di kepentingan
publik? "Sedikit dari literatur administrasi publik mencerminkan sifat kepentingan
umum."
Cabang-cabang lain dari pemerintahan yang demokratis telah membahas pertanyaanpertanyaan ini jauh lebih efektif daripada memiliki cabang eksekutif. Dalam legislatif,
konsep operasional untuk menentukan kepentingan umum adalah suara mayoritas
sebagai prasyarat dasar demokrasi. Dalam peradilan, konsep adalah tatapan decisis,
atau preseden yudisial, dimana perkembangan evolusi dari prinsip-prinsip hukum
dianggap sebagai metode dasar untuk memperoleh sistem keadilan yang
mencerminkan kepentingan umum Dalam kedua contoh ini, ada, tentu saja ,
kelemahan. Mitos kekuasaan mayoritas dan decisis tatapan mungkin, dalam kata-kata
dari salah satu kritik, "melayani fungsi-ke beberapa memenuhi kebutuhan emosional
psiko masyarakat dan untuk melindungi dan membela kedua legislator dan hakim."
Namun demikian, titik berdiri bahwa konsep-konsep jangan berpura-pura menjadi nilainetral, dan mereka pergi jauh ke arah mendefnisikan gagasan abstrak dari
kepentingan publik dalam hal yang dapat dikerjakan yang memenuhi kebutuhan
legislatif dan yudikatif.
Tidak begitu di eksekutif, di mana ada sedikit panduan operasional untuk administrator
publik yang ingin membuat keputusan-sering jauh-keputusan yang berada di
kepentingan umum. Ini bukan untuk mengatakan, bagaimanapun, bahwa sarjana
administrasi publik belum mencoba untuk mengembangkan pedoman tersebut.
8

Salah satu upaya walikota diwakili oleh literatur besar pada pertanggungjawaban
administratif, dan yang lainnya adalah pemikiran tentang humanisme organisasi. Kami
meninjau upaya sini.
Ethics Orange
In the box titled "Whoops," features the U chapter, we explain how the Washington
Public Power Supply System (WPPSS), a government corporation and a special district,
was awarded the all-time to create the largest standard {$ 2.25 billion) by the
government in American history and dubious title still stands default by WPPSS followed
several years later by similar large-standards-and the bankruptcy of Orange Count);.
California (like Orange Count);. WPPSS been declared bankrupt), however, Orange
County set a record for the largest bankruptcy ever fled by the city government (which
is what the world of public fnance call all general purpose local governments, including
counties). We review here what happened in Orange County because of the way in
which citizens and Orange County elected ofcial to deal with their fscal woes difer
dramatically in ways that WPPSS ofcials who deal with them most sharply. the
diference lies in their ethical behavior.
The executives and directors of the Washington Public Power Supply System deserves
no reward for standing on a rock-solid ethics, but the main dynamics in the failure of
the aptly named "Whoops" is inability. The inability to clear the cause, too, in Orange
County's bankruptcy (joury transcript shows that many county ofcials could not answer
the most basic questions about the fnances of the city), but the ethical choices made
by its voters, supervisors, and administrators, as we will see, are important factors that
lead to a default in the district, county and questionable management by crisis that
followed.
On December 7, 1994. one day before Pearl Harbor, Orange County, California-where,
with 2.7 million people, is the ffth largest district in the country and one of the richest
men of his "launched," according to Governing magazine, "Self sneak attack on the
town of bond market "by default on the bonds that the city-$ 1740000000 worth-and
declare bankruptcy. given the fact that the entire annual operating budget of Orange
County is a relatively measly $ 473 million, it is quite default.
Orange County has played a very risky investment strategy, and it is a strategy that
leads to default on debt and bankruptcy. Rather than raising taxes (and increasing with
their flirty conservative ire of voters) or reduce services. county to invest in bonds,
interest income from which ($ 1 0 million] will constitute 3 percent of the staggering $
473 million in the county's operating budget in 1995. To put this issue in perspective,
the income derived from the interest amount of bonds around
percent of the total
income of a typical area from its own sources, Orange County, as a result, faced
fnancial free fall.
(A technical note: Like all counties, Orange County handled a lot more money each year
from $ 473 million operating budget lt was also awarded another $ 1.1 billion in funds
transferred to the area by the California and federal funds are allocated by the. . states
and the federal government for certain purposes by the region [such as Medicaid], and
usually can not be used for any other purpose. So, in managing the fscal crisis, the
region could only deal with its own operating budget, which consists of revenue
generated from own resources, especially their own local property and sales taxes and
$ 1 0 million-now gone-interest income.)
Financial ofcer who has developed and managed budgets and investment strategies
are Robert L. Citron, a highly respected regional treasurer, a nationally respected
teacher.

9

etika Orange
Pada kotak berjudul "Whoops," ftur Dalam Bab U, kami menjelaskan bagaimana Publik
Washington Power Supply System (WPPSS), sebuah perusahaan pemerintah dan
sebuah distrik khusus, dianugerahi penghargaan sepanjang masa untuk menciptakan
standar terbesar {$ 2250000000) oleh pemerintah dalam sejarah Amerika dan judul
meragukan masih berdiri default oleh WPPSS diikuti beberapa tahun kemudian oleh
hampir sama besar standar-dan kebangkrutan-of Orange Count);. California (seperti
Orange Count);. WPPSS pernah dinyatakan pailit ) Namun, Orange County mengatur
catatan untuk kebangkrutan terbesar yang pernah diajukan oleh pemerintah kota (yang
adalah apa yang dunia keuangan publik memanggil semua tujuan umum pemerintah
daerah, termasuk kabupaten). Kami meninjau di sini apa yang terjadi di Orange County
karena cara di mana warga negara dan resmi Orange County terpilih untuk menangani
kesengsaraan fskal mereka berbeda secara dramatis dengan cara yang WPPSS pejabat
yang berurusan dengan mereka paling tajam,. perbedaan itu terletak pada perilaku etis
mereka.
Para eksekutif dan direktur dari Sistem Pasokan Daya Washington Publik layak tidak
ada penghargaan untuk berdiri tegak di atas batu-solid etika, tetapi dinamika utama
dalam kegagalan aptly bernama "Whoops" adalah ketidakmampuan. Ketidakmampuan
jelas adalah penyebab, juga, dalam kebangkrutan Orange County ini (transkrip dewan
juri itu menunjukkan bahwa banyak pejabat wilayah tidak bisa menjawab pertanyaanpertanyaan paling dasar tentang keuangan kota), tetapi pilihan etis yang dibuat oleh
pemilih nya, supervisor, dan administrator, seperti yang kita akan melihat, adalah
faktor-faktor penting yang mengarah ke default di kabupaten itu, dan manajemen
dipertanyakan oleh county krisis yang diikuti.
Pada tanggal 6 Desember 1994. satu hari sebelum Hari Pearl Harbor, Orange County,
California-mana, dengan 2,6 juta orang, adalah daerah terbesar kelima di negara ini
dan salah satu terkaya-nya "diluncurkan," menurut majalah Governing, "serangan
sendiri menyelinap terhadap kota pasar obligasi "dengan default pada obligasi yang
kota-1640000000 $ senilai-dan kebangkrutan menyatakan. mengingat fakta bahwa
anggaran operasi seluruh tahunan Orange County adalah sebuah relatif sangat sedikit $
463.000.000, ini adalah cukup default.
Orange County telah memainkan strategi investasi yang sangat berisiko, dan itu adalah
strategi yang mengarah ke default pada utang dan pernyataan pailit. Daripada
menaikkan pajak (dan meningkatkan dengan mereka kemarahan dari pemilih genit
konservatif) atau mengurangi layanan. county berinvestasi dalam obligasi, pendapatan
bunga dari mana (sebesar $ 170 juta] akan merupakan 37 persen mengejutkan dari $
463.000.000 anggaran operasional di kabupaten itu pada tahun 1995. Untuk
menempatkan masalah ini dalam perspektif, pendapatan yang berasal dari bunga
jumlah obligasi sekitar 7 persen dari total pendapatan suatu daerah khas yang berasal
dari sumber-sumber sendiri, Orange County, alhasil, menghadapi jatuh bebas
keuangan.
(Sebuah catatan teknis: Seperti semua kabupaten, Orange County ditangani banyak
lebih banyak uang setiap tahun dari $ 463.000.000 anggaran operasi lt juga diberikan
lagi $ 1,1 miliar pada dana yang ditransfer ke daerah oleh pemerintah California dan
federal Dana tersebut dialokasikan oleh.. pemerintah negara bagian dan federal untuk
keperluan tertentu oleh daerah [seperti Medicaid], dan biasanya tidak dapat digunakan
untuk tujuan lain. Jadi, dalam mengelola krisis fskal, daerah ini bisa hanya berurusan
dengan anggaran operasi sendiri, yang terdiri dari pendapatan tersebut yang
dibangkitkan dari sumber sendiri, terutama properti sendiri daerah dan pajak penjualan
dan $ 170 juta-sekarang hilang-bunga laba.)
of local fnance, and “the unlikeliest of fnancial cowboys.” Citron had been treasurer of
Orange County for twenty-four years before the county defaulted. and had built over
those two dozen years a county investment fund amounting to a staggering $ .4
10

billion. It was the interest generated by this fund that made up such a large proportion
of the county‘s annual budget.
Citron, it was learned after the county went bankrupt, regularly consulted a psychic for
advice on the county’s fnances, and sought the predictions of a mail-order astrologer
on future interest rates. Based at least in part on their psychic and astrological
recommendations, Citron channeled (if that is the word) most of Orange County’s
money into what are known as derivatives.
Derivatives are fnancial contracts, the value of which is derived from the performance
of an underlying asset or market indicator, such as a price level or an interest rate.-A
relatively well known derivative is farm futures, which farmers can buy to protect
themselves from price swings, but, beginning in the 1980s, the stock market had
moved into some new and strange forms of derivatives that many stock and bond
brokers-who were recommending to their clients that they buy them-did not
themselves understand. The brokers' names for some of these new manifestations of
derivatives indicate their exotica: "Wedding Band,” “Knock-Out Option,” and “Mambo
Combo.” »
Citron had invested $7.7 billion in an unusually complicated kind of derivative called
inverse floaters, the value of which would shoot upwards if interest rates fell, which was
what Citron was betting on. Instead, it was interest rates that shot up, and the county‘s
inverse floaters stopped floating and sank-to the tune of a $1.74 billion loss.
Eventually, Citron pled guilty to six felony counts relating to his fnancial
mismanagement, although it was never charged that he personally profted from his
investment practices. In l997, Citron resigned from his position as treasurer, citing his
own dementia as his reason for doing so, and later was sentenced to a year in joail and
fned $100,000.
Also in 1997, the Securities and Exchange Commission (SEC) tiled an unprecedented
civil suit against Citron, his chief deputy, and the Orange County Board of Supervisors,
charging them with defrauding investors. Orange County, in turn, sued its investment
banker and auditor, charging them with fraud.
Six months after fling for bankruptcy. Orange County ofcials tried to get their fnancial
house in order by proposing that the county's voters approve a small increase in the
sales tax, which would have generated some $2 billion to pay of the county‘s creditors.
The electorate voted it down, and its defeat forced those who held notes on the county
to extend nearly a billion dollars in short-term notes for another year: This decision by
the voters to stif their creditors was not a tribute to the voters’ sense of ethics; not
only was the proposed sales tax increase modest (a one-haIf cent raise, amounting to
about a dollar a week for each Orange Countian). but one that was well within the
means of the typical county resident, whose median family income is nearly double that
of the nation as a whole.
As a consequence oi’ the voters' refusal to honor their government’s debts. Orange
County ofcials were forced to make signifcant cuts in their budget-nearly $190
million, amounting to 41 percent of the county's operating budget. These cuts were
sliced largely from the hides of the poor Of the nearly 3,000 county joobs that were
eliminated, a disproportionate number come from social service agencies. The Wall
Street Journal reported that “prenatal care programs have been slashed, abusedwomen clinics have been forced to close and county-run joails no longer have room” for
some prisoners. As one Orange County supervisor candidly admitted, “ It’s been the
disadvantaged, the poor. the incarcerated who have felt what this bankruptcy is about.
They have been the losers, and will continue to be." Recognizing the fact that they
were taking from the poor to give to the rich (in the form of the county’s creditors),
Orange County ofcials. in a spasm of irony, code-named their plan to right their
fnances, "Robin Hood."
11

ln l997, a federal bankruptcy joudge approved Orange County‘s plan to emerge from the
protection provided by Chapter 9 of the U.S. Bankruptcy Code (Chapter 9 pertains
specifcally to governments), and the county issued some $880 million in insured new
bonds to pay its debts. The joudge ruled that the county had been correct to seek
protection under the bankruptcy laws as the most practical way of negotiating with its
creditors. On June 12, 1997, Orange County ofcially emerged from bankruptcy in what
the New York Times described as a “Hollywood ending: Worried bondholders got paid in
full, taxpayers did not have to raise a dime to pay of a $ I .7 billion loss. and the
municipal market, after being burned once by the county, eagerly lent it $800 million
more.”
Orange County’s default and declaration of bankruptcy difered from previous
governmental fscal crises in a number of respects. For one, Orange County did not
merely default on its debts (that is, did not pay them); it also declared bankruptcy
(which is a declaration that it could not pay its debts, at least not for quite a while).
Only a handful of governments have fled for bankruptcy under Chapter 9, and almost
all of them have been special districts, which typically are responsible for providing only
a single service, such as water supply. Orange County, however, is a municipality in the
terminology of public fnance (or a general purpose government), and is by far the
largest municipal government in the United States to fle for bankruptcy. The largest
city or county to have ever tiled for bankruptcy prior to Orange County doing so was
Bridgeport (population l45,000), Connecticut, in 1991, and the courts rejoected
Bridgeport‘s petition for protection under the bankruptcy laws, ruling that Bridgeport
could eventually fnd the money it needed to pay its debts.
By tiling for bankruptcy under Chapter 9, Orange County, in efect, established legal
barriers against having to pay its $1.74 billion in debts to its creditors. Chapter 9
granted Orange County an automatic stay, which meant that those who had invested in
Orange County’s bonds would not get their money hack for a relatively long time.
In t11e world of municipal fnance, this was not a small occurrence. “Things that were
once unthinkable are now being thought of.” stated one bond expert; Orange County‘s
bankruptcy “is a seismic event.” The New York Times opined that “By fling for Chapter
9 bankruptcy … Orange County did what no other city, town, or county . . . had ever
done. It told the holders of its general obligation bonds to get in line with the rest of the
creditors," and Governing magazine noted the county’s unprecedented “jounk yard dog
toughness of’ its dealings with creditors under the shield of bankruptcy protection. The
neat resolution of the crisis, the largest in municipal history, could not hide the fact that
the most important tenet of municipal fnance had been shaken-the once iron-clad
belief that municipalities always pay their debts."
Another dubious distinction was that Orange County defaulted on general obligation (or
GO) bonds, which, from the perspective of the bond market, is a far more serious turn
of events than is defaulting on revenue bonds, as the Washington Public Power Supply
System had done. The general obligation bond, as Governing magazine wrote, “has
been . . . ‘sacred.’ The repayment record on the full faith and credit tax supported bond
is second to none. Governments have always gone to great lengths to protect their GO
bond rating. Now, almost overnight that’s an old fashioned notion.” Orange County’s
unique default on its GO bonds has impeded the ability of all other governments to sell
them, or forced governments to sell general obligation bonds at a much higher price.
“The default on an honest-to-goodness general obligation bond by an economically
robust jourisdiction . . . dealt a harsh blow to the municipal bond market and its sense of
creditworthiness."
A fnal diference was that Orange County's losses were not restricted to Orange
County. At least 215 other local governments-towns, cities, school districts, and other
counties-had pooled their money in the county’s investment pool. (And the total
investment pool managed by Citron was colossal for a county treasurer: $20.7 billion.)
12

In 2000, these governments, including Orange County, collected ninety-fve cons on
their investment dollar, and the county’s bankruptcy was declared ofcially over.
The county still had a debt of $1 billion, but at least steps had been taken to assure
more responsible government in the future, including the reorganization of county
government, the imposition of term limits for elected county supervisors, and the
creation of a regional Council of Governments (which Orange County declined to jooin).
Although the ethical practices of Orange Countians were borderline, other parties
involved in the county-'s fscal fall also displayed a questionable level of propriety.
One of these parties was the State of California. Although the state helped the county
in limited ways (such as accelerating a number of its scheduled payments to the county
and allowing the county to divert some of its earmarked payments to repay bond
holders), by and large, California took a hike. Unlike any other default by a local
government over the past half century, in the default of Orange County, the state
government did not step in to clean it up, as state governments have done in the cases
of the fscal overloads in New York City, Cleveland, Philadelphia, Bridgeport, and
Chelsea, Massachusetts. Such a disinclination by the state to help out one of its own
fscally stressed local governments had not occurred since Detroit defaulted during the
Depression of the 19305, and Michigan was nowhere to be seen.
Observers attributed Ca1ifomia’s reluctance to get involved in Orange County to its
own pathetic fnancial straits [California had been reduced to paying its employees with
scrip in 1992) and a fractions level of state politics, rendering legislative agreements on
how to help Orange County very difcult to achieve. Even so, California set a less-thanbrave benchmark with its decision. And, one could argue, it was even a scurrilous
decision in light of the fact that California has more permissive regulations concerning
investments by its local governments than do most states, thus according its local
governments more opportunity to do dumb things. (Research indicates, incidentally,
that states under greater fscal pressure and with few tax options, as California
exemplifed, “allow greater levels of risk in the investment of their fnancial resources"
[Borick, p. l90].)
In addition, however, California imposes far more restrictions than is the norm on its
local governments’ freedom to raise their own taxes, largely as a consequence of the
passage in 19 8 by Calfornia‘s voters of the state’s infamous Proposition 13. In fact, an
analysis by the U.S. Advisory Commission on Intergovernmental Relations rated
California‘s tax and expenditure limits on its local governments as one of the four “most
restrictive” in the nation. Finally, California saddles its local governments with an
unusually large number of unfunded mandates (again, relative to other states), forcing
them to both implement often unwanted state programs and pay for them. So, at one
and the same time, California’s state government both enhanced the possibility of
default by its local governments. and promptly skedaddled when one of them
defauIted.
A second party that engaged in its own brand of seaminess was the municipal bond
market. One well-regarded British publication has stated that the United States' $l.5
trillion (a sum surpassed only by the annual expenditures of the U.S. government)
“municipal bond market is more rife with corruption than even its fercest critics have
claimed," and a whistle-blowing former investment banker has said that the municipal
bond industry “has a simple goal: legalized theft ..., The bad apples have taken over
the barrel. The industry needs majoor reform, not tinkering."
Clearly, Orange County’s lawyers believed this to be so. In addition to lawsuits that the
county had fled earlier against its investment banker and auditor, Orange County-joust
one day before it ofcially emerged from its bankruptcy-fled a sweeping spate of suits
against its former brokerage houses, law frm, and bond rating agency alleging
improper activities that contributed lo the county’s fnancial